Iran and the Changing Military Balance in the Gulf
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Iran's Evolving Military Forces
CSIS_______________________________ Center for Strategic and International Studies 1800 K Street N.W. Washington, DC 20006 (202) 775-3270 To download further data: CSIS.ORG To contact author: [email protected] Iran's Evolving Military Forces Anthony H. Cordesman Arleigh A. Burke Chair in Strategy July 2004 Copyright Anthony H. Cordesman, all rights reserved. Cordesman: Iran's Military forces 7/15/2004 Page ii Table of Contents I. IRAN AND THE GULF MILITARY BALANCE: THE “FOUR CORNERED” BALANCING ACT..........1 The Dynamics of the Gulf Military Balance ..........................................................................................................1 DEVELOPMENTS IN THE NORTH GULF ........................................................................................................................2 II. IRAN’S ERRATIC MILITARY MODERNIZATION.......................................................................................9 THE IRANIAN ARMY ...................................................................................................................................................9 THE ISLAMIC REVOLUTIONARY GUARDS CORPS (PASDARAN).................................................................................14 THE QUDS (QODS) FORCES ......................................................................................................................................15 THE BASIJ AND OTHER PARAMILITARY FORCES ......................................................................................................15 THE IRANIAN -
Iran Case File (April 2019)
IRAN CASE FILE March 2020 RASANAH International Institute for Iranian Studies, Al-Takhassusi St. Sahafah, Riyadh Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. P.O. Box: 12275 | Zip code: 11473 Contact us [email protected] +966112166696 The Executive Summary .............................................................4 Internal Affairs .........................................................................7 The Ideological File ......................................................................... 8 I. Closing Shrines and Tombs ................................................................ 8 II. Opposition to the Decision Taken by Some People ............................. 8 III. Reaction of Clerics ........................................................................... 9 IV. Affiliations of Protesters .................................................................. 11 The Political File ............................................................................12 I. Khamenei Politicizes the Epidemic and Accuses Enemies of Creating the Virus to Target the Iranian Genome ..............................12 II. President Hassan Rouhani’s Slow Response in Taking Precautions to Face the Crisis ..................................................................................13 The Economic File ..........................................................................16 I. Forcible Passage of the Budget ...........................................................16 II. Exceptional Financial Measures to Combat the Coronavirus ............. 17 III. The -
PROTESTS and REGIME SUPPRESSION in POST-REVOLUTIONARY IRAN Saeid Golkar
THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY n OCTOBER 2020 n PN85 PROTESTS AND REGIME SUPPRESSION IN POST-REVOLUTIONARY IRAN Saeid Golkar Green Movement members tangle with Basij and police forces, 2009. he nationwide protests that engulfed Iran in late 2019 were ostensibly a response to a 50 percent gasoline price hike enacted by the administration of President Hassan Rouhani.1 But in little time, complaints Textended to a broader critique of the leadership. Moreover, beyond the specific reasons for the protests, they appeared to reveal a deeper reality about Iran, both before and since the 1979 emergence of the Islamic Republic: its character as an inherently “revolutionary country” and a “movement society.”2 Since its formation, the Islamic Republic has seen multiple cycles of protest and revolt, ranging from ethnic movements in the early 1980s to urban riots in the early 1990s, student unrest spanning 1999–2003, the Green Movement response to the 2009 election, and upheaval in December 2017–January 2018. The last of these instances, like the current round, began with a focus on economic dissatisfaction and then spread to broader issues. All these movements were put down by the regime with characteristic brutality. © 2020 THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY. ALL RIGHTS RESERVED. SAEID GOLKAR In tracking and comparing protest dynamics and market deregulation, currency devaluation, and the regime responses since 1979, this study reveals that cutting of subsidies. These policies, however, spurred unrest has become more significant in scale, as well massive inflation, greater inequality, and a spate of as more secularized and violent. -
Iran Case File (April 2019)
IRAN CASE FILE November 2019 RASANAH International Institute for Iranian Studies Follow us www.rasanah-iiis.org The Executive Summary ......................................................................................4 Internal Affairs ....................................................................................................9 The Ideological File .....................................................................................................10 I. Iranian Clerics Denouncing the Protests in Iraq ................................................................10 II. Najaf and Its Anti-Iranian Position ...................................................................................11 III. Indications and Dimensions ........................................................................................... 13 The Political File ......................................................................................................... 14 I. Victims and Financial Losses ............................................................................................ 14 II. Official Reactions ............................................................................................................ 15 III. The Reformists’ Position on the Protests ......................................................................... 16 The Economic File ....................................................................................................... 18 I. The Impact of US Sanctions on the Iranian Economy ....................................................... -
Flaming Cliffs 3] Dcs
[FLAMING CLIFFS 3] DCS DCS: Flaming Cliffs 3 Eagle Dynamics i Flight Manual DCS [FLAMING CLIFFS 3] DCS: Flaming Cliffs 3 is the next evolution of the Flaming Cliffs series. Flaming Cliffs 3 updates both Lock On and Flaming Cliffs to include new features in modular structure DCS World. Flaming Cliffs 3 was designed to continue the Flaming Cliffs series as what we term a "mid-fidelity" flight simulation. General discussion forum: http://forums.eagle.ru ii [FLAMING CLIFFS 3] DCS Table of Contents AIRCRAFT INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................ 2 SU-27 FLANKER B ............................................................................................................... 2 SU-33 FLANKER D ............................................................................................................... 3 MIG-29A FULCRUM A & МIG-29S FULCRUM C ...................................................................... 4 F-15C ............................................................................................................................... 5 SU-25 FROGFOOT ............................................................................................................... 6 SU-25Т FROGFOOT ............................................................................................................. 7 A-10A .............................................................................................................................. 8 GAME AVIONICS MODE ............................................................................................. -
Iranian Forces and Shia Militias in Syria
BICOM Briefing Iranian forces and Shia militias in Syria March 2018 Introduction In Iraq, another country where Iran has implemented its proxy policy, the Iranian On Wednesday, 28 February a US media outlet sponsored militias were not disbanded following reported that Iran was building a new military the defeat of ISIS but are standing as a united base 16 km northwest of the Syrian capital, list in the coming elections and will likely lead Damascus. The report included satellite images key institutions in the country. They are also of warehouses which could store short and protected in law as a permanently mobilised medium-range missiles that intelligence officials force, despite the fact that their leaders take said were capable of reaching any part of Israel. orders from Iran rather than the Government in The base, which is operated by the Iranian Baghdad. With the civil war in Syria far from Revolutionary Guard’s (IRGC) special operations over, Iran will likely seek to implement this “Iraq Quds Force, is similar to one established by model” in Syria in the future. the Iranians near the town of al-Kiswah, 15km southwest of Damascus, which was reportedly The sheer number of moving pieces in Syria targeted by Israeli fighter jets last December. – the regime heading south, Iran seeking to establish military bases, Israel becoming more This news followed a feature in the New York active in preventing the establishment of Shia Times which argued that Iran was “redrawing militias and Russia looking to maintain its the strategic map of the region” and that dozens dominance – are creating a combustible situation of bases in Syria were being operated by Iran with high potential for miscalculation, error and and its Shia militia network. -
The Gulf Military Balance in 2019: a Graphic Analysis
Anthony H. Cordesman, Arleigh A. Burke Chair in Strategy The Gulf Military Balance in 2019: A Graphic Analysis Anthony H. Cordesman and Abdullah Toukan With the Assistance of Max Molot Working Paper: Please send comments to [email protected] REVISED December 9, 2019 Photo: ARASH KHAMOUSHI/AFP/ Getty Images Introduction 2 The military balance in the Gulf region has become steadily more complex with time. Conventional forces have been been reshaped by massive arms transfers, and changes in major weapons, technology, and virtually every aspect of joint warfare, command and control, sensors, and intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance systems. Missile warfare is changing radically as diverse mixes of ballistic and cruise missiles, UAVs and UCAVs, and missiles are deployed. Precision-guided, conventionally armed missiles are becoming a key aspect of regional forces, and so are missile defenses. The threat of nuclear pro0liferation remains, and at least one state – Iran - is a declared chemical weapons power while the Assad regime in Syria has made repeated use of chemical weapons At the same time, asymmetric forces, “proxy” forces, and various forms of military advisory and support missions are playing a growing role in local conflicts and gray area operations. So are local militia and security forces – often divided within a given Gulf state by sect and ethnicity. Terrorist and extremist forces continue pose serious threats, as do political tensions and upheavals, and the weaknesses and failures of some regional governments to meet the needs of their people. The most serious sources of Gulf conflicts are now the tensions between Iran and the Arab Gulf states, and the role played by terrorists and extremists, but civil war and insurgencies remain an additional threat - as does the links between Iran, Syria, and the Hezbollah. -
Sheikh Qassim, the Bahraini Shi'a, and Iran
k o No. 4 • July 2012 o l Between Reform and Revolution: Sheikh Qassim, t the Bahraini Shi’a, and Iran u O By Ali Alfoneh The political stability of the small island state of Bahrain—home to the US Navy’s Fifth Fleet—matters to the n United States. And Sheikh Qassim, who simultaneously leads the Bahraini Shi’a majority’s just struggle for a more r democratic society and acts as an agent of the Islamic Republic of Iran, matters to the future of Bahrain. A survey e of the history of Shi’a activism in Bahrain, including Sheikh Qassim’s political life, shows two tendencies: reform and t revolution. Regardless of Sheikh Qassim’s dual roles and the Shi’a protest movement’s periodic ties to the regime in Tehran, the United States should do its utmost to reconcile the rulers and the ruled in Bahrain by defending the s civil rights of the Bahraini Shi’a. This action would not only conform to the United States’ principle of promoting a democracy and human rights abroad, but also help stabilize Bahrain and the broader Persian Gulf region and under- mine the ability of the regime in Tehran to continue to exploit the sectarian conflict in Bahrain in a way that broadens E its sphere of influence and foments anti-Americanism. e Every Friday, the elderly Ayatollah Isa Ahmad The Sunni ruling elites of Bahrain, however, l Qassim al-Dirazi al-Bahrani, more commonly see Sheikh Qassim not as a reformer but as d known as Sheikh Qassim, climbs the stairs to the a zealous revolutionary serving the Islamic pulpit at the Imam al-Sadiq mosque in Diraz, d Bahrain, to deliver his sermon. -
The Iranian Missile Challenge
The Iranian Missile Challenge By Anthony H. Cordesman Working Draft: June 4, 2019 Please provide comments to [email protected] SHAIGAN/AFP/Getty Images The Iranian Missile Challenge Anthony H. Cordesman There is no doubt that Iran and North Korea present serious security challenges to the U.S. and its strategic partners, and that their missile forces already present a major threat within their respective regions. It is, however, important to put this challenge in context. Both nations have reason to see the U.S. and America's strategic partners as threats, and reasons that go far beyond any strategic ambitions. Iran is only half this story, but its missile developments show all too clearly why both countries lack the ability to modernize their air forces, which has made them extremely dependent on missiles for both deterrence and war fighting. They also show that the missile threat goes far beyond the delivery of nuclear weapons, and is already becoming far more lethal and effective at a regional level. This analysis examines Iran's view of the threat, the problems in military modernization that have led to its focus on missile forces, the limits to its air capabilities, the developments in its missile forces, and the war fighting capabilities provided by its current missile forces, its ability to develop conventionally armed precision-strike forces, and its options for deploying nuclear-armed missiles. IRAN'S PERCEPTIONS OF THE THREAT ...................................................................................................... 2 IRAN'S INFERIORITY IN ARMS IMPORTS ................................................................................................... 3 THE AIR BALANCE OVERWHELMINGLY FAVORS THE OTHER SIDES ........................................................... 4 IRAN (AND NORTH KOREA'S) DEPENDENCE ON MISSILES ........................................................................ -
Is Their New Flight Simulator Package Set for Release in 2020 for Both PC and Xbox
New M Announced by Microsoft at Electronic Entertainment Expo 2019 (E3 2019) is their new flight simulator package set for release in 2020 for both PC and Xbox. We weren't expecting this announcement - given the history of Microsoft's attempts to revise its historic Microsoft Flight Simulator package (aka Microsoft Flight). This is a developing story so be sure to bookmark this page - it will be updated regularly with more information as and when it becomes available. The announcement was made via a YouTube video previewing the new sim. At first, we thought it was a hoax (like our 2014 April fools joke) however the video was verified and had been released on Microsoft's official Xbox YouTube channel. You can jump to the individual sections of this article using the links below: Official Release o Release Date o Official Pre-Order Launch Trailer Video o Editions, Pricing & Airports/Aircraft Included COVID-19 (Coronavirus) Delays X019 Update FSX Beta Global Preview Event Analysis FAQ SDK The Announcement Our Analysis What About Those Add-ons? The Next Generation Of Flight Simulation, “For You, With You!” August 8th Update: Development & Control of Flight Simulator X Insider Launch Videos o Discovery Series . World . Weather . Aerodynamics . Cockpits . Soundscape . Airports . Multiplayer Screenshots What do You Think? Release of Microsoft Flight Simulator NEW Posted 14th July 2020 Finally, after all the waiting, Microsoft Flight Simulator is set to be released on the 18th August 2020 courtesy of Xbox Game Studios and Asobo Studio. The release will be available for PC as well as Xbox Game Pass for PC (Beta). -
Kata'ib Sayyid Al Shuhada
Kata’ib Sayyid al Shuhada Name: Kata’ib Sayyid al Shuhada Type of Organization: Militia political party religious social services provider terrorist transnational violent Ideologies and Affiliations: Iranian-sponsored Shiite Jihadist Khomeinist Place of Origin: Iraq Year of Origin: 2013 Founder(s): Abu Mustafa al Sheibani Places of Operation: Iraq, Syria Overview Also Known As Kata’ib Abu Fadl al-Abbas1 Kata’ib Karbala2 Battalion of the Sayyid’s Martyrs3 Executive Summary Kata’ib Sayyid al Shuhada (KSS) is an Iraqi militia that has fought in both Iraq and Syria and is closely connected to Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) and the Houthis.4 Its leader is Abu Mustafa al Sheibani, a U.S.-designated terrorist who also assisted in forming the IRGC-backed Asaib Ahl al-Haq (AAH) and Kata’ib Hezbollah (KH) militias.5 The group was founded in 2013. Its first public announcements were three martyrdom notices for members killed fighting in southern Damascus alongside Syrian regime forces.6 In Syria, KSS operates within the fold of the mixed Syrian and Iraqi Liwa Abu Fadl al-Abbas, another Iranian- backed militia.7 KSS follows the same Shiite jihadist ideology as fellow pro-Iranian Iraqi militias, framing its fight in Syria as a defense of Shiites and the Shiite shrine of Sayyida Zaynab.8 In a 2013 interview, KSS’s information office stated that the group sent 500 militants to Syria.9 Other media Kata’ib Sayyid al Shuhada statements have affirmed the presence of KSS fighters in rural Damascus along the frontlines in eastern Ghouta.10 The Associated Press has reported that KSS fighters enter Syria via Iran.11 In 2015, KSS declared Saudi Arabia “a legitimate and permissible target” after that country executed a prominent Shiite cleric.12 A 2018 KSS statement indicated the group was ready to send fighters to Yemen. -
Iran and the Gulf Military Balance - I
IRAN AND THE GULF MILITARY BALANCE - I The Conventional and Asymmetric Dimensions FIFTH WORKING DRAFT By Anthony H. Cordesman and Alexander Wilner Revised July 11, 2012 Anthony H. Cordesman Arleigh A. Burke Chair in Strategy [email protected] Cordesman/Wilner: Iran & The Gulf Military Balance, Rev 5 7/11/12 2 Acknowledgements This analysis was made possible by a grant from the Smith Richardson Foundation. It draws on the work of Dr. Abdullah Toukan and a series of reports on Iran by Adam Seitz, a Senior Research Associate and Instructor, Middle East Studies, Marine Corps University. 2 Cordesman/Wilner: Iran & The Gulf Military Balance, Rev 5 7/11/12 3 INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................................................. 5 THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND ....................................................................................................................... 6 Figure III.1: Summary Chronology of US-Iranian Military Competition: 2000-2011 ............................... 8 CURRENT PATTERNS IN THE STRUCTURE OF US AND IRANIAN MILITARY COMPETITION ........................................... 13 DIFFERING NATIONAL PERSPECTIVES .............................................................................................................. 17 US Perceptions .................................................................................................................................... 17 Iranian Perceptions............................................................................................................................