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Colloquium Paper January 12, 1984 STALINISM VERSUS
Colloquium Paper January 12, 1984 STALINISM VERSUS BOLSHEVISM? A Reconsideration by Robert C. Tucker Princeton University with comment by Peter Reddaway London School of Economics and Political Science Fellows Kennan Institute for Advanced Russian Studies Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars Draft paper not for publication or quotation without written permission from the authors. STALINISM VERSUS BOLSHEVISM? A Reconsideration Although not of ten openly debated~ the issue I propose to address is probably the deepest and most divisive in Soviet studies. There is good ground for Stephen Cohen's characterization of it as a "quintessential his torical and interpretive question"! because it transcends most of the others and has to do with the whole of Russia's historical development since the Bolshevik Revolution. He formulates it as the question of the relationship "between Bolshevism and Stalinism.'' Since the very existence of something properly called Stalinism is at issue here, I prefer a somewhat different mode of formulation. There are two (and curiously, only two) basically opposed positions on the course of development that Soviet Russia took starting around 1929 when Stalin, having ousted his opponents on the Left and the Right, achieved primacy, although not yet autocratic primacy, within the Soviet regime. The first position, Which may be seen as the orthodox one, sees that course of development as the fulfillment, under new conditions, of Lenin's Bolshevism. All the main actions taken by the Soviet regime under Stalin's leadership were, in other words, the fulfillment of what had been prefigured in Leninism (as Lenin's Bolshevism came to be called after Lenin died). -
Introduction
Introduction Entangled Far Rights A Russian-European Intellectual Romance in the Twentieth Century Marlene Laruelle ince the early 2010s and more visibly since the Ukrainian crisis in 2014, Russia’s support for the European Far Right—and for conservative and S populist leaders more globally—has become a cornerstone of the West’s perception of Moscow as a “spoiler” on the international scene. Russia is now perceived as a danger to “established democracies”: its support for far- right politics is interpreted as part of a broader strategy that also includes supposed meddling in elections and referendums—the 2016 U.S. presiden- tial elections, Brexit, and the Catalonia referendum, among others. Many observers expected that Russia, if it chose to intervene on the European political scene, would reactivate Soviet soft power toward the European Left. The fact that Russia’s most fervent supporters are now to be found on the right of the ideological spectrum therefore came as a surprise. Two key points explain the present reality. The first is that the Europe- an Left has undergone dramatic changes since the fall of the Berlin Wall and the collapse of the Soviet Union. Although the European Left’s stance on international affairs may share some ideological features with Russia’s position—such as being anti-NATO, cautious toward transatlantic insti- tutions, and reluctant to see a too neoliberal European Union gain more power over nation-states—both are deeply divided on societal issues. Both the “old” Left, which maintains a certain proximity to communism, and the “new” Left, as it has emerged in Greece, Spain, and among many an- 1 © 2018 University of Pittsburgh Press. -
Blanqui’S Note Nov
Biliana Kassabova History of Political Thought Workshop December 4, 2017 Blanqui’s note Nov. 23, 1848 Blanqui between Myth and Archives: Revolution, Dictatorship, and Education This piece, very much a work in progress, aims to make sense of the revolutionary ideas and actions of Louis-Auguste Blanqui. It complicates our ideas of political thought regarding revolution in the nineteenth century, by arguing that the binary of centralized versus popular revolution needs to be revised. It is part of a larger project on concepts of revolutionary leadership in France from the French Revolution of 1789 until the Paris Commune of 1871. Within this historical trajectory, Blanqui is an interpreter of 18th century ideas into 19th century contexts, a political thinker and actor who plays a key role in the various reformulations of the revolutionary tradition. 1848 does not enjoy a stellar reputation among historians of France. The revolution of February that year saw the overthrow of the last king of France, followed by the establishment of a new French republic. This republic, however, lasted for only three years, brought little and short-lived social change, remained rather conservative, though was also laden with bitter parliamentary strife, and ended through a coup d’état that inaugurated a new authoritarian régime, a Second Empire with Napoleon III at its head. To add insult to injury, even the attempts at establishing a viable parliamentary republican system were famously seen by political observers and participants from 2 almost all parts of the political spectrum as derivative, incompetent, and worse yet – laughable. “There have been more mischievous revolutionaries than those of 1848, but I doubt if there have been any stupider,”1 quipped Alexis de Tocqueville in his posthumously published Recollections. -
The Kpd and the Nsdap: a Sttjdy of the Relationship Between Political Extremes in Weimar Germany, 1923-1933 by Davis William
THE KPD AND THE NSDAP: A STTJDY OF THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN POLITICAL EXTREMES IN WEIMAR GERMANY, 1923-1933 BY DAVIS WILLIAM DAYCOCK A thesis submitted for the degree of Ph.D. The London School of Economics and Political Science, University of London 1980 1 ABSTRACT The German Communist Party's response to the rise of the Nazis was conditioned by its complicated political environment which included the influence of Soviet foreign policy requirements, the party's Marxist-Leninist outlook, its organizational structure and the democratic society of Weimar. Relying on the Communist press and theoretical journals, documentary collections drawn from several German archives, as well as interview material, and Nazi, Communist opposition and Social Democratic sources, this study traces the development of the KPD's tactical orientation towards the Nazis for the period 1923-1933. In so doing it complements the existing literature both by its extension of the chronological scope of enquiry and by its attention to the tactical requirements of the relationship as viewed from the perspective of the KPD. It concludes that for the whole of the period, KPD tactics were ambiguous and reflected the tensions between the various competing factors which shaped the party's policies. 3 TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE abbreviations 4 INTRODUCTION 7 CHAPTER I THE CONSTRAINTS ON CONFLICT 24 CHAPTER II 1923: THE FORMATIVE YEAR 67 CHAPTER III VARIATIONS ON THE SCHLAGETER THEME: THE CONTINUITIES IN COMMUNIST POLICY 1924-1928 124 CHAPTER IV COMMUNIST TACTICS AND THE NAZI ADVANCE, 1928-1932: THE RESPONSE TO NEW THREATS 166 CHAPTER V COMMUNIST TACTICS, 1928-1932: THE RESPONSE TO NEW OPPORTUNITIES 223 CHAPTER VI FLUCTUATIONS IN COMMUNIST TACTICS DURING 1932: DOUBTS IN THE ELEVENTH HOUR 273 CONCLUSIONS 307 APPENDIX I VOTING ALIGNMENTS IN THE REICHSTAG 1924-1932 333 APPENDIX II INTERVIEWS 335 BIBLIOGRAPHY 341 4 ABBREVIATIONS 1. -
Os Guinness Essay: 1776 V. 1789
1776 vs 1789 A tale of two revolutions and America’s present crisis OS GUINNESS “A house divided against itself cannot stand” 1776 vs 1789 A tale of two revolutions and America’s present crisis OS GUINNESS “A house divided against itself cannot stand” Author Dr. Os Guinness, an Anglo-Irishman, is a graduate of Oxford Uni- versity and an author and social critic. He lives in McLean, Virginia with his wife Jenny, to whom this essay owes as much as to the author himself. It expresses the theme of his forthcoming book, The Magna Carta for Humanity: The revolutionary faith of Sinai and the future of freedom, to be published by InterVarsity Press in 2021. © 2020 by Os Guinness. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. “It is yet to be decided whether the Revolution must ultimately be considered a blessing or a curse: a blessing or a curse not to the present age alone, for with our fate will the Destiny of unborn millions be involved.” — George Washington “Circular to the States” 1783 “[We should not comfort ourselves] on the supposition that the barbarians are still far from us, for there are people who allow the light to be snatched from their hands, and there are other people who stifle it under their own feet.” — Alexis de Tocqueville Democracy in America 1833 “The Western world has arrived at a decisive moment. Over the next few years, it will gamble the existence of the civilization that created it. I think that it is not aware of it. -
National Bolshevism
TOTALLY LEFT. TOTALLY RIGHT. NATIONAL BOLSHEVISM Its Essence, Roots and Contemporary Relevance Peter Wilberg 2011 A publication of the National People’s Party in the U.K. Contents Introduction....................................................................................................................... 1 On the term ‘National Bolshevism’ ................................................................................... 4 ‘Social Revolutionary Nationalism’ versus ‘National Socialism’ ....................................... 4 National Bolshevism, National Socialism and ‘Strasserism’ ............................................. 6 ‘Naz-Bol’ versus ‘Nat-Bol’................................................................................................. 8 A New Spiritual and Philosophical Foundation for National Bolshevism ........................ 9 The Awareness Principle ................................................................................................. 11 Eurasianism..................................................................................................................... 13 Introduction This essay aims to provide a new political-economic focus and a new spiritual-philosophical foundation by which to redefine National Bolshevism – as Social Nationalism, National Marxism and National Communist - anti-capitalist, anti-fascist, anti-racist, anti-Zionist – and above all directed against the domination of all nations by the international banking and monetary system and its political puppets. The National Bolshevism -
NATIONAL BOLSHEVISM in WEIMAR GERMANY Allianceof Political Extremes Against Democracy
NATIONAL BOLSHEVISM IN WEIMAR GERMANY Allianceof Political Extremes Against Democracy BY ABRAHAM ASCHER AND GUENTER LEWY JLhe sharewhich both the nationalist right and theCommunist lefthad in bringingabout the downfallof Weimardemocracy hasbeen generally recognized by students of German history. But the equallycommon view thatthese forces of extremisminde- pendentlycarried on theiragitation against the Republicneeds revision.While these movements seemingly represented the two poles of the politicalspectrum, in actualitythey had consider- able attractionfor each other. As a matterof fact,at certain crucialmoments during the 1920sthis attraction culminated in seriousattempts to achievea workingalliance and an ideological synthesis.This startlingrapprochement between right and left, knownin Germanyas NationalBolshevism, was facilitatedby thefriendly relations between democratic Germany and Commu- nistRussia after World War I. SinceNational Bolshevism had adherentsamong both extremes of the Germanpolitical scene, it neverreally emerged as one welldefined doctrine with the same meaning for all itsadvocates. It alwaysremained a seriesof nebulousgeneralities to which each side gave its own interpretation,designed to serveits par- ticularinterests. The Communistsresorted to National Bol- shevismin orderto exploitthe nationalisticsentiment so wide- spreadin Germany;nationalists espoused it to enlistthe socialist massesfor their program of liberationfrom Versailles and impe- rialistexpansion. The commonground was their conviction that each stoodto -
Morphing Marxism, Still a Bad Idea: Critical Theory and Christian Discernment
1 Douglas Groothuis, Ph.D., Professor of Philosophy, Denver Seminary DouglasGroothuis.com Morphing Marxism, Still a Bad Idea: Critical Theory and Christian Discernment See to it that no one takes you captive through hollow and deceptive philosophy, which depends on human tradition and the elemental spiritual forces of this world rather than on Christ (Colossians 2:8). I. Social Crisis, Christianity, and Critical Theory A. Fire in the streets and fire in the minds BLM leader, Hawk Newsome, “If this country doesn't give us what we want, then we will burn down this system and replace it.” B. The question of “social justice” and the Christian II. The Christian Worldview and Society A. Take every thought captive to obey Christ (2 Corinthians 10:3-5 Romans 12:1-2) B. Basic worldview 1. Creation (Genesis 1-2; John 1:1-2) 2. Fall (Genesis 3, Romans 3) 3. Redemption (Romans 1-8) 2 4. Consummation (Revelation 21-22) C. Specific matters 1. The State, civil government (Romans 13:1-7) a. Assumes a fallen world of trade offs b. It is essentially a restraining force, not an engine of total social change or regeneration (utopianism) c. Can go very wrong and become an idol: statism (Ezekiel 28:1-10; Revelation 13) 2. Race (Genesis 1:26-28; Galatians 3:26-28; Revelation 7:9) From one man he made all the nations, that they should inhabit the whole earth; and he marked out their appointed times in history and the boundaries of their lands (Acts 17:26). 3. Sexual identity and ethics (Genesis 1-2; Matthew 19:1-6; Romans 1:18-32): God-given gender, moral framework 4. -
Crisis in Russian Studies? Nationalism (Imperialism), Racism and War
Crisis in Russian Studies? Nationalism (Imperialism), Racism and War TARAS KUZIO This e-book is provided without charge via free download by E-International Relations (www.E-IR.info). It is not permitted to be sold in electronic format under any circumstances. If you enjoy our free e-books, please consider leaving a small donation to allow us to continue investing in open access publications: http://www.e-ir.info/about/donate/ i Crisis in Russian Studies? Nationalism (Imperialism), Racism and War TARAS KUZIO ii E-International Relations www.E-IR.info Bristol, England 2020 ISBN 978-1-910814-55-0 This book is published under a Creative Commons CC BY-NC 4.0 license. You are free to: • Share — copy and redistribute the material in any medium or format • Adapt — remix, transform, and build upon the material Under the following terms: • Attribution — You must give appropriate credit, provide a link to the license, and indicate if changes were made. You may do so in any reasonable manner, but not in any way that suggests the licensor endorses you or your use. • NonCommercial — You may not use the material for commercial purposes. Any of the above conditions can be waived if you get permission. Please contact [email protected] for any such enquiries, including for licensing and translation requests. Other than the terms noted above, there are no restrictions placed on the use and dissemination of this book for student learning materials/scholarly use. Production: Michael Tang Cover Image: Triff/Shutterstock A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. -
Karl Marx: Communist As Religious Eschatologist
Karl Marx: Communist as Religious Eschatologist Murray N. Rothbard* Marx as Millennia1 Communist he key to the intricate and massive system of thought created by Karl Marx is at bottom a simple one: Karl Marx was a Tcommunist. A seemingly trite and banal statement set along- side Marxism's myriad of jargon-ridden concepts in philosophy, eco- nomics, and culture, yet Marx's devotion to communism was his crucial focus, far more central than the class struggle, the dialectic, the theory of surplus value, and all the rest. Communism was the great goal, the vision, the desideratum, the ultimate end that would make the sufferings of mankind throughout history worthwhile. History is the history of suffering, of class struggle, of the exploitation of man by man. In the same way as the return of the Messiah, in Christian theology, will put an end to history and establish a new heaven and a new earth, so the establishment of communism would put an end to human history. And just as for post-millennia1 Chris- tians, man, led by God's prophets and saints, will establish a Kingdom of God on Earth (for pre-millennials, Jesus will have many human assistants in setting up such a kingdom), so, for Marx and other schools of communists, mankind, led by a vanguard of secular saints, will establish a secularized Kingdom of Heaven on earth. In messianic religious movements, the millennium is invariably established by a mighty, violent upheaval, an Armageddon, a great apocalyptic war between good and evil. After this titanic conflict, a millennium, a new age, of peace and harmony, of the reign of justice, will be installed upon the earth. -
Nation, Ethnicity and Race on Russian Television
Nation, Ethnicity and Race on Russian Television Russia, one of the most ethno-culturally diverse countries in the world, provides a rich case study on how globalization and associated international trends are disrupting and causing the radical rethinking of approaches to inter-ethnic cohe- sion. The book highlights the importance of television broadcasting in shaping national discourse and the place of ethno-cultural diversity within it. It argues that television’s role here has been reinforced, rather than diminished, by the rise of new media technologies. Through an analysis of a wide range of news and other television programmes, the book shows how the covert meanings of discourse on a particular issue can diverge from the overt significance attributed to it, just as the impact of that dis- course may not conform with the original aims of the broadcasters. The book discusses the tension between the imperative to maintain security through cen- tralized government and overall national cohesion that Russia shares with other European states, and the need to remain sensitive to, and to accommodate, the needs and perspectives of ethnic minorities and labour migrants. It compares the increasingly isolationist popular ethno-nationalism in Russia, which harks back to ‘old-fashioned’ values, with the similar rise of the Tea Party in the United States and the UK Independence Party in Britain. Throughout, this extremely rich, well-argued book complicates and challenges received wisdom on Russia’s recent descent into authoritarianism. It points to a regime struggling to negotiate the dilemmas it faces, given its Soviet legacy of ethnic particularism, weak civil society, large native Muslim population and over- bearing, yet far from entirely effective, state control of the media. -
Contextualizing the Recent Decline of Extremely Right-Wing Parties in Russia
Toward an Uncivil Society? Contextualizing the Recent Decline of Extremely Right-Wing Parties in Russia By Andreas Umland Paper No. 02-03 May 2002 Andreas Umland is a 2001-2002 Postdoctoral Fellow at the Weatherhead Center for International Affairs, and Research Associate at the Davis Center for Russian Studies at Harvard University. A grant from the Fritz Thyssen Foundation, Cologne, Germany, made this research possible. The author expresses his gratitude to Roger D. Griffin, Michael Minkenberg, Michael Hagemeister, Robert L. Paarlberg and, especially, Robert C. Otto for their comments on sections of this paper. Mistakes are, however, the sole responsibility of the author. A revised version of this paper is forthcoming in a 2002 special edition of the Washington, DC-journal Demokratizatsiya on civil society in Russia edited by Michael McFaul. Contact: Andreas Umland, Rosenweg 1, D-07751 Jena-Isserstedt, Germany. [email protected]. Published by the Weatherhead Center for International Affairs, Harvard University. Copyright by the author. The author bears sole responsibility for this paper. The views expressed here are those of the author and do not necessarily represent the views of the WCFIA or Harvard University. Publications Chair, Weatherhead Center for International Affairs Robert Paarlberg Publications Manager, Weatherhead Center for International Affairs Amanda Pearson Submission procedures: Weatherhead Center affiliates are encouraged to submit papers to the Working Paper Series. Manuscripts are assessed on the basis of their scholarly qualities —the extent of original research, the rigor of the analysis, the significance of the conclusions—as well as their relevance to contemporary issues in international affairs. Manuscripts should range between 25 and 80 double-spaced pages and must include an abstract of no more than 150 words.