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Ukraine at the Crossroad in Post-Communist Europe: Policymaking and the Role of Foreign Actors Ryan Barrett [email protected]
University of Missouri, St. Louis IRL @ UMSL Dissertations UMSL Graduate Works 1-20-2018 Ukraine at the Crossroad in Post-Communist Europe: Policymaking and the Role of Foreign Actors Ryan Barrett [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://irl.umsl.edu/dissertation Part of the Comparative Politics Commons, and the International Relations Commons Recommended Citation Barrett, Ryan, "Ukraine at the Crossroad in Post-Communist Europe: Policymaking and the Role of Foreign Actors" (2018). Dissertations. 725. https://irl.umsl.edu/dissertation/725 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the UMSL Graduate Works at IRL @ UMSL. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations by an authorized administrator of IRL @ UMSL. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Ukraine at the Crossroad in Post-Communist Europe: Policymaking and the Role of Foreign Actors Ryan Barrett M.A. Political Science, The University of Missouri - Saint Louis, 2015 M.A. International Relations, Webster University, 2010 B.A. International Studies, 2006 A Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate School at the The University of Missouri - Saint Louis in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Doctor Philosophy in Political Science May 2018 Advisory Committee: Joyce Mushaben, Ph.D. Jeanne Wilson, PhD. Kenny Thomas, Ph.D. David Kimball, Ph.D. Contents Introduction 1 Chapter I. Policy Formulation 30 Chapter II. Reform Initiatives 84 Chapter III. Economic Policy 122 Chapter IV. Energy Policy 169 Chapter V. Security and Defense Policy 199 Conclusion 237 Appendix 246 Bibliography 248 To the Pat Tillman Foundation for graciously sponsoring this important research Introduction: Ukraine at a Crossroads Ukraine, like many European countries, has experienced a complex history and occupies a unique geographic position that places it in a peculiar situation be- tween its liberal future and communist past; it also finds itself tugged in two opposing directions by the gravitational forces of Russia and the West. -
Perception of the Russia-Ukraine Conflict in Germany and in Poland – an Evaluation Grzegorz Gromadzki
Perception of the Russia-Ukraine conflict in Germany and in Poland – an evaluation Grzegorz Gromadzki 1 Perception of the Russia-Ukraine conflict in Germany and in Poland – an evaluation Grzegorz Gromadzki Report commissioned and published by the Heinrich Böll Foundation Warsaw, 2015 Edited by Małgorzata Kopka, Liliana Religa Graphic design: Studio 27 Title picture: Ukraine separatists in Slovyansk, 8.07.2014, under the Creative Commons Attribution License. Author: Sasha Maksymenko. ISBN 978-83-61340-25-6 The views expressed in this publication are those of the author alone. They do not necessarily reflect the views of the Heinrich Böll Foundation. Published under the following Creative Commons License: http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0 . Attribution — You must attribute the work in the manner specified by the author or licensor (but not in any way that suggests that they endorse you or your use of the work). Nonommercial — You may not use this work for commercial purposes. No derivatives — If you remix, transform, or build uon the material, you may not distribute the modified material. Image copyright is indicated in the photo credit. Heinrich Böll Foundation ul. Żurawia 45 00-680 Warsaw T +48 22 59 42 333 E [email protected] W http://www.pl.boell.org 2 Perception of the Russia-Ukraine conflict in Germany and in Poland – an evaluation The Ukraine crisis, which is, de facto, the Russia-Ukraine conflict, has been discussed widely in the media and in public debate both in Poland and in Germany. The German media, whether right or left wing, has run subpages devoted to the situation in Ukraine.1 The conflict is also in the media spotlight in Poland. -
The Kremlin's Irregular Army: Ukrainian Separatist Order of Battle
THE KREMLIN’S IRREGULARY ARMY: UKRAINIAN SEPARATIST ORDER OF BATTLE | FRANKLIN HOLCOMB | AUGUST 2017 Franklin Holcomb September 2017 RUSSIA AND UKRAINE SECURITY REPORT 3 THE KREMLIN’S IRREGULAR ARMY: UKRAINIAN SEPARATIST ORDER OF BATTLE WWW.UNDERSTANDINGWAR.ORG 1 Cover: A Pro-Russian separatist sits at his position at Savur-Mohyla, a hill east of the city of Donetsk, August 28, 2014. REUTERS/Maxim Shemetov. Reproduced with permission. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing or from the publisher. ©2017 by the Institute for the Study of War. Published in 2017 in the United States of America by the Instittue for the Study of War. 1400 16th Street NW, Suite 515 | Washington, DC 20036 understandingwar.org 2 Franklin Holcomb The Kremlin’s Irregular Army: Ukrainian Separatist Order of Battle ABOUT THE AUTHOR Franklin Holcomb is a Russia and Ukraine Research Analyst at the Institute for the Study of War where he focuses on the war in Ukraine, Ukrainian politics, and Russian foreign policy in Eastern Europe. His current research focuses on studying the development of the Armed Forces of Ukraine and the Russian-backed separatist formations operating in Eastern Ukraine, as well as analyzing Russian political and military activity in Moldova, the Baltic, and the Balkans. Mr. Holcomb is the author of “The Order of Battle of the Ukrainian Armed Forces: A Key Component in European Security,” “Moldova Update: Kremlin Will Likely Seek to Realign Chisinau”, “Ukraine Update: Russia’s Aggressive Subversion of Ukraine,” as well as ISW’s other monthly updates on the political and military situation in Ukraine. -
A Turbulent Year for Ukraine Urbulent Was the Way to Describe 2009 for Ukraine, Which Plunged Into Financial Crisis
No. 3 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, JANUARY 17, 2010 5 2009: THE YEAR IN REVIEW A turbulent year for Ukraine urbulent was the way to describe 2009 for Ukraine, which plunged into financial crisis. No other European country suffered as much as TUkraine, whose currency was devalued by more than 60 percent since its peak of 4.95 hrv per $1 in August 2008. In addition, the country’s industrial production fell by 31 percent in 2009. Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko con- fronted the challenge of minimizing the crisis fallout, while at the same time campaigning for the 2010 presi- dential elections. Her critics attacked her for pursuing populist policies, such as increasing wages and hiring more government staff, when the state treasury was broke as early as the spring. Ms. Tymoshenko herself admitted that her gov- ernment would not have been able to make all its pay- ments without the help of three tranches of loans, worth approximately $10.6 billion, provided by the International Monetary Fund. Her critics believe that instead of borrowing money, Ms. Tymoshenko should have been introducing radical reforms to the Ukrainian economy, reducing government waste, eliminating out- dated Soviet-era benefits and trimming the bureaucracy. The year began with what is becoming an annual tra- Offi cial Website of Ukraine’s President dition in Ukraine – a natural gas conflict provoked by the government of Russian Federation Prime Minister President Viktor Yushchenko and Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko at the heated February 10 meeting of Vladimir Putin. Whereas the New Year’s Day crisis of the National Security and Defense Council. -
Peace and Security in Eastern Ukraine- the Case of an International Peacekeeping Mission
© Cadernos de Dereito Actual Nº 5 (2017), pp.187-193 ·ISSN 2340-860X Vol. Extraordinario ·ISSNe 2386-5229 Peace and security in Eastern Ukraine- the case of an international peacekeeping mission 1 VASILE CIORICI Universidade de Coimbra (Portugal) Summary: 1. Introduction; Peace enforcement mission in Eastern Ukraine; 3. International military peacekeeping demand; 4. The EU`s peacekeeping mission; 5. Conclusion; 6. Bibliography. Abstract: The article is about the possibility of an international military presence as an enforcement peacekeeping mission in the Ukrainian conflict in Donbas region. It starts with a short story-line of the conflict, identifying all the actors involved and what role they play in it. Analyzing the arguments behind the demand for an international peacekeeping mission and examining the circumstances in which the conflict happens the essay investigation is around the question “Can the external military presence in Donbas constitute an international peacekeeping mission?”. In order to conduct this research, we recurred to the doctrine as well as to articles and official documents and declarations to better understand the theme. Keywords: Peacekeeping; Ukraine; Enforcement Mission; Russia; Conflict. 1. Introduction Past more than two decades since the end of the Cold War and at that time it seemed that war and conflict in Europe was left in the past, and the talking about a peaceful and prosperous East Europe began. But everything changed when in March 2014 using an unrecognized referendum in Crimea- Ukraine, Russia annexed this region into the Russian Federation. A few days later pro-Russian protesters occupied the government buildings in cities of Donetsk, Luhansk in East of Ukraine, seeking a referendum too. -
Situation in Ukraine
COMMUNICATION SUBMITTED UNDER ARTICLE 15 OF THE ROME STATUTE OF THE INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL COURT SITUATION IN UKRAINE: WAR CRIMES AND CRIMES AGAINST HUMANITY COMMITTED IN PRISONS SEIZED AND CONTROLLED BY ANTI-GOVERNMENT FORCES September 2020 TABLE OF ABBREVIATIONS ATO Anti-Terrorist Operation CF Correctional Facility DPR Donetsk Peoples’ Republic ECHR European Convention on Human Rights ECtHR European Court of Human Rights FIDH International Federation for Human Rights IAC International Armed Conflict ICC International Criminal Court ICTY International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia KHPG Kharkiv Human Rights Protection Group LPR Luhansk Peoples’ Republic NIAC Non-International Armed Conflict PTDC Pre Trial Detention Centre SBU Ukrainian State Security UAF Ukrainian Armed Forces The preparation and elaboration of this FIDH-KHPG Communication were made possible thanks to the support of the United Nations Development Programme in Ukraine, International Renaissance Foundation, the European Commission, Open Society Foundations, National Endowment for Democracy (United States), the Democracy Commission of the United States Embassy in Ukraine, and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Netherlands. The contents of this publication are the sole responsibility of FIDH and KHPG and can in no way be taken to reflect the views of the aforementioned supporting institutions. 2 TABLE OF CONTENTS Table of abbreviations 2 I. Introduction 4 II. Executive Summary 6 III. Filing Parties 9 IV. Methodology 12 V. Factual Background 17 A. Outbreak of Armed Conflict in Eastern Ukraine 17 B. Ukrainian Prisons in Donetsk and Luhansk Provinces Prior 24 to the Outbreak of Armed Conflict C. Impact of the Outbreak of Armed Conflict on Prisoners in 24 Eastern Ukraine D. -
Putin's Next Objectives in the Ukraine Crisis
HUGO SPAULDING BACKGROUNDER FEBRUARY 3, 2015 PUTIN’S NEXT OBJECTIVES IN THE UKRAINE CRISIS Russia’s campaign in eastern Ukraine has reached an inflection point. Five months after signing a ceasefire agreement, Russian and separatist forces have moved from a preparation phase to a maneuver offensive launched by the separatist victory at the Donetsk airport on January 21, 2015. This new phase of the conflict presents a fresh set of operational decision points for the governments in Moscow and Kyiv. Will Russian- backed forces stop at the boundaries of Donetsk and Luhansk Oblasts [Provinces] and consolidate their gains? Will they seize Mariupol and then drive west to build a land-corridor to Crimea? Or will they prepare for much larger battles to take the pivotal cities of Kharkiv, Dnipropetrovsk, and Zaporizhia, whose capture would put the survival of the Ukrainian state in grave doubt? Will the Kyiv government commit reserves to defend against any of these contingencies? These decisions, much like the decision to seize the airport, will shed light on Moscow’s strategic objectives in Ukraine and Kyiv’s capacity to withstand them. They will also shape the evolution and quite possibly the outcome of this war. RUSSIAN OBJECTIVES IN KYIV Russia’s strategic interest in controlling Ukrainian political may well be reluctant to undertake it. Unless he can either affairs reflects Russian President Vladimir Putin’s belief in achieve his goals by means short of conquest or be persuaded the need to maintain a buffer between NATO, the European to accept lesser objectives, he is likely to be planning for and Union, and Russia. -
Ukrainians of Washington, DC, Commemorate the First Anniversary of the Holodomor Memorial
Official Publication of the Ukrainian Catholic Archeparchy of Philadelphia VOL. 77 - No. 22 NOVEMBER 20, 2016 ENGLISH VERSION Ukrainians of Washington, DC, commemorate the first anniversary of the Holodomor Memorial Photo: Michael Sawkiw speaks at the Holodomor Memorial in Washington, DC on November 6, 2016. Among those at the event included Bishop John Bura, Fr. Robert Hitchens, Fr. Wasyl Kharuk, and Fr. Raphael Strontsitskyy, MSU. 07 November, 2016 Holodomor Genocide Gerasymov and Igor Petro Poroshenko Awareness 1932-1933 Popov, architect and his wife Marina, The event started with Michael Sawkiw, Head Larysa Kurylas, other congratulated audience a common prayer for of the Central Election distinguished guests, on the anniversary Ukraine by priests of Commission Mykhailo laid symbolic bundles of of the Memorial and Ukrainian churches. Then Okhendovsky, deputy wheat to the Memorial. conveyed President's Ambassador of Ukraine head of the Central words of gratitude to to the US Valeriy Chaly, Election Commission Ambassador Valeriy the Ukrainian diaspora Chairman of the U.S. Andriy Magera, MPs Chaly, on behalf of the Committee for Ukrainian of Ukraine Arthur President of Ukraine (continued on next page) Highlights inside this issue: Pope Francis meets with the Head of the UGCC His Beatitude Sviatoslav - pg. 17 Ukrainians of Washington, DC, commemorate the first anniversary of the Holodomor Memorial (continued from previous page) of the USA and all Committee for Ukrainian those who made efforts Holodomor Genocide into its construction: " Awareness 1932-33 A year ago, due to the Michael Sawkiw and joint efforts of American Ambassador William partners, the Ukrainian Miller also delivered their community in America welcome remarks. -
Downloaded License
The Soviet and Post-Soviet Review 48 (2021) 135–163 brill.com/spsr How the War Began: Conceptualizing Conflict Escalation in Ukraine’s Donbas Jakob Hauter PhD Student, School of Slavonic and East European Studies, Faculty of Social & Historical Sciences, University College London, London, UK [email protected] Abstract This article proposes a new theoretical framework based on conflict escalation theory and the concept of critical junctures to facilitate a more transparent analysis of the war in Ukraine’s Donbas. It argues that researchers have proposed a variety of causes of the outbreak of violence in the region. However, in the absence of an overarching theoreti- cal framework, it remains difficult to analyse the interplay of these causes and compare their explanatory power. In response, this article develops a theory-guided escalation sequence model. According to this model, the conflict’s formative phase consisted of an escalation sequence that lasted from April until August 2014 and comprised six critical junctures. This article argues that attempts to explain the conflict should be evaluated and compared in terms of their ability to explain these critical junctures. It concludes that similar escalation sequence models could improve research on armed conflict beyond the case of the Donbas. Keywords war – armed conflict – escalation – critical junctures – process tracing – Ukraine – Donbas © Jakob Hauter, 2021 | doi:10.30965/18763324-20201380 This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the CC BY 4.0Downloaded license. from Brill.com09/26/2021 04:32:45AM via free access 136 Hauter 1 Introduction Scholars of armed conflict have identified a large number of potential causes of war.1 Existing studies, however, have not been able to paint a clear picture of the relative importance of these causes and the way in which they inter- act. -
Steblyna N. О. the Battle of Ilovaisk in Ukrainian Digital Political
ISSN 2707–5206. Міжнародні та політичні дослідження. 2020. Вип. 33 УДК 355.01:070.431.2 Steblyna N. О. PhD (Social Communications), Assistant Professor Department of Political and Government Studies Information and Applied Technologies Faculty Vasyl Stus Donetsk National University 600-richchya Str., 21, Vinnytsa, 21021, Ukraine tel: (380432) 508939 ORCID iD: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9799-9786 e-mail: [email protected] DOI: http://dх.doi.org/10.18524/2304-439.2020.33.209261 THE BATTLE OF ILOVAISK IN UKRAINIAN DIGITAL POLITICAL DISCOURSE In the digital times, texts about a war may be written with some new tech- niques. The evidences of locals, posts of volunteers, experts may be used more often, thus the public dialogue may be more diverse and balanced. Meanwhile, free discussion about the war in the digital times is can be a problem. So it is important to understand, how the new possibilities are used to shape the discourse, and how the process of public discussion is generated. Battle of Il- ovaisk — the turning point of the war in Donbas (Ukraine) — was chosen for this research. The materials of two Ukrainian leading news sites (Ukrainskaya Pravda and Livyi Bereh) were content analyzed for three months (August — October 2014). Reprints were predominantly used as a way of news gathering (Facebook accounts were cited in 62% of cases) in the digital discourse about the battle. The average number of positions in a publication is 1,4 (a typical text contained only one mention of a political subject). Some new non-official participants were included to the public discussion (like Semenchenko, battalion Donbas commander, or, Tymchuk, an expert), but other sources, which could be newsworthy as well, were rarely mentioned. -
The Ukrainian Weekly 2009, No.34
www.ukrweekly.com INSIDE: • For the record: Yushchenko’s response to Medvedev – page 3. • Commentary: Europe’s share in Ukraine’s malaise – page 5. • Ukrainian Medical Association meets in Vancouver – page 11. THEPublished U byKRAINIAN the Ukrainian National Association Inc., a fraternal non-profitW associationEEKLY Vol. LXXVII No.34 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, AUGUST 23, 2009 $1/$2 in Ukraine On the 18th anniversary of independence Ukrainian Independence Day Ukraine on the geopolitical sidelines by Zenon Zawada Razumkov Center for Economic and Kyiv Press Bureau Political Research, a leading Kyiv think- tank financed by scores of international KYIV – Ukraine is stuck in a gray buf- funds and institutions. fer zone between two systems of collec- The Vinnytsia native served on the tive security, in the view of Valeriy Chaly, National Security and Defense Council the deputy director of Kyiv’s Razumkov between 1997 and 1999, and attends the Center, and the nation’s permanent inter- annual Yalta European Strategy confer- nal conflict has forced it to the geopoliti- ence, where Ukraine’s elite gathers to dis- cal sidelines with the threat that only cuss the nation’s future. global powers will decide its fate. Ukraine’s NATO entry isn’t relevant at Though the nation elected a firmly pro- the moment, Mr. Chaly said, as the NATO president in Viktor Yushchenko, Verkhovna Rada lacks a critical majority Ukraine lost its chance at deeper Euro- that would cardinally change Ukraine’s Atlantic integration “because of the non- foreign policy priorities and orientations. consolidation of political elites and the “NATO is not ready, Ukraine is not inadequate understanding of national ready. -
The Ukrainian Weekly, 2016
INSIDE: “A UKRAINIAN SUMMER” – a special 24-page pullout section. THEPublished U by theKRAINIAN Ukrainian National Association Inc., a fraternal W non-profit associationEEKLY Vol. LXXXIV No. 18 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, MAY 1, 2016 $2.00 The Ukrainian Museum in New York 30th anniversary celebrates its 40th anniversary of the Chornobyl disaster Ukraine this year marks the 30th anni- and that the country was “still a long versary of the Chornobyl nuclear disaster way” from overcoming the tragedy. – the world’s worst civilian nuclear acci- The Embassy of Ukraine in the United dent. States provided the following informa- Sirens were sounded in the early tion on the Chornobyl disaster. morning hours on April 26 in Ukraine to On April 26, 1986, reactor No. 4 of the mark 30 years since the moment that the Chornobyl nuclear power plant, located first explosion blew the roof off the build- about 100 kilometers north of Kyiv, ing housing a reactor at the Chornobyl exploded. The Chornobyl tragedy nuclear power plant, sending a cloud of remains the world’s worst accident at a radioactive material high into the air, nuclear power plant due to the number drifting into Russia and Belarus and of its victims and the scale of its effects. It across northern Europe. will take many more years and huge President Petro Poroshenko attended resources to finally overcome the effects a ceremony on April 26 at the Chornobyl of the Chornobyl disaster. plant, which today is located in the mid- Due to a fire at the fourth reactor, dle of an uninhabitable “exclusion zone.” about 60 tons of radioactive substances Mr.