Introduction from Sergey Lavrov, Minister for Foreign Affairs of The

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Introduction from Sergey Lavrov, Minister for Foreign Affairs of The RUSSIA he forthcoming visit of British for the benefit of the two countries and that Prime Minister David Cameron of the rest of the world. to Moscow this autumn is a The Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the good opportunity to review Foreign Office are following the guidelines theT current state of our political dialogue set by the two leaders. The dialogue aimed and areas of practical cooperation. We at achieving common goals is held at value multidimensional interaction between various levels. We have exchanged quite Russia and Great Britain in the UN Security productive visits with Secretary Hague, and Council, G8, G20 and other multilateral our respective departments and experts have fora. This interaction is indispensable for developed useful working contacts. international stability, including Euro- An important component of our bilateral Atlantic region where the need for an open relationship is the interparliamentary cooperative architecture of indivisible dialogue which became livelier. The Russian security without dividing lines becomes more Federal Assembly and the British Parliament and more obvious. are in touch with each other on a range of Within the context of an evolving, issues in different formats. Apart from the multipolar, more democratic and fair world interaction in the multilateral bodies, such as system, based on the rule of international law, Parliamentary Assemblies of the Council of Introduction from we cannot afford to be guided by politicised Europe and OSCE, there are regular bilateral and stereotyped approaches inherited from a meetings, including between the relevant Sergey Lavrov, different era. parliamentary committees. The Chairman of Minister for Foreign The visit of Prime Minister Cameron the upper Chamber of the Russian parliament comes at an opportune time. More and more visited Great Britain last March, and further Affairs of the people, including politicians, understand parliamentary exchanges between London that ideological obsessions must give way and Moscow are being planned. Russian Federation to pragmatism and the search for balance of The cooperation between various interests, both internationally and in bilateral departments of the two governments relations of states, in spite of the fact that further enriches the fabric of the bilateral governments might differ on certain matters. agenda. The Ministries of Education work Key national interests of Russia and Britain hard on an intergovernmental agreement are not contradictory. This is why we believe on adoption. The Federal Drug Control that the Moscow summit will provide further Service of Russia and the Britain’s SOCA impetus to the mutual efforts to take our have conducted several joint operations relationship to a new level. against drug trafficking. The interaction This expectation is based on the results we between Ministries of Justice is also evolving managed to achieve lately in restoring the in a constructive fashion. Those are just a atmosphere of mutual trust and respect. few examples. We are witnessing a dynamic development Most importantly, our relations have a firm of political dialogue based upon willingness and solid economic foundation. In fact, trade to listen to and hear each other that underlie and economic cooperation between Russia the relations between President Medvedev and the UK has been progressing over many and Prime Minister Cameron. During their years irrespective of political currents and meetings in the margins of G8 and G20 differences in some other areas. Our bilateral Summits in Canada, Republic of Korea and trade in the first half of the year more than France they could understand each other doubled and almost caught up with the level perfectly well and agreed to work together preceding the global recession. The UK is 6 to strengthen the Russo-British relationship also one our top investment partners. FIRST Prime Minister Cameron will bring with that deserve special attention and support. him to Moscow an impressive group of Britain’s Those are energy and energy efficiency, The key national business leaders. Many of them already have financial services, including plans for the entered the Russian market or intend to do so Moscow Financial Centre, high-tech and interests of to take advantage of its huge demand, as well as nanotechnologies, small and medium human and natural resources. businesses, overall business environment Russia and There are plenty of opportunities. Russia and Olympic legacy. is working hard on diversifying its economy, When speaking about our ties, I cannot Britain are not introducing innovative approaches to growth help mentioning that Russian culture is based on modernisation and high-tech popular in Britain and the same can be said contradictory industries, and creating better conditions about British literature, drama, music and for mutually beneficial investments. Our film in Russia. We hope that a series of priorities are very much like those of high profile cultural events planned for the Britain as regards meeting the challenges coming year would meet keen interest of Foreign Secretary William of the current difficult situation on the the sophisticated British public and foster Hague meeting Russian global markets. The two governments have mutual understanding between our peoples Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov identified six areas of bilateral cooperation and nations. F in London, 15 February 2011 Photo: FCO Photo: 7 FIRST .
Recommended publications
  • GOODBYE, KOCHANIE! Krakow Declined
    FREE October 2008 Edition 48 krakow POST ISSN 1898-4762 www.krakowpost.com Krakow Sorry CNN, Engineer from Krakow firm kidnapped in Pakistan Krakow’s Broke >> page 4 Krakow can’t afford CNN ad Poland space More reports surface on CIA John Walczak prisons in Poland >> page 6 The city’s miserly promotional budget for this year, coupled with Feature reckless spending, have left Kra- kow broke. Krakow is the only large A guide to absentee voting Polish city that will not be advertis- in upcoming elections ing itself on CNN International to >> page 10, 11 140 million viewers. In an article in the Polish daily Property Gazeta Wyborcza, it has been re- vealed that Krakow’s authorities Where and how resigned from a gigantic advertis- to buy ing campaign for a bargain price on >> page 13 CNN International. Krakow was to show itself in several hundred ad- Sport vertising spots on the international news channel for 900 thousand Wis a cling on for Second złotys. According to CNN employ- ł ees an identical campaign on a TV Coming station with fewer viewers would >> page 14 normally cost more. Culture The weak dollar and the positive Above: The future Krakow Congress Centre, designed by Krzysztof Ingarden, is the largest edifice to approach of CNN bosses to Poland be commissioned for the city since the 1930s. See page 15 for more buildings on Krakow’s horizon. Discover Polish architecture led to budget prices being offered >> page 15 for the campaign, which has the potential of reaching 140 million viewers worldwide. CNN offered several hundred prime-time ad slots to the authorities of Krakow, life , Gda sk and Warsaw - only City Łódź ń GOODBYE, KOCHANIE! Krakow declined.
    [Show full text]
  • Russia and the EU in a Multipolar World: Invoking the Global in Russian Terms
    Russia and the EU in a Multipolar World: Invoking the Global in Russian Terms Aziz Elmuradov Introduction Over the past decade, Russia’s relations with the European Union have evolved from competition to conflict. With the Ukraine crisis as a culmination point, many scholars explain the conflictual stand-off as a result of a long-term cri- sis rooted in the internal structure of EU–Russia interaction (Casier 2016; Chaban et al. 2017; Haukkala 2015). While such a perspective contributes to a better understanding of the conflict, there is more to the confrontational dynamics between the two sides. World politics can be traced back not only to the pursuit of national interests, but also to differing ways of envision- ing the world. To a considerable extent, the current conflict with Russia is a conflict of worldviews. In line with the theme of this volume, the following chapter takes this epistemic dimension of world politics seriously. The world and the global are not fixed realms but are constituted in the practices ofcon- crete actors who create their discursive horizons of the world and the global through symbolic representations, narratives and models. This chapter, there- fore, focuses on practices of worldmaking inherent in Russian foreign policy discourse. Retracing popular modes of mapping the world from the Russian perspective, I will show how a multipolar worldview informs the relationship between Russia and the Western world. Russian foreign policy discourse is greatly affected by major trends and trajectories under way in world politics. Russia finds itself in an increasingly dynamic global environment. The world is more volatile and uncertain to- day than at any time since the fall of the Berlin Wall.
    [Show full text]
  • Medvedev's Alternative European Security Architecture
    Medvedev’s alternative European security architecture Marcel de Haas1 Within a month after becoming President, Dmitry Medvedev took the initiative of pleading for a new European security architecture, replacing the existing one which, allegedly, had proved to be unable to deal with the security challenges after the end of the Cold War. Subsequently, his initial statement became a consistent topic of Medvedev’s external security policy. Launch of the proposal in Berlin In a speech in Berlin on 5 June 2008, Medvedev assessed that Europe’s security architecture still bore the stamp of an ideology inherited from the past.2 Consequently, he called on European countries to start working out an all- European security pact. As to the OSCE, the Russian President hinted that this organization could embody European civilization’s newfound unity, but that it was prevented from becoming a full-fledged general regional organization. Not just because of the organization’s own incomplete institutional development but also by obstruction by other groups that intended to continue the old line of bloc politics. He furthermore explained that existing organizations in the Euro-Atlantic space could also become signatory parties to the pact, though not to the would-be pan-European organization. Not only the OSCE, but according to Medvedev, NATO had also disqualified itself as the true European security actor, trying to find the purpose of its existence by globalizing its missions, to the detriment of the UN’s prerogatives, and by bringing in new members. Furthermore, he rejected the transatlantic basis of the alliance. Although he mentioned North America as one of the three branches — together with Russia and the EU — of European civilization, he continued that Atlanticism was a single basis for security which had exhausted itself and that the concept of a single Euro-Atlantic space from Vancouver to Vladivostok in stead should be the centre of European security policy.
    [Show full text]
  • Tweets and Russian Diplomacy Pdf 0.4 MB
    Valdai Papers # 114 Tweets vs. the Offi cialese: How the Language of Russian Diplomacy Is Changing amid the Global Transition Roman Reinhardt valdaiclub.com #valdaiclub June 2020 About the Authors Roman Reinhardt PhD in Economics, Associate Professor at the Department for Diplomatic Studies, Moscow State Institute of International Relations of the Russian Foreign Ministry (MGIMO University) This publication and other papers are available on http://valdaiclub.com/a/valdai-papers/ The views and opinions expressed in this paper are those of the authors and do not represent the views of the Valdai Discussion Club, unless explicitly stated otherwise. © The Foundation for Development and Support of the Valdai Discussion Club, 2020 42 Bolshaya Tatarskaya st., Moscow, 115184, Russia Tweets vs. the Offi cialese: How the Language of Russian Diplomacy Is Changing amid the Global Transition 3 Diplomacy is in the throes of a qualitative transformation that affects all its dimensions, with new forms of international cooperation emerging, global political processes accelerating, and contacts with foreign partners and contractors expanding. The change is also infl uencing foreign policy narrative and the language of diplomacy, Russian diplomacy included. In this connection, it is of interest to conceptualize the latest tendencies that determine its further progress. Top-Level Conversations The fi rst thing of note is a higher level of international and interstate contacts. Critical decisions in the area of global politics or economics are increasingly often taken by national leaders at their meetings, rather than in the wake of protracted talks between foreign ministry delegations. Summits consistently supplant conferences, meetings and all other classical forms of diplomatic intercourse.
    [Show full text]
  • Yevgeny Primakov's Operational Code and Russian Foreign Policy
    University of Tampere Faculty of Management Politics/International Relations YEVGENY PRIMAKOV’S OPERATIONAL CODE AND RUSSIAN FOREIGN POLICY Pihla Bernier Master’s Thesis in International Relations Advisor: Tuomas Forsberg ABSTRACT University of Tampere Faculty of Management BERNIER, PIHLA: Yevgeny Primakov’s Operational Code and Russian Foreign Policy Master’s Thesis, 82 pages International Relations August 2018 Keywords: Yevgeny Primakov, Operational Code, Russian Foreign Policy, Russia, Primakov Doctrine Yevgeny Primakov was an important figure in both Soviet and Russian foreign policy circles throughout his lifetime until 2015. He was a critical leader in the 1990s holding positions of both Minister of Foreign Affairs and Prime Minister, which also coincided with times when Russia was charting a new foreign policy course. He reinvented a foreign policy school of thought called Statism which has been the most influential with Russian leaders for many years and continues to be so today. Current research has not adequately addressed his importance. This thesis set out to investigate his beliefs and worldview utilizing the operational code method using Alexander George’s ten question model. Research was conducted based on Primakov’s own writings, speeches and interviews. Yevgeny Primakov has been called both a westernizing leader and a hard-liner, but it was found both of these labels are incorrect. Rather, he should be viewed as a patriotic pragmatist. His actions were motivated by advancing Russian interests of which one of the greatest was restoring Russia as a major player in international relations again. His attitude towards the United States was complex, viewing them as a rival, yet not as an enemy.
    [Show full text]
  • Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov's Interview with the RBC Media
    EMBASSY OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION IN THE REPUBLIC OF SINGAPORE 51 Nassim Road, Singapore 258439 Tel: (65) 6235 1832; (65) 6235 1834; Fax: (65) 6733 4780 [email protected]; [email protected] www.singapore.mid.ru PRESS-RELEASE Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov’s interview with the RBC media holding on current international issues (Moscow, May 15, 2020) Question: The coronavirus pandemic has already closed many countries. Do you think the world will be again as open and mobile as it was before the pandemic? Sergey Lavrov: Many discussions are being held on this issue today. Indeed, many COVID-19 response measures are being taken at random because nobody knows for sure how to effectively counter this infection. Decisions are made in response to immediate epidemiological challenges. These measures are seriously restricting the usual life of states, societies, every individual and every family. We couldn’t even imagine that we would need a special pass to leave our homes, our flats. But experts are assuring us that these measures are helping curb the spread of the pandemic. Many countries have shut entry and exit. We have also taken such decisions. Exceptions are made for Russian citizens and their families who happened to be abroad and want to return home, foreign diplomats and those who provide cargo shipments by ground, air, railway and vehicle transport. But foreign travel is banned for the majority of people. This is not just our idea. The majority of states are doing the same. Now these restrictions will be gradually lifted depending on the developments in various countries.
    [Show full text]
  • New Security Architecture’ in Europe: a Critical Examination of the Concept
    Russia and its ‘New Security Architecture’ in Europe: A Critical Examination of the Concept CEPS Working Document No. 310/February 2009 Andrey S. Makarychev Abstract The paper first summarises Russia’s present critique of the international security architecture and its aspiration to build something new and better. The author then presents a matrix of four models of international society as a framework within which to try and discern what Russia may be seeking. While it is clear that Russia objects to one of these models, that of a unipolar US-led world, its current foreign policy discourse and actions offer no clear guidance as to what its aims are in this regard, as there are confusions and contradictions in the different elements of official Russian discourse. CEPS Working Documents are intended to give an indication of work being conducted within CEPS research programmes and to stimulate reactions from other experts in the field. Unless otherwise indicated, the views expressed are attributable only to the author in a personal capacity and not to any institution with which he is associated. ISBN 978-92-9079-852-1 Available for free downloading from the CEPS website (http://www.ceps.eu) © Centre for European Policy Studies, 2009 Contents Russia’s critique of the existing security architecture and the search for a new one .................... 1 Four models of international society............................................................................................. 4 Russia and the four models ........................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Paul De La Morinerie MGIMO's French Connection He Relationship Between France and Russia Has “Tsomething Unique
    #2/2018 The Trianon Dialogue in Versailles Aleksandar Vučić “Serbia is a genuine friend of the Russian people” MGIMO – Patrick Sciences Po Pouyanné 25 years “We need a renaissance of Excellence of courage in our leaders” Paul de La Morinerie MGIMO's French connection he relationship between France and Russia has “Tsomething unique. It arises from the attraction and mutual recognition of two peoples enamored of absolute, beauty and truth” Jacques Chirac CONTENTS A number of anniversaries 34 26 were celebrated at MGIMO: School of International Relations has turned 75, School of International Economy – 60, Journalism School – 50 101 12 MGIMO’s exchange agreement with Sciences Po 128 and Business School of Konstantin Palace is the state residence of Nancy opened doors for the Russian President just outside St. international students to 210 Petersburg. It is often referred to as Russia and France ‘Russian Versailles’. And it is no coincidence that V. Putin chose this venue for negotiations with his French counterpart 206 Anton Tokovinin (left) is in charge of MGIMO’s Proxenos Chorus. In 1948, a most high-profile Boris Belozerov is a member of diplomatic scandal took place two clubs – of the popular Russian between USSR and USA, which TV game show “What? Where? resulted in the consulates being When?” and of “World Energy 202 closed down 52 Policy” club START History and Modernity of the State Early in 2020, the current MGIMO VIP SERBIA Dialogue, which has emerged from a of Israel. The Ambassador of Israel Development Strategy will expire, meeting
    [Show full text]
  • Russia's Foreign Policy: the Internal
    RUSSIA’S FOREIGN POLICY FOREIGN RUSSIA’S XXXXXXXX Andemus, cont? Giliis. Fertus por aciendam ponclem is at ISPI. omantem atuidic estius, nos modiertimiu consulabus RUSSIA’S FOREIGN POLICY: vivissulin voctum lissede fenducient. Andius isupio uratient. THE INTERNAL- Founded in 1934, ISPI is Actu sis me inatquam te te te, consulvit rei firiam atque a an independent think tank committed to the study of catis. Benterri er prarivitea nit; ipiesse stiliis aucto esceps, INTERNATIONAL LINK international political and Catuit depse huiumum peris, et esupimur, omnerobus economic dynamics. coneque nocuperem moves es vesimus. edited by Aldo Ferrari and Eleonora Tafuro Ambrosetti It is the only Italian Institute Iter ponsultorem, ursultorei contern ultortum di sid C. Marbi introduction by Paolo Magri – and one of the very few in silictemqui publint, Ti. Teatquit, videst auderfe ndiissendam Europe – to combine research Romnesidem simaximium intimus, ut et; eto te adhui activities with a significant publius conlostam sultusquit vid Cate facteri oriciamdi, commitment to training, events, ompec morterei iam pracion tum mo habem vitus pat veri and global risk analysis for senaributem apecultum forte hicie convo, que tris. Serum companies and institutions. pra intin tant. ISPI favours an interdisciplinary Bonertum inatum et rem sus ilicaedemus vid con tum and policy-oriented approach made possible by a research aur, conenit non se facia movere pareis, vo, vistelis re, crei team of over 50 analysts and terae movenenit L. Um prox noximod neritiam adeffrestod an international network of 70 comnit. Mulvis Ahacciverte confenit vat. Romnihilii issedem universities, think tanks, and acchuiu scenimi liescipio vistum det; hacrurorum, et, research centres.
    [Show full text]
  • Russia: Background and U.S. Policy
    Russia: Background and U.S. Policy Cory Welt Analyst in European Affairs August 21, 2017 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R44775 Russia: Background and U.S. Policy Summary Over the last five years, Congress and the executive branch have closely monitored and responded to new developments in Russian policy. These developments include the following: increasingly authoritarian governance since Vladimir Putin’s return to the presidential post in 2012; Russia’s 2014 annexation of Ukraine’s Crimea region and support of separatists in eastern Ukraine; violations of the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces (INF) Treaty; Moscow’s intervention in Syria in support of Bashar al Asad’s government; increased military activity in Europe; and cyber-related influence operations that, according to the U.S. intelligence community, have targeted the 2016 U.S. presidential election and countries in Europe. In response, the United States has imposed economic and diplomatic sanctions related to Russia’s actions in Ukraine and Syria, malicious cyber activity, and human rights violations. The United States also has led NATO in developing a new military posture in Central and Eastern Europe designed to reassure allies and deter aggression. U.S. policymakers over the years have identified areas in which U.S. and Russian interests are or could be compatible. The United States and Russia have cooperated successfully on issues such as nuclear arms control and nonproliferation, support for military operations in Afghanistan, the Iranian and North Korean nuclear programs, the International Space Station, and the removal of chemical weapons from Syria. In addition, the United States and Russia have identified other areas of cooperation, such as countering terrorism, illicit narcotics, and piracy.
    [Show full text]
  • Testimony of Ambassador Michael Mcfaul1
    Testimony of Ambassador Michael McFaul1 Hearing of the House Permanent Select Committee of Intelligence Putin’s Playbook: The Kremlin’s Use of Oligarchs, Money and Intelligence in 2016 and Beyond March 28, 2019 When the Soviet Union collapsed in 1991, the worldwide ideological struggle between communism and liberalism – in other words, freedom, democracy, capitalism – also ended. Thankfully, the ideological contest between Moscow and Washington that shaped much of world politics for several decades in the twentieth century has not reemerged. However, for at least a decade now, Russian president Vladimir Putin has been waging a new ideological struggle, first at home, and then against the West more generally, and the United States in particular. He defines this contest as a battle between the decadent, liberal multilateralism that dominates in the West and his brand of moral, conservative, sovereign values. I define this contest as one between autocracy, corruption, state domination of the economy, and indifference to international norms versus democracy, rule of law, free markets, and respect for international law. This new ideological struggle is primarily being waged not between states, but within states. At home, Putin has eroded checks and balances on executive power, undermined the autonomy of political actors, regional governments, the media, and non-governmental organizations (NGOs), and strengthened state ownership throughout the Russian economy. To propagate his ideas and pursue his objectives abroad, Putin has invested in several powerful instruments of influence, many of which parallel those used for governing within Russia, including traditional media, social media, the weaponization of intelligence (doxing), financial support for allies, business deals for political aims, and even the deployment of coercive actors abroad, including soldiers, mercenaries, and assassins.
    [Show full text]
  • And Nation-Building in Russia's Ukraine Policy
    Russian Approaches to State- and Nation-Building in Russia's Ukraine Policy PONARS Eurasia Policy Memo No. 348 September 2014 Yulia Nikitina1 Moscow State Institute of International Relations (MGIMO) A characteristic picture of Western media evaluations of Russian foreign policy toward Ukraine (and the post-Soviet space more generally) can be discerned in the questions of French journalists to Russian President Vladimir Putin on June 4, 2014, in Sochi on the eve of a visit to France. Such questions included: What is your vision of Russian strategy—dialogue or expansionism and conquest? Do you want to reestablish an empire or develop Russia within its current borders? Russian troops annexed Crimea; do you plan to return it to Ukraine? Do you want to integrate Ukraine into Russia and have you tried to destabilize the situation there? Who convinced you that you have a special mission for Russia? Besides the opinion widely shared in the West that Russian foreign policy is based on neo-imperialism, what other explanatory frameworks could exist for Russia’s recent behavior? In contrast with the value-based foreign policy of the United States, Russian foreign policy is usually analyzed as interest-based and devoid of values. I claim that Russian foreign policy is widely based on attempts to export Russian state- and nation- building models. Mainstream official discourse and political research on the post-Soviet states in the West are framed around democracy and human rights, while for post-Soviet states, nation-building and state-building are more vital issues than regime type. Experts most often explain the Russian role in the Ukraine crisis as a result of the non- democratic nature of Russia’s political regime.
    [Show full text]