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The Adaptive Transformation of Yemen?S Republican Guard
The Adaptive Transformation of Yemen's Republican Guard By Lucas Winter Journal Article | Mar 7 2017 - 9:45pm The Adaptive Transformation of Yemen’s Republican Guard Lucas Winter In the summer of 1978, Colonel Ali Abdullah Saleh became president of the Yemeni Arab Republic (YAR) or North Yemen. Like his short-lived predecessor Ahmad al-Ghashmi, Saleh had been a tank unit commander in the YAR military before ascending the ranks.[1] Like al-Ghashmi, Saleh belonged to a tribe with limited national political influence but a strong presence in the country’s military.[2] Three months into Saleh’s presidency, conspirators allied with communists from the Popular Democratic Republic of Yemen (PDRY), or South Yemen, staged a coup and briefly seized key government installations in the capital Sana’a. The 1st Armored Brigade, North Yemen’s main tank unit at the time, was deployed to quell the insurrection. The 1st Armored Brigade subsequently expanded to become the 1st Armored Division. Commanded by Saleh’s kinsman Ali Muhsin al-Ahmar, it became North Yemen’s premiere military unit and took control of vital installations in the capital. The division played a decisive role in securing victory for Saleh and his allies in Yemen’s 1994 Civil War. Although the 1st Armored Division functioned as President Saleh’s Praetorian Guard, his personal safety was in the hands of the Yemeni Republican Guard (YRG), a small force created with Egyptian support in the early days of the republic.[3] YRG headquarters were in “Base 48,” located on the capital’s southern outskirts abutting the territories of Saleh’s Sanhan tribe. -
Arab Uprisings and Armed Forces: Between Openness and Resistance
SSR PAPER 2 Arab Uprisings and Armed Forces: Between Openness and Resistance Derek Lutterbeck DCAF DCAF a centre for security, development and the rule of law SSR PAPER 2 Arab Uprisings and Armed Forces Between Openness and Resistance Derek Lutterbeck DCAF The Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces (DCAF) is an international foundation whose mission is to assist the international community in pursuing good governance and reform of the security sector. The Centre develops and promotes norms and standards, conducts tailored policy research, identifies good practices and recommendations to promote democratic security sector governance, and provides in‐country advisory support and practical assistance programmes. SSR Papers is a flagship DCAF publication series intended to contribute innovative thinking on important themes and approaches relating to security sector reform (SSR) in the broader context of security sector governance (SSG). Papers provide original and provocative analysis on topics that are directly linked to the challenges of a governance‐driven security sector reform agenda. SSR Papers are intended for researchers, policy‐makers and practitioners involved in this field. ISBN 978‐92‐9222‐180‐5 © 2011 The Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces EDITORS Alan Bryden & Heiner Hänggi PRODUCTION Yury Korobovsky COPY EDITOR Cherry Ekins COVER IMAGE © Suhaib Salem/Reuters The views expressed are those of the author(s) alone and do not in any way reflect the views of the institutions referred to or -
Security Council Distr.: General 28 June 2013
United Nations S/2013/383 Security Council Distr.: General 28 June 2013 Original: English Report of the Secretary-General on children and armed conflict in Yemen Summary The present report is the first to deal specifically with the situation of children and armed conflict in Yemen. The report, which covers the period from July 2011 to March 2013, contains detailed information on incidents of all six types of grave violations against children, by both the armed forces and armed groups in Yemen. Such incidents include recruitment and use, killing and maiming, rape and other grave acts of sexual violence, abductions and attacks on schools and hospitals, as well as denial of humanitarian access. Children in Yemen continue to be victims of grave child rights violations. Overall, violations such as attacks on schools and hospitals and the killing of children have decreased during the course of the reporting period as a result of reduced numbers of incidents of armed violence and civil unrest and the progress made in the implementation of Yemen’s Transition Agreement, signed in Riyadh on 23 November 2011. However, there has been an increase in the numbers of child casualties related to mines, unexploded ordnance and explosive remnants of war. Incidents of association of children with armed forces and armed groups, as well as attacks on schools, also continue to be reported. During the course of the reporting period, the United Nations and its partners progressively expanded their monitoring and reporting network, which has contributed to an increase in verified reports of the recruitment and use of children by the armed forces and various armed groups, as well as of cases of sexual violence and the killing and maiming of children by mines, unexploded ordnance and explosive remnants of war. -
Attacks on Protesters
JANUARY 2012 COUNTRY SUMMARY Yemen Human rights violations increased significantly in Yemen in 2011, as authorities sought to quash largely peaceful demonstrations challenging the 33-year rule of President Ali Abdullah Saleh. State security forces, often acting together with armed plainclothes assailants, responded to anti-government protests with excessive and deadly force, killing at least 250 people and wounding more than 1,000. Clashes on several fronts between government forces and various armed groups killed scores more civilians and displaced more than 100,000 others. State security forces, opposition tribal fighters, and Islamist militants may have committed laws of war violations during some of these confrontations. Attacks on Protesters In January, inspired by popular uprisings in Tunisia and Egypt, thousands of Yemenis began protests in major cities to force President Saleh’s resignation. Popular discontent, fueled by widespread unemployment and government corruption, soared in late 2010 after the ruling party proposed to amend electoral laws and the constitution so that Saleh could stand for re-election when his seventh term expires in 2013. Security forces responded to the largely peaceful demonstrations with excessive force, often firing live ammunition directly at unarmed protesters. These forces include Central Security, a paramilitary unit commanded by President Saleh’s nephew, Yahya Saleh; the Republican Guard, an elite army unit led by the president’s son, Ahmed Saleh; and General Security. Central Security includes a counterterrorism unit that receives United States training, but Human Rights Watch was unable to verify allegations that the unit participated in the attacks on protests. The security forces sometimes attacked protesters together with armed assailants in civilian clothing, or stood by during attacks by armed gangs. -
A/HRC/45/CRP.7 29 September 2020
1 0 A/HRC/45/CRP.7 29 September 2020 English Arabic and English only Human Rights Council Forty-fifth session 14 September–2 October 2020 Agenda item 2 Annual report of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights and reports of the Office of the High Commissioner and the Secretary-General Situation of human rights in Yemen, including violations and abuses since September 2014 Detailed findings of the Group of Eminent International and Regional Experts on Yemen* Summary Submitted as a supplement to A/HRC/45/6, this paper sets out the detailed findings of the Group of Eminent International and Regional Experts on Yemen mandated to investigate violations by parties to the conflict since September 2014. During this year, the Group of Eminent Experts prioritised for investigation violations occurring since mid-2019, while taking a longer temporal scope for some categories of violations not fully addressed during our previous reports. The Group of Eminent Experts found reasonable grounds to believe that the parties to the conflict in Yemen are responsible for pervasive and incessant international human rights law and international humanitarian law violations, many of which may amount to war crimes. The summary of these findings is included in A/HRC/45/6. In addition to highlighting the parties to the conflict responsible for violations, the Group of Eminent Experts identified, where possible, potential perpetrators of crimes that may have been committed. A list of names of such individuals has been submitted to the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights on a strictly confidential basis to assist with future accountability efforts. -
Reforming the Yemen Security Sector
CDDRL Number 137 WORKING PAPERS June 2013 Reforming the Yemen Security Sector Amb. Marwan Noman and David S. Sorenson Center on Democracy, Development, and The Rule of Law Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies Additional working papers appear on CDDRL’s website: http://cddrl.stanford.edu. Working Paper of the Program on Arab Reform and Democracy at CDDRL, published as part of the “Political Reform Prospects in Yemen” series edited by April Longley Alley, Erica Gaston and Nadwa al-Dawsari. About the Program on Arab Reform and Democracy: The Program on Arab Reform and Democracy examines the different social and political dynamics within Arab countries and the evolution of their political systems, focusing on the prospects, conditions, and possible pathways for political reform in the region. This multidisciplinary program brings together both scholars and practitioners - from the policymaking, civil society, NGO (non-government organization), media, and political communities - as well as other actors of diverse backgrounds from the Arab world, to consider how democratization and more responsive and accountable governance might be achieved, as a general challenge for the region and within specific Arab countries. The program aims to be a hub for intellectual capital about issues related to good governance and political reform in the Arab world and allowing diverse opinions and voices to be heard. It benefits from the rich input of the academic community at Stanford, from faculty to researchers to graduate students, as well as -
Why Did the Transition Process in Yemen Fail?" by Kim SALMUTTER
"Why did the transition process in Yemen fail?" By Kim SALMUTTER Course “Islam and Politics in a Changing Middle East” Taught by Stéphane Lacroix at Sciences Po Spring 2017 This paper has received the KSP Student Paper Award of the Kuwait Program at Sciences Po The copyright of this paper remains the property of its author. No part of the content may be reproduced, published, distributed, copied or stored for public or private use without written permission of the author. All authorisation requests should be sent to [email protected] Why did the Transitional Process in Yemen fail? There is a growing consensus among Yemen experts that the transitional process of 2011–2014 failed because of the gap in policy-makers’ understanding of Yemen, the country’s generally lower order priority as opposed to seemingly more urgent conflicts in the region, and a grave mismatch between the needs of the Yemeni people and the priorities of the transition’s foreign sponsors. In 2014, Yemen was referred to as one of the success stories of the Arab Spring, today, it is dubbed “the world’s newest failed state” that is under threat of becoming little more than a country defined by its geographical borders and in which no single group wields the balance of power. Within months, a Northern rebel group known as Ansarullah (the Houthis) seized the capital Sana’a, which launched a protracted conflict that has since transformed into a civil war, involves a Saudi-led intervention, and has developed to an extent that it has become difficult to imagine a return to any peaceful settlement. -
“ We Lived Days in Hell”
“WELIVEDDAYSINHELL” CivilianPerspectivesontheConflictinYemen “We Lived Days in Hell” Civilian Perspectives on the Conflict in Yemen AMEND. PROTECT. PREVENT. RECOGNIZE. Copyright © 2016 Center for Civilians in Conflict All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America. Cover photo: AFP/Getty Images/Mohammed Huwais A boy stands amidst the rubble outside a destroyed house on November 14, 2016 on the outskirts of Sana’a. The house was destroyed by Saudi-led coalition airstrikes two days earlier civiliansinconflict.org Organizational Mission The mission of Center for Civilians in Conflict (CIVIC) is to improve protection for civilians caught in conflicts around the world. We call on and advise international organizations, governments, militaries, and armed non-state actors to adopt and implement policies to prevent civilian harm. When civilians are harmed we advocate for the provision of amends and post-harm assistance. We bring the voices of civilians themselves to those making decisions affecting their lives. Acknowledgements This report was researched and authored by Nadwa al-Dawsari, expert on Yemen and consultant with CIVIC. Local researchers helped with research across five governorates in Yemen. Sahr Muhammedally, Senior Program Manager for MENA and South Asia, edited the report. Marla Keenan, Program Director; Federico Borello, Executive Director; and Christopher Allbritton, Communications Manager, provided additional review. CIVIC intern Bénédicte Aboul-Nasr provided research assistance and assisted in production. Dena Verdesca designed the report and prepared it for publication. CIVIC would like to thank all those individuals and organizations, who assisted with the research in Yemen, and all the people who agreed to share their stories and views with us. -
The Changing Security Dynamics of the MENA Region
The Changing Security Dynamics of the MENA Region By Anthony H. Cordesman With the assistance of Grace Hwang Major Update: March 22, 2021 Please provide comments to [email protected] Photo: JOSEPH EID/AFP/Getty Images Cordesman: Security Assistance and the Changing MENA Region AHC 22.3.2021 2 The Changing Security Dynamics of the MENA Region The security dynamics of the Middle East and North Africa have changed radically over the last decade and will continue to change for the foreseeable future. At the beginning of 2011, most MENA nations were at peace and seemed to be relatively stable. North African countries were at peace under authoritarian leaders. The Arab-Israeli conflicts had been limited to clashes between Israel and the Palestinians. Egypt acted as a stable major regional power. Iran was a large but relatively weak military power dependent on low-grade and dated weapons. Iraq’s Islamic extremists seemed to be defeated. The Southern Arab Gulf states appeared to be unified in a Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC). Yemen was poor and could not meet the needs of many of its people, but it still seemed stable. Military spending and arms purchases were high by global standards, but they were only a limited to moderate burden on local economies. Today, none of those things are true. Regional rivalries, extremism, and the series of political uprisings and conflicts that were once called the “Arab Spring” have turned the MENA region into a fragmented mess. What appeared to be a relatively stable pattern of national security developments in the period before the political upheavals that began in 2011, has now become the scene of local power struggles; internal conflicts; new battles with extremist movements; and major civil wars in Iran, Libya, Syria, and Yemen. -
Yemen: the 60-Year War
YEMEN: THE 60-YEAR WAR GERALD M. FEIERSTEIN FEBRUARY 2019 POLICY PAPER 2019-2 CONTENTS * SUMMARY * 1 INTRODUCTION * 1 HISTORIC ANTECEDENTS * 4 A TALE OF FAILED TRANSITIONS: 1962- 90 * 9 POPULISM IN THE NORTH REFLECTED IN SIX SA’DAH WARS * 12 THE ARAB SPRING AND A NEW PUSH FOR NATIONAL UNITY * 17 REPEATED ATTEMPTS TO ADDRESS YEMEN’S SYSTEMIC DIVISIONS * 20 EXTERNAL FACTORS IN THE CONFLICT * 25 CAN YEMEN’S PROBLEMS BE SOLVED? * 27 CONCLUSION * 29 RECOMMENDATIONS SUMMARY The root causes of the ongoing civil conflict in Yemen lie in the failure of Yemeni society to address and resolve the popular anger and frustration arising from political marginalization, economic disenfranchisement, and the effects of an extractive, corrupt, rentier state. This systemic failure has produced a cycle of violence, political upheaval, and institutional collapse since the creation of the modern Yemeni state in the 1960s, of which the current conflict is only the latest eruption. Over the course of the conflict, Yemenis have come together repeatedly in an effort to identify solutions to these problems, and the result has been a fairly consistent formula for change: government decentralization and greater local autonomy, a federalized state structure, greater representation in parliament for disenfranchised populations, improved access to basic services, health and education, and a more even playing field for economic participation. But none of these reform programs has been implemented successfully. Thus, success in ending Yemen’s cycle of violence and its 60-year civil war will depend on the political will to follow through on implementation and the development of institutional capacity to carry it out. -
Between Order and Chaos: a New Approach to Stalled State Transformations in Iraq and Yemen
Research Paper Renad Mansour and Peter Salisbury Middle East and North Africa Programme | September 2019 Between Order and Chaos A New Approach to Stalled State Transformations in Iraq and Yemen Contents Summary 2 1 Introduction 3 2 Legitimacy 10 3 Capabilities: the Bureaucracy and De Facto Authorities 19 4 Power: When Legitimacy Meets Capability 32 5 Conclusion: Towards a ‘Middle–Out’ Approach 43 About the Authors 47 Acknowledgments 48 1 | Chatham House Between Order and Chaos: A New Approach to Stalled State Transformations in Iraq and Yemen Summary • In the Middle East and North Africa, a growing number of internationally recognized (de jure) states with formal borders and governments lack de facto statehood. Often, governance vacuums are filled by alternative actors that perform state-like functions in place of, or alongside, weakened official institutions. This results in hybrid orders where the distinction between formal and informal actors in the state is blurred, as too are the lines between the formal, informal and illicit economies. • International policymakers have struggled to establish political settlements in these contexts. Would-be state-builders have mistakenly assumed a binary distinction between state failure and success. They have sought to recreate an idealized archetype of the ‘orderly’ state, critically failing to recognize the more complex networks of de facto actors on the ground. At times, international policymakers pick or support leaders who lack local legitimacy, capability and power. This stalls and fragments ongoing organic state transformations, and produces hybrid orders as de facto actors adapt by both capturing state institutions and creating parallel ones. • We propose a new model for understanding the fragmentary transformations of the state under way in Iraq and Yemen. -
ACLED Methodology and Coding Decisions Around the Yemen Civil War
ACLED Methodology and Coding Decisions around the Yemen Civil War After staging protests against the removal of fuel subsidies, the Houthi Movement overran the Yemeni capital Sana’a in September 2014. Shortly after, the Peace and National Partnership Agreement was signed, stipulating the formation of a technocratic government including advisors from the Houthis and the Southern Movement (Al Hirak). In a further escalation of the events, the Houthis put President Abdrabbuh Mansour Hadi, the Prime Minister Khaled Bahah and several cabinet ministers under house arrest in January 2015, leading to their resignations and precipitating the constitutional crisis. The Houthis seized the opportunity to dismiss the government and form an executive body known as Supreme Revolutionary Committee, chaired by Mohammed Ali al-Houthi. In the following weeks, Saudi Arabia and its allies launched a military intervention to restore the government of President Hadi and prevent Aden from falling to the Houthis. These events marked the beginning of the Yemen Civil War, which has killed thousands of people and prompted a major humanitarian crisis (ACLED, 9 February 2018). The conflict presents some important methodological challenges for the recording of political violence: violent events unfold in a number of ways, which are not replicated in other contexts; a variety of actors partake in the conflict, reflecting the highly volatile and fragmented socio-political environment; media coverage often suffers from reporting biases and little access to Yemen’s most remote regions. The report aims to outline ACLED’s efforts to address these challenges and accurately capture manifestations of violence during the Yemen Civil War.