The Russian Military Escalation Around Ukraine's Donbas. Risks
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
GOODBYE, KOCHANIE! Krakow Declined
FREE October 2008 Edition 48 krakow POST ISSN 1898-4762 www.krakowpost.com Krakow Sorry CNN, Engineer from Krakow firm kidnapped in Pakistan Krakow’s Broke >> page 4 Krakow can’t afford CNN ad Poland space More reports surface on CIA John Walczak prisons in Poland >> page 6 The city’s miserly promotional budget for this year, coupled with Feature reckless spending, have left Kra- kow broke. Krakow is the only large A guide to absentee voting Polish city that will not be advertis- in upcoming elections ing itself on CNN International to >> page 10, 11 140 million viewers. In an article in the Polish daily Property Gazeta Wyborcza, it has been re- vealed that Krakow’s authorities Where and how resigned from a gigantic advertis- to buy ing campaign for a bargain price on >> page 13 CNN International. Krakow was to show itself in several hundred ad- Sport vertising spots on the international news channel for 900 thousand Wis a cling on for Second złotys. According to CNN employ- ł ees an identical campaign on a TV Coming station with fewer viewers would >> page 14 normally cost more. Culture The weak dollar and the positive Above: The future Krakow Congress Centre, designed by Krzysztof Ingarden, is the largest edifice to approach of CNN bosses to Poland be commissioned for the city since the 1930s. See page 15 for more buildings on Krakow’s horizon. Discover Polish architecture led to budget prices being offered >> page 15 for the campaign, which has the potential of reaching 140 million viewers worldwide. CNN offered several hundred prime-time ad slots to the authorities of Krakow, life , Gda sk and Warsaw - only City Łódź ń GOODBYE, KOCHANIE! Krakow declined. -
Russia and the EU in a Multipolar World: Invoking the Global in Russian Terms
Russia and the EU in a Multipolar World: Invoking the Global in Russian Terms Aziz Elmuradov Introduction Over the past decade, Russia’s relations with the European Union have evolved from competition to conflict. With the Ukraine crisis as a culmination point, many scholars explain the conflictual stand-off as a result of a long-term cri- sis rooted in the internal structure of EU–Russia interaction (Casier 2016; Chaban et al. 2017; Haukkala 2015). While such a perspective contributes to a better understanding of the conflict, there is more to the confrontational dynamics between the two sides. World politics can be traced back not only to the pursuit of national interests, but also to differing ways of envision- ing the world. To a considerable extent, the current conflict with Russia is a conflict of worldviews. In line with the theme of this volume, the following chapter takes this epistemic dimension of world politics seriously. The world and the global are not fixed realms but are constituted in the practices ofcon- crete actors who create their discursive horizons of the world and the global through symbolic representations, narratives and models. This chapter, there- fore, focuses on practices of worldmaking inherent in Russian foreign policy discourse. Retracing popular modes of mapping the world from the Russian perspective, I will show how a multipolar worldview informs the relationship between Russia and the Western world. Russian foreign policy discourse is greatly affected by major trends and trajectories under way in world politics. Russia finds itself in an increasingly dynamic global environment. The world is more volatile and uncertain to- day than at any time since the fall of the Berlin Wall. -
Format Normandie Is Wished by Ukrainian Pdt Zelensky to Be Expanded with Usa&Uk
Beat: Politics FORMAT NORMANDIE IS WISHED BY UKRAINIAN PDT ZELENSKY TO BE EXPANDED WITH USA&UK FRANCE SAYS IT IS NOT IN THE AGENDA Paris, Washington DC, 19.08.2019, 01:13 Time USPA NEWS - We are publishing here a summary of the Q & A that took place since July 9th- at the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs, during the period 9th July-9th August, under the new Ukrainian Presidency of Volodymyr Zelensky. The Questions are asked by the Press and answer by the spokesperson of French Foreign Affairs, during the period 9 July-9 August 2019. « Format Normandie » is the four-country diplomatic configuration adopted during the Donbass War. It brings together Russia and Ukraine, the two belligerents, as well as Germany and France. The « Format Normandie » takes its name from a semi-official meeting held on June 6, 2014 during the Normandy landings celebration, in the Benouville castle. Jean-Yves Le Drian, Minister for Europe and Foreign Affairs, traveled to Berlin on Monday 11th of June to take part in a ministerial meeting in the « Format Normandie » . Bringing together Ukraine, Russia and Germany and France as co-mediators, this format of discussion, founded four years ago on the sidelines of the commemoration ceremonies of the landing of June 6, 1944, aims to achieve the resolution of the conflict in Donbas. We are publishing here a summary of the Q & A that took place since July 9th- at the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs, during the period 9th July-9th August, under the new Ukrainian Presidency of Volodymyr Zelensky. -
Medvedev's Alternative European Security Architecture
Medvedev’s alternative European security architecture Marcel de Haas1 Within a month after becoming President, Dmitry Medvedev took the initiative of pleading for a new European security architecture, replacing the existing one which, allegedly, had proved to be unable to deal with the security challenges after the end of the Cold War. Subsequently, his initial statement became a consistent topic of Medvedev’s external security policy. Launch of the proposal in Berlin In a speech in Berlin on 5 June 2008, Medvedev assessed that Europe’s security architecture still bore the stamp of an ideology inherited from the past.2 Consequently, he called on European countries to start working out an all- European security pact. As to the OSCE, the Russian President hinted that this organization could embody European civilization’s newfound unity, but that it was prevented from becoming a full-fledged general regional organization. Not just because of the organization’s own incomplete institutional development but also by obstruction by other groups that intended to continue the old line of bloc politics. He furthermore explained that existing organizations in the Euro-Atlantic space could also become signatory parties to the pact, though not to the would-be pan-European organization. Not only the OSCE, but according to Medvedev, NATO had also disqualified itself as the true European security actor, trying to find the purpose of its existence by globalizing its missions, to the detriment of the UN’s prerogatives, and by bringing in new members. Furthermore, he rejected the transatlantic basis of the alliance. Although he mentioned North America as one of the three branches — together with Russia and the EU — of European civilization, he continued that Atlanticism was a single basis for security which had exhausted itself and that the concept of a single Euro-Atlantic space from Vancouver to Vladivostok in stead should be the centre of European security policy. -
The Normandy Negotiations Renewed: Divisions at Home and Opportunity Abroad
The Normandy Negotiations Renewed: Divisions at Home and Opportunity Abroad by David Carment and Dani Belo A POLICYJanuary PAPER 2020 POLICY PERSPECTIVE THE NORMANDY NEGOTIATIONS RENEWED: DIVISIONS AT HOME AND OPPORTUNITY ABROAD by David Carment, CGAI Fellow and Dani Belo January 2020 Prepared for the Canadian Global Affairs Institute 1800, 421 – 7th Avenue S.W., Calgary, AB T2P 4K9 www.cgai.ca ©2020 Canadian Global Affairs Institute ISBN: 978-1-77397-111-7 The Normandy Negotiations Renewed: Divisions at Home and Opportunity Abroad fter three years of limited discussion, the leaders of France, Germany, Russia and Ukraine A renewed their peace talks to resolve the separatist conflict in Eastern Ukraine (Donbas). Efforts to facilitate a peaceful resolution to the conflict in the Donbas began five years ago with the meeting of the Trilateral Contact Group on Ukraine. This framework, developed by the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE), attempted to facilitate a dialogue between Russia and Ukraine through the mediation of an impartial actor, and it culminated in the Minsk I (September 2014) and then Minsk II (February 2015) agreements. The Minsk II agreements comprised a 13-point peace plan, chief among which is an arrangement specifying support for the restoration of the Ukrainian-Russian border. While the implementation of the military portions of the Minsk II agreements were finalized within three months of signing, the political and security portions remained unresolved. Though President Vladimir Putin has declared his intent to protect the Russian-speaking peoples of the region, he has also stated he has no interest in reclaiming Eastern Ukraine. -
Tweets and Russian Diplomacy Pdf 0.4 MB
Valdai Papers # 114 Tweets vs. the Offi cialese: How the Language of Russian Diplomacy Is Changing amid the Global Transition Roman Reinhardt valdaiclub.com #valdaiclub June 2020 About the Authors Roman Reinhardt PhD in Economics, Associate Professor at the Department for Diplomatic Studies, Moscow State Institute of International Relations of the Russian Foreign Ministry (MGIMO University) This publication and other papers are available on http://valdaiclub.com/a/valdai-papers/ The views and opinions expressed in this paper are those of the authors and do not represent the views of the Valdai Discussion Club, unless explicitly stated otherwise. © The Foundation for Development and Support of the Valdai Discussion Club, 2020 42 Bolshaya Tatarskaya st., Moscow, 115184, Russia Tweets vs. the Offi cialese: How the Language of Russian Diplomacy Is Changing amid the Global Transition 3 Diplomacy is in the throes of a qualitative transformation that affects all its dimensions, with new forms of international cooperation emerging, global political processes accelerating, and contacts with foreign partners and contractors expanding. The change is also infl uencing foreign policy narrative and the language of diplomacy, Russian diplomacy included. In this connection, it is of interest to conceptualize the latest tendencies that determine its further progress. Top-Level Conversations The fi rst thing of note is a higher level of international and interstate contacts. Critical decisions in the area of global politics or economics are increasingly often taken by national leaders at their meetings, rather than in the wake of protracted talks between foreign ministry delegations. Summits consistently supplant conferences, meetings and all other classical forms of diplomatic intercourse. -
Twelve Steps Toward Greater Security in Ukraine and the Euro-Atlantic Region
February 2020 STATEMENT BY THE EURO-ATLANTIC SECURITY LEADERSHIP GROUP (EASLG) Twelve Steps Toward Greater Security in Ukraine and the Euro-Atlantic Region he conflict in and around Ukraine is a tragedy for all affected by the violence. It is a flashpoint for catastrophic miscalculation and is a continuing threat to security and stability in the Euro-Atlantic region. A political resolution is fundamental to ending the armed conflict in the Donbas region, Tto improving prospects for constructive Ukraine-Russia dialogue more broadly including on Crimea, and to improving Euro-Atlantic security. Action to help those in harm’s way and to establish a foundation that resolves the conflict must be taken now to address urgent security, humanitarian, economic, and political concerns. Such action also will help reduce tensions between Russia and the West and help build a sustainable architecture of mutual security in the Euro-Atlantic region, including enhanced cooperation on nuclear threat reduction. Recent developments have opened the way for progress. Those from their homes. This opening must not be missed. The changes include in 2019 the following: (1) the mutual release following 12 practical, concrete steps can be taken now of prisoners and an agreement to define additional areas to address urgent security, humanitarian, economic, and for disengagement of forces; (2) the October agreement on political concerns. a process for elections in Donetsk and Luhansk and special status for these regions once the elections are certified as free and fair by the Organization for Security and Cooperation SECURITY STEPS in Europe (OSCE); and (3) the December Paris Summit in In March 2014, following a request by Ukraine’s government the Normandy format between France, Germany, Russia and and a consensus decision by all 57 OSCE participating Ukraine. -
Yevgeny Primakov's Operational Code and Russian Foreign Policy
University of Tampere Faculty of Management Politics/International Relations YEVGENY PRIMAKOV’S OPERATIONAL CODE AND RUSSIAN FOREIGN POLICY Pihla Bernier Master’s Thesis in International Relations Advisor: Tuomas Forsberg ABSTRACT University of Tampere Faculty of Management BERNIER, PIHLA: Yevgeny Primakov’s Operational Code and Russian Foreign Policy Master’s Thesis, 82 pages International Relations August 2018 Keywords: Yevgeny Primakov, Operational Code, Russian Foreign Policy, Russia, Primakov Doctrine Yevgeny Primakov was an important figure in both Soviet and Russian foreign policy circles throughout his lifetime until 2015. He was a critical leader in the 1990s holding positions of both Minister of Foreign Affairs and Prime Minister, which also coincided with times when Russia was charting a new foreign policy course. He reinvented a foreign policy school of thought called Statism which has been the most influential with Russian leaders for many years and continues to be so today. Current research has not adequately addressed his importance. This thesis set out to investigate his beliefs and worldview utilizing the operational code method using Alexander George’s ten question model. Research was conducted based on Primakov’s own writings, speeches and interviews. Yevgeny Primakov has been called both a westernizing leader and a hard-liner, but it was found both of these labels are incorrect. Rather, he should be viewed as a patriotic pragmatist. His actions were motivated by advancing Russian interests of which one of the greatest was restoring Russia as a major player in international relations again. His attitude towards the United States was complex, viewing them as a rival, yet not as an enemy. -
Biden and Ukraine: a Strategy for the New Administration
Atlantic Council EURASIA CENTER ISSUE BRIEF Biden and Ukraine: A Strategy for the New Administration ANDERS ÅSLUND, MELINDA HARING, WILLIAM B. TAYLOR, MARCH 2021 JOHN E. HERBST, DANIEL FRIED, AND ALEXANDER VERSHBOW Introduction US President Joseph R. Biden, Jr., knows Ukraine well. His victory was well- received in Kyiv. Many in Kyiv see the next four years as an opportunity to reestablish trust between the United States and Ukraine and push Ukraine’s reform aspirations forward while ending Russia’s destabilization of Ukraine’s east. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy is greatly interested in reestablishing a close US-Ukraine relationship, which has gone through a bumpy period under former US President Donald J. Trump when Ukraine became a flash point in US domestic politics. Resetting relations with Kyiv will not be simple. As vice president, Biden oversaw Ukraine policy, visited the country six times, and knows most of its players and personalities, which is an obvious advantage. But Zelenskyy is different from his immediate predecessor. He hails from Ukraine’s Russian- speaking east, was not an active participant in the Revolution of Dignity, has had little contact with the West, and took a battering during Trump’s first impeachment in which Ukraine was front and center. However, Zelenskyy is keen to engage with the new Biden team and seeks recognition as a global leader. The Biden administration would be wise to seize this opportunity. The first priority for the new Biden team should be to get to know the players in Ukraine and Zelenskyy’s inner circle (Zelenskyy’s team and his ministers are not household names in Washington) and to establish a relationship of trust after the turbulence of the Trump years. -
From the Ukraine–Russia War to the Navalny Case: How to Deal with the Kremlin?
From the Ukraine–Russia War to the Navalny Case: How to Deal with the Kremlin? Nona Mikhelidze No. 12. April 2021 This publication has been funded by the European Union under the Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under grant agreement no. 769886. ABSTRACT April 2021 . 12 Seven years after the annexation of Crimea and amid an ongoing war in Ukraine, Russia has tried to move towards military escalation in the Donbass region making clear that the status quo emerged in 2014 as a “new normal” cannot last. The Minsk II Agreement negotiated between Ukraine, Russia, France and Germany in the framework of the Normandy Format in February 2015 remains unimplemented despite numerous rounds of mediation. Western economic sanctions against Moscow succeeded in limiting the Kremlin’s military EU-LISTCO Policy Paper Series. Paper EU-LISTCO Policy advance beyond Donbass and deterred it from making further territorial gains. However, these measures failed to impact on Russian decision-making regarding resolution of the conflict. Influencing Russia’s foreign policy is not an easy task, as the country’s conduct of international relations is shaped by domestic factors and the authoritarian nature of its governance. Still, the West needs a strategy in response to the international and domestic wrongdoings already committed by the Kremlin and as a preventative measure to deter Moscow’s future aggression. In order to face the Russian challenge, the West should first design clear rules for its own foreign-policy behaviour based on the primacy of human rights and democracy and then define how to defend universal values abroad, including in Russia. -
Perception of the Russia-Ukraine Conflict in Germany and in Poland – an Evaluation Grzegorz Gromadzki
Perception of the Russia-Ukraine conflict in Germany and in Poland – an evaluation Grzegorz Gromadzki 1 Perception of the Russia-Ukraine conflict in Germany and in Poland – an evaluation Grzegorz Gromadzki Report commissioned and published by the Heinrich Böll Foundation Warsaw, 2015 Edited by Małgorzata Kopka, Liliana Religa Graphic design: Studio 27 Title picture: Ukraine separatists in Slovyansk, 8.07.2014, under the Creative Commons Attribution License. Author: Sasha Maksymenko. ISBN 978-83-61340-25-6 The views expressed in this publication are those of the author alone. They do not necessarily reflect the views of the Heinrich Böll Foundation. Published under the following Creative Commons License: http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0 . Attribution — You must attribute the work in the manner specified by the author or licensor (but not in any way that suggests that they endorse you or your use of the work). Nonommercial — You may not use this work for commercial purposes. No derivatives — If you remix, transform, or build uon the material, you may not distribute the modified material. Image copyright is indicated in the photo credit. Heinrich Böll Foundation ul. Żurawia 45 00-680 Warsaw T +48 22 59 42 333 E [email protected] W http://www.pl.boell.org 2 Perception of the Russia-Ukraine conflict in Germany and in Poland – an evaluation The Ukraine crisis, which is, de facto, the Russia-Ukraine conflict, has been discussed widely in the media and in public debate both in Poland and in Germany. The German media, whether right or left wing, has run subpages devoted to the situation in Ukraine.1 The conflict is also in the media spotlight in Poland. -
The Kremlin's Irregular Army: Ukrainian Separatist Order of Battle
THE KREMLIN’S IRREGULARY ARMY: UKRAINIAN SEPARATIST ORDER OF BATTLE | FRANKLIN HOLCOMB | AUGUST 2017 Franklin Holcomb September 2017 RUSSIA AND UKRAINE SECURITY REPORT 3 THE KREMLIN’S IRREGULAR ARMY: UKRAINIAN SEPARATIST ORDER OF BATTLE WWW.UNDERSTANDINGWAR.ORG 1 Cover: A Pro-Russian separatist sits at his position at Savur-Mohyla, a hill east of the city of Donetsk, August 28, 2014. REUTERS/Maxim Shemetov. Reproduced with permission. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing or from the publisher. ©2017 by the Institute for the Study of War. Published in 2017 in the United States of America by the Instittue for the Study of War. 1400 16th Street NW, Suite 515 | Washington, DC 20036 understandingwar.org 2 Franklin Holcomb The Kremlin’s Irregular Army: Ukrainian Separatist Order of Battle ABOUT THE AUTHOR Franklin Holcomb is a Russia and Ukraine Research Analyst at the Institute for the Study of War where he focuses on the war in Ukraine, Ukrainian politics, and Russian foreign policy in Eastern Europe. His current research focuses on studying the development of the Armed Forces of Ukraine and the Russian-backed separatist formations operating in Eastern Ukraine, as well as analyzing Russian political and military activity in Moldova, the Baltic, and the Balkans. Mr. Holcomb is the author of “The Order of Battle of the Ukrainian Armed Forces: A Key Component in European Security,” “Moldova Update: Kremlin Will Likely Seek to Realign Chisinau”, “Ukraine Update: Russia’s Aggressive Subversion of Ukraine,” as well as ISW’s other monthly updates on the political and military situation in Ukraine.