LINDA FRANCE STINE interpretation is that the cultural meaning assigned MELANIE A. CABAK to blue beads is a creation of archaeologists and has MARK D. GROOVER had little historic validity among African Ameri cans in the past (e.g.,Wheaton 1993:80). The following essay evaluates the assumptions Blue Beads as African-American thatblue is themost common bead color on slave were Cultural sites and that these objects symbolically laden Symbols artifacts for African Americans. Interpretation is based upon five interrelated facts: (1) between the 16th and 19th centuries Central andWest African ABSTRACT cultural groups used beads, in addition to other items, for adornment and as personal charms for Blue beads are consistent finds at African-American sites. protection frommisfortune and illness; (2) these Archaeologists acknowledge these artifacts were used for African-derived were in turn adornment, yet some researchers also propose beads pos practices transplanted sessed additional cultural meaning among African Ameri and reinterpreted by African Americans in the cans. For this study bead data from African-American sites South; (3) enslaved African Americans participated in the South are The results indicate blue is the analyzed. in informal economies thatprovided limited access predominant bead color. The prevalence of these items sug tomaterial goods such as beads; (4) belief in the evil gests theymay indeed have been an important yet unrecog was slaves in the nized aspect of African-American culture. The multiple un eye present among study region; derlying meanings assigned to blue beads are considered and (5) the color blue, a recurring and abundantly through reference to ethnographic information, folklore, and documented motif in African-American folklore oral associated with West and Central Africa and the history along the Sea Islands, is considered to be a potent Southeast. form of spiritual protection. The role of blue beads considered in this essay is anthropologically rele vant because these itemsprovide insightconcerning Introduction the African-American worldview they embodied. Hence, these artifacts and their related meanings Although almost always recovered in small quan offer an emic perspective regardingAfrican-Amer tities, historical archaeologists have nevertheless ican material culture during the slavery era. noted that glass beads, especially blue beads, are The results of archaeological data analysis are typical finds at African-American sites. These ar firstpresented followed by a brief overview of bead tifactshave been interpreted in several ways. At a use inAfrica. A discussion of how African Amer minimal level, beads are considered to be merely icansmay have obtained beads is thenoffered. This clothing or personal artifacts. Several archaeolo study thenconsiders themultiple functions of beads gists suggest beads were primarily used by women among slaves. This paper concludes with a discus (Smith 1977:160-161; Drucker and Anthony 1979: sion of theworldview and cultural processes illus 79; Otto 1984:73,174-175; Yentsch 1994a, 1994b) trated by the use of blue beads by African Amer and reflect cultural practices derived fromWest icans. Africa (Handler et al. 1979:15-18; Armstrong 1990:272; Yentsch 1994a, 1994b). Concerning blue beads, Ascher and Fairbanks (1971:8) suggest they Data are similar to trade beads highly valued inAfrica. Archaeological Smith (1977:161) and Otto (1984:75) propose they are ethnic markers for sites occupied by African In plantation archaeology a systematic or syn Americans. Adams (1987:14) argues blue beads thetic study of beads fromAfrican-American sites were symbolically meaningful artifacts for slaves has yet to be conducted. A data set based on the between the 18th and 19th centuries. An alternative distribution of beads atAfrican-American siteswas

Historical Archaeology, 1996, 30(3):49-75. Permission to reprint required.

This content downloaded from 152.13.249.96 on Fri, 13 Dec 2013 09:07:13 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 50 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY, VOLUME 30 thereforeassembled to determine ifblue was indeed TABLE 1 themost common bead color at these sites.Artifact BEADCOLOR DISTRIBUTIONSFOR AFRICAN-AMERICAN SITES analysis was conducted at both national and re gional levels. Data fromNorth American sites il Bead Color Bead Components lustrategeneral trendsof bead use. To provide finer N % N % grained analytical resolution and a regional per Blue448 26.73 32 62.75 spective, beads from South Carolina and Georgia Black 64 3.82 6 11.76 sites are in turn considered in detail. Ar greater Green 50 2.98 5 9.80 data chaeological incontrovertibly demonstrate Clear 343 20.46 14 27.45 blue beads are consistently representedmore often White 139 8.29 16 31.37 than any other bead color on African-American Multicolor 200 11.93 9 17.65 sites. 79Red 4.71 10 19.61 17 1.01 5.88 3 data were collected a bead Purple/Pink Preliminary by placing Amber 12 0.72 3 5.88 form in the 1994 survey spring issue of African Yellow 15 0.89 6 11.76 American Archaeology (No. 10). The survey form Brown 232 13.84 4 7.84 listed frequency of beads found by color, probable Stone 4 0.24 4 7.84 Shell 11 0.66 4 date range, and context. Beads were recovered from 7.84 Unidentified 62 3.70 12 25.53 rural and urban sites, and the contexts consisted of Total 1,676 99.98 burials, middens, and structural features. Informa Sources: Ascher and Fair tion provided in the survey responses was supple Survey responses supplemented by banks (1971); Smith (1975, 1977); Good (1976); Handler and mented with published testing and excavation re Lange (1978); Drucker and Anthony (1979); Wheaton et al. ports. The survey responses were fromAlabama, (1983); Carnes (1984); Zierden et al. (1986); Gardner (1987); North California, Georgia, Kentucky, Louisiana, Watters (1987); Babson (1989); Shogren et al. (1989); Wayne Carolina, South Carolina, Tennessee, Virginia, and Dickinson (1990); Pogue and White (1991); Norrell and Montserrat, and Barbados. These data are from a Meyer (1992); Praetzellis and Praetzellis (1992); Stine (1993); Heath (1994); Stine et al. (1994); (1995); Steen (1995). total of 51 temporal components and 26 sites. As O'Malley illustrated in Table 1, considerable variety exists within this sample. Blue beads comprise 27 percent = of the total site sample (n 1,676). Blue is themost prevalent bead color and blue beads are present in amined in greater depth due to the larger number of 63 percent of the components. No other color is as African-American sites thathave been investigated uniformly represented. The difference in the dis in these states. The geographic setting of thema tributionof beads by color at these sites proved to jority of the study sites was the lower coastal plain = be statistically significant (X2 1,462.29, df= 10, and coastal areas in South Carolina. The level of = p <.001). The unidentified bead category was investigation for the site sample was either intensive removed before calculating this statistic for glass testing or excavation. Archaeological investiga beads. The assembled information clearly illus tions that relied only on survey methods were not trates that although blue is not always the most considered since survey methods usually result in prevalent bead color at each African-American site low recovery rates for small artifacts. Data were across the country, blue nevertheless is themost obtained primarily from published books and com consistent bead color present at each African-Amer pliance reports. Information concerning the geo ican site. No other bead color is as uniformly rep graphic setting, site function, excavation methods, resented in the national site sample. temporal periods, bead colors, bead types, counts, To provide finer grained analytical resolution, a and authors' interpretationsof the beads was tab data set based on beads from a specific geographic ulated. Frequency and color were themost consis region was assembled. Beads fromAfrican-Amer tentlyrecorded attributesof analysis. Bead type and ican sites in South Carolina and Georgia were ex size were not always recorded or comparable. The

This content downloaded from 152.13.249.96 on Fri, 13 Dec 2013 09:07:13 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions BLUE BEADS AS AFRICAN-AMERICANCULTURAL SYMBOLS 51 TABLE 2 BEAD COLOR BY SITE FUNCTION ON AFRICAN-AMERICAN SITES IN SOUTHCAROLINA AND GEORGIA

BeadDomesticColor Kitchen General Total

(N) % % (N) % (N)(N) % Blue47.6 (101) 24.4 (10) 20.9 (29) 35.7 (140) 15.6Black (33) 2.4 (1) 10.8 (15) 12.5(49) 9.0Green (19) 4.9 (2) 3.6 (5) (26)6.6 6.6Clear (14) 12.2 (5) 2.2 (3) (22)5.6 4.2White (9) 36.6 (15) 45.3 (63) 22.2 (87) Multicolor 3.8 (8)7.3 (3) 7.2 (10) 5.4 (21) Red2.8 (6)2.9 (4)2.6 (10) Unidentified 3.3 7.3(7) (3) 3.6 (5) (15)3.8 Purple/Pink (6) 1.52.8 (6) Amber1.4 4.9(3) 1.3 (2)(5) Yellow 1.4 (3) 0.8 (3) Stone 0.9 (2) 0.7 (1) 0.8 (3) Gray 0.5 (1) 0.3 (1) Gold 0.7 (1) 0.3 (1) Brown 0.7 (1) 0.3 (1) Shell 1.4 (2) 0.5 (2) Total99.9 (212) 100 (41) 100 (139) 100.2 (392)

Sources: Rayfield Plantation (Ascher and Fairbanks 1971); 38BK160 (Drucker and Anthony 1979); 38CH109 (Carrillo 1980); 38BK75,38BK76, and 38BK245 (Wheaton et al. 1983); Cannon Plantation (Otto 1984); 38CH322 (Brockington et al. 1985); 38DR38 (Zierden et al. 1985); Midway Plantation (Smith 1986); 38BK202 (Zierden et al. 1986); 38BU805 (Trinkley 1986); 9CM172, 9CM183, and 9CM194 (Adams 1987); 38GE267 (Michie 1987); 38AB9 (Orseret al. 1987); 38GE306 (Michieand Mills 1988); 38BU96 (Trinkley1990); 38CH1081, 38CH1083, and 38CH1086 (Wayneand Dickinson 1990);38GE410 (Weeks1990); 38BU805 (Espenshade and Grunden 1991); 38BU966 and 38BU967 (Kennedy et al. 1991); 38BU1214 (Trinkley 1991); 38CH1100 and 38CH1101 (Wood 1991);38CH1098 (Gardner1992); 38CH1199/38CH1200 (Gardner and Poplin 1992);38RD397 (Groover1992); 38BK1608 (Steen 1992); 38LU323 (Trinkley et al. 1992); 38GE377 (Adams 1993); 38BU880 (Kennedy et al. 1993); Bowers Housesite (Paonessa et al. 1993); 38CH127 (Trinkley 1993a); 38GE294, 38GE297, and 38GE340 (Trinkley 1993b); 38FL240 (Trinkley et al. 1993); 38CH812 and 38CH1214 (Wheaton 1993); 38BU791 (Eubanks et al. 1994); 38BU890 (Garrow 1994); 38BU647 (Kennedy et al. 1994); 38BR522, 38BR619, and 38BR629 (Crass and Brooks 1995); 38BK38 (unpublished).

bead data were placed in three broad temporal pe The South Carolina and Georgia study sample is riods: the colonial period?18th century; the ante composed of 392 beads recovered from 50 sites that bellum period?19th century, pre-Civil War; and possessed 58 temporal components (Table 2). the postbellum-modern period?post Civil War to Within this site sample, beads were recovered at 42 1950. Recovery locations and contexts were sepa sites, and blue beads were found at 34 sites repre rated according to the categories of African-Amer senting 81 percent of the sites thatcontained beads. ican residences?slave quarters, tenant and yeoman Glass is the primarymaterial typebut plastic, shell, farms; plantation kitchens; and plantation com and stone beads were also recovered. The sample plexes. The plantation complex category refers to contained a wide range of bead colors including red, excavations around themain house or excavations green, yellow, pink, blue, gray, and white. There were thatdid not firmlydetermine the specific functional also several polychrome beads?i.e., two context yet contained a large proportion of Colono toned, striped, and floral?within the sample. The Ware. It is assumed this distinctive ware indicates results clearly indicate blue is thepredominant color an African-American presence (Ferguson 1992). of beads found on sites inhabited by African Amer

This content downloaded from 152.13.249.96 on Fri, 13 Dec 2013 09:07:13 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 52 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY, VOLUME 30 TABLE3 BEADCOLOR BY TEMPORALPERIOD ON AFRICAN-AMERICANDOMESTIC SITES INSOUTH CAROLINAAND GEORGIA

Period

BeadColonialColor AntebellumPostbellum

(N) % % (N) (N) %

51.1 Blue (24) 52.2 (60)34.0 (17) 2.1 Black(1) 15.7 (18)28.0 (14) 6.4 Green (3) 7.0 (8) 16.0(8) 6.4 Clear (3) 8.7 (10) 2.0(1) 4.3 White (2) 2.6 (3) 8.0(4) Multicolor12.8 4.0(6) (2) 2.1 Red (1) 2.6(3) 4.0(2) Unidentified 12.8 0.9(1) (6) Purple/Pink 3.5 (4) 4.0 (2) Amber 2.6 (3) Yellow 2.6 (3) 2.1Stone (1) 0.9 (1) Gray 0.9 (1) 100.1 Total (47) 100.2 (115) 100.0 (50)

Sources: Rayfield Plantation (Ascher and Fairbanks 1971); 38BK160 (Drucker and Anthony 1979); 38BK75,38BK76, and 38BK245 (Wheaton et al. 1983); Cannon Plantation (Otto 1984); 38CH322 (Brockington et al. 1985); 38BK202 (Zierden et al. 1986); 38BU805 (Trinkley1986); 9CM172, 9CM183, and9CM194 (Adams 1987); 38GE267 (Michie 1987);38AB9 (Orseret al. 1987); 38GE306 (Michieand Mills 1988);38BU96 (Trinkley1990); 38CH1081, 38CH1083, and 38CH1086 (Wayneand Dickinson 1990);38GE410 (Weeks 1990); 38BU805 (Espenshade and Grunden 1991); 38BU966 and 38BU967 (Kennedy et al. 1991); 38BU1214 (Trinkley 1991);38CH1100 and 38CH1101 (Wood 1991);38BK1608 (Steen1992); 38GE377 (Adams1993); 38BU880 (Kennedyet al. 1993); Bowers Housesite (Paonessa et al. 1993); 38GE297 and 38GE340 (Trinkley 1993b); 38FL240 (Trinkley et al. 1993); 38BU791 (Eubanks et al. 1994); 38BU890 (Garrow 1994); 38BU647 (Kennedy et al. 1994); 38BR522, 38BR619, and 38BR629 (Crass and Brooks 1995); 38BK38 (unpublished).

icans in the South Carolina and Georgia region. sisting of slave, tenant,and yeoman domestic com = Blue beads comprise 36 percent (n 140) of the ponents, by temporal period, indicates blue beads total sample. For the analysis category of location, were much more prevalent during the colonial and blue beads comprise 48 percent of the sample from antebellum periods than after theCivil War (Table African-American residences, 24 percent of the 3). Blue beads represent 51 percent of the sample sample from plantation kitchens, and 21 percent of during the colonial period and 52 percent during the the sample from general plantation contexts (Table antebellum period. During the postbellum period 2). A chi-square test of association indicates the both blue (34%) and black (28%) are the predom difference in thedistribution of blue beads between inant bead colors. A chi-square test demonstrated African-American domestic components and other the difference in the distribution of blue beads be = plantation areas is significant (X2 28.7784998, df tween the colonial-antebellum and postbellum pe = = = 1,p < 0.01). This comparison indicates while riods is statistically significant (X2 4.88138515, df = = blue beads were typically lost in a variety of loca l,/? <0.05). tions on plantations, these beads were predomi Analysis results firmly demonstrate that blue nantly lost or intentionally discarded in and around beads were deposited most often inAfrican-Amer African-American residences. ican domestic areas, particularly during the colonial Consideration of African-American sites, con and antebellum periods in South Carolina and Geor

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gia. If the distribution of blue beads was only a slave trade, discussed above, African-American result of availability and not cultural preference, culture in the South during the era of slavery should blue beads should have been found equally in all therefore be regarded as a fusion of African-in areas of the plantation. spired cultural forms and practices. Hence, it is expected that bead use among enslaved African Americans represents a pan-cultural phenomenon West and Central African Antecedents derived fromAfrican origins. It is not only difficult but counterproductive to attempt to identifydirect, In order to achieve an enhanced understanding of one-to-one correspondences between artifact pat bead use among African Americans in the South, terningand artifact types at specific plantation sites theAfrican antecedents of thispractice must firstbe and specific ethnic groups inAfrica. However, it is considered. Among the estimated 10million Afri not unreasonable to anticipate that broadly based cans brought to theNew World between the 16th practices and beliefs associated with beads and per and mid-19th centuries (Blassingame 1974:3), ap sonal ornamentation, in addition to other aspects of proximately 40 percent originated in Kongo and thematerial domain, both survived themiddle pas Angola (Thompson 1993:56). These areas ofAfrica sage and were eventually transformed intonew cul includedmany different tribes such as the Ibo, Ewe, tural traits by enslaved African Americans in the Biafada, Bakongo, Wolof, Bambara, Ibibio, Serer, South. and Arada (Blassingame 1974:2). Since African Long before the arrival of Europeans, beads were American slaves originated from such a wide range an important aspect ofWest and Central African of cultural groups, it is difficult to associate specific material culture. Beads had many religious and sec African cultural groups with specific regions in the ular uses inAfrica. Lois Dubin (1987:122), who has South. Also, slave traders and holders were aware collected and studied beads from around theworld, of ethnic differences (Littlefield 1981:115-173) notes that 4'beads are central to the lives of all and therefore often intentionally broke up ethnic Africans" and have a wide variety of functions. groups and families (Genovese 1974). Conse Historic travelers toWest Africa recorded thatpeo quently, specific, as opposed to regional, origins for ple used beads to adorn theirbody, as jewelry, to individual plantation inhabitants are very difficult, adorn ceremonial costumes, and to decorate every if not impossible to reconstruct. day clothes. Today, and in the past,West Africans Many South Carolina slaves, a regional focus of wear beads in theirhair, on clothing, and as neck this study, originated from theKongo-Angola re laces, bracelets, waistbands, and anklets. Beads gion and therice growing areas of Gambia and the were a form of personal adornment and perhaps Windward coast. A study of slaves imported to more importantly, they conveyed social meaning Charleston from 1733 to 1807 records six major and denoted information concerning wealth, age source areas for slaves: Senegambia (19.7%); the grade, marital status, artistic attitudes, and political, Windward Coast (23.3%); Gold Coast (13.4%); religious, and cultural affiliation. Beads were also Whydah-Behhin-Calabar area (3.7%); Congo important trade items often used as currency. These (16.9%); and Angola (23%) (Pollitzer 1975:268; cf. items were also associated with myths, with cere Littlefield 1981:109-114; Creel 1988:16-44; Fer monies such as rites of passage, and with religious guson 1992:61; Kernan 1993:30; Thompson 1993: cults, and were made into sculptural beadwork and 56). Africans fromGambia were desired by South worn as amulets and charms (Rattray 1923:147, Carolina planters because they already had special 187, 1927:22,46, 62, 66, 171; Ellis 1964:232, 235, ized knowledge needed for the successful cultiva 237, 240; Farrow 1969:47; MacDonald 1969:58 tion of rice and indigo, which were important re 61; Courlander 1975:120-123; Fisher 1984:67 gional cash crops (Creel 1988:34-36; Ferguson 106; de Marees 1987; Dubin 1987:119-151). Fur 1992:61). thermore, different regions or cultural groups had Due to the demographic realities of theAfrican particular preferences for certain bead types and

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colors (Erikson 1969:59; deMarees 1987:56; Nour child's safe circuit to maturity and old age" isson 1992:29). In contemporary West Africa, (Thompson 1993:57). beads manufactured in the 19th century are often Charms were expressed verbally, through cere curated and highly valued (DeCorse 1989:44; mony or as material objects (Milligan 1912:220; Steiner 1990:59). For example, although Cote d'l Farrow 1969:121). Amulets, charms, and fetishes voire women ofWest Africa wear modern Euro are any material object that is thought to contain pean-style jewelry manufactured from gold, silver, spiritual power (Lowie 1924:268-270; Wallis and plastic, glass trade beads are nevertheless still 1939:33-34; Hoebel 1966:487). Many items are valued and purchased for their spiritual potency used for charms including beads, animal bones or (Steiner 1990:59). teeth, stones, iron, broken pottery, feathers, bits of The manner inwhich West and Central Africans skin, leaves, hair, and fingernails (Nassau 1904:76, incorporated beads into charms, amulets, and fe 84-85; Puckett 1975:172,217-218). There are prin tishes is particularly relevant to this study.Charms, cipally two types of charms, consisting of personal considered to have spiritual power, are used to in and household amulets (Burton 1864:361; Baudin sure success in all aspects of life, including jour 1885:83; Ellis 1894:118; Parrinder 1957:114-115, neys, hunting, farming, and romance, as well as to 1961:160-161; Farrow 1969:123; Awolalu 1979: ward off evil, sickness, and misfortune, and to gain 79). Personal amulets are worn around the neck, material goods (Kingsley 1897:448; Nassau 1904: arm, wrist, or ankle. These objects protect the 78, 83; Lowie 1924:269-270; Wallis 1939:33-34; wearer. Household amulets are placed on the house Farrow 1969:122-124). Some charms are used to or on household property toprotect the actual struc avertwitchcraft, particularly as manifested through ture, its contents, and residents (Parrinder 1957: illness and misfortune. Amulets thereforehave an 114-115, 1961:160-161; Nassau 1969:85; Ellis important function in health care among West and 1970:92). Central African groups. For example, among var Beads were, and still are, typically used formak iousWest African groups, where infantmortality is ing amulets and charms among many African cul high, it is thought thatmothers and children par tures (Baudin 1885:83; Rattray 1927:22; Nassau ticularly require the protection provided by charms 1969:82). However, within some regions, such as and amulets (Rattray 1927:22; Ellis 1964:232; Jan southern Togo, beads are rarely used in charms zen 1982:55-56; de Marees 1987:25, 75). Farrow (Nourisson 1992:32). Among the people of the (1969:84) notes that among theYoruba Abiku cult, Gold Coast, bead charms were oftenworn by preg toprevent harm from thevengeful spiritsof children nant women on theirwrists, ankles, and neck to that died in infancy, 4'iron rings, waist belts, an avert harm (Ellis 1964:232). Among the Ewe, a klets, and wristlets of beads and other charms are Popo bead and human toothworn around the neck put upon young children from their earliest days." prevented sickness (Ellis 1970:93). In 17th-century A string tied around thewaist of a child is also a Guinea, the travelerde Marees (1987) recorded that widespread West African charm (Milligan 1912: shirts fashioned like nets were worn by small chil 220). American writer Era Bell Thompson (1954: dren. The children's parents would: 26) observed a Liberian infantencircled by a string drape the Net extensively with their Fetissos, such as little of blue beads (cf.DeCorse [1997]). This amulet is golden crosses, tie strings of beads around the children's worn childhood for health. In throughout good hands, feet and neck, and fill their hair with little shells, soul Kongo terms, this practice keeps the child's which they greatly esteem; for they say that as long as the round, or rich, with life's A mother young child is draped with thisNet, the Devil cannot catch ' possibilities. would 'fashion a small round disk fromwood or a the child or carry it away; but without itwould be carried away by the Devil. They highly esteem the Fetisso of the seed, perforate it, and attach it to a string to hang Beads which they hang around the neck of the little child and over his heart or tie around her neck, waist, or ankle. they consider it protection against vomiting, falling, bleed a to the child's This would become guide and charm ing, harmful animals, unhealthiness, and for sleeping well soul, guarding its round boundaries, charting the (de Marees 1987:25).

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In contemporary Guinea, this custom persists and tistically significant in termsof differences in color, parents still adorn and protect their infantswith context, and timeperiods. This section considers the various amulets, beads, cowrie shells, and bangles crucial element of acquisition?or how enslaved (de Marees 1987:25). African Americans, tenants, and freed persons may The above review illustrates that inWest Africa have obtained beads. Archaeological interpretation beads were often used in amulets for protection of personal artifacts such as beads is usually based from harm and illness. The archaeological data on the assumption that theywere bought by planters gathered for this study indicate blue beads are as forAfrican Americans, were hand-me-downs from sociated with African-American sites. To under theplanter family, or were stolen (e.g., Kelso 1984: stand the role of these artifacts in the lives of Af 190,201). A few reports indicate that some personal ricanAmericans it is, in turn,necessary to consider items may have been curated heirlooms or were themeaning and uses of blue beads inWest Africa. produced by slaves for theirown use (e.g., Drucker European visitors toWest Africa between the and Anthony 1979;Wheaton et al. 1983; Otto 1984: 15th and 19th centuries observed that certain blue 73, 174-175; Zierden et al. 1986). If slaves indeed beads were highly valued. The most well-known had little or no influence in the items they used in bead is the aggri or akori bead, which was possibly daily life, then the distribution of beads identified blue (Fage 1962; Landewijk 1970; Davison et al. in this studymay merely reflect the tastes or econ 1971; Kalous 1979). Magical and mythical qualities omies of planters and overseers. If slaves were able were associated with this bead. Aggri beads were to make decisions concerning theirmaterial life, incorporated into jewelry, but theywere also used thenbead color preferences should be viewed as an in ritual and placed in burials. Among theAshanti aspect of African-American consumerism within aggri beads were often placed in containers during the informal slave economy. offerings and divination (Parrinder 1961:67). Along Conversely, beads fromAfrican-American sites was theGold Coast this bead worth itsweight in may merely reflect availability and manufacturing gold, and a person's wealth could be determined by trends rather than slave or planter choices or cultural thenumber of aggri beads theyowned (MacDonald preferences. In order to explore these issues, the 1969:58-61). color distributions of glass beads that were pro Upon initial consideration the aggri appears to be duced, sold, and traded between the 17th and 19th an appropriate example of blue bead use inWest centuries were investigated. This proved a daunting Africa that could demonstrate continuity with Af task, since published reports detailing production rican-American practices. However, as a caveat it types and numbers are not readily available. Nu should be emphasized thatWest and Central Afri merous glassmakers produced beads throughout can groups exhibited tremendous cultural variation. Europe, Asia, and theMiddle East and most kept DeCorse ([1997]) also emphasizes that beads had information about processes, amounts, and other numerous uses and meanings among cultural manufacturing arts secret (e.g.,Moore 1924:48-50; groups involved in the Atlantic slave trade, and Robertson 1969:38; Kidd 1970; Smith and Good likewise slaves may have had a range of uses and 1982:12-15; Harris 1984; DeCorse 1989:41-44). meanings for blue beads. In summary, this section Two published bead catalogs suggest thatmanu has attempted to illustrate that beads inWest and facturers offered more varieties of blues, blue Central Africa were important social, economic, greens, and greens thanother colors (Karklins 1985: and religious items thatwere used for a wide range 12,43). This trendcould be the result of consumers of purposes. purchasing more shades of blue and green, or merely bead manufacturing technology. In discuss Jones and Sullivan Bead Sources and Availability of Goods ing glass production, (1989:14) state that 4'cobalt is one of the strongest colorants Archaeological data indicate the distribution of available to glass manufacturers." Nonetheless, if beads at South Carolina and Georgia sites is sta bead consumers refused to purchase, trade, or use

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blue beads, it is doubtful that so many varieties strings common beads, 10 stringswhite enameled would have been available in bead catalogs. beads" (Weisman 1989:67, Table 4). Concerning bead sources, colonial merchants and planters often participated in both theAfrican and Indian trade.Deeply involved in themercantile Consumer Choice system,merchants and planters ordered goods on credit from factors in colonial ports such as Charles ton, or directly from factors in London (Rawley The above discussion illustrates thatprimary and 1981; Stine 1990; Braund 1993). During the 17th secondary information concerning the range and century, Amsterdam was the "... great entrepot for types of beads produced in the Old World and western Europe. To it came the products needed in shipped toNorth America is not abundantly avail the slave trade: cloths frommany nations, beads, able. However, a substantial amount of information copper, iron, brandy, and tobacco, and numerous regarding the types of itemspreferred by tradersand other commodities. Slave ships from foreign na merchants, and perhaps more importantly, the in tions,notably England, often put intoAmsterdam to fluence exerted by consumers, has been recorded acquire wares for theAfrican trade'' (Rawley 1981: since the 17th century. The influence of local de 81). Traders and planters often purchased goods mand on the types of goods offered by European from the same London merchants (Stine 1990:27). traders is illustrated in Senegal, West Africa (Opper Late Bristol slave traderJames and 1989:5-6). In 1678 French voyager Jean 18th-century Rogers' Opper mentions his captain buying trade goods at 'the Barbot noted that specific beads were preferred by bead store" in London. There he "found beads certainAfrican buyers. Some trade goods were pur plentiful, but he had not determined the price for chased by inhabitants and remade into items that cowries" (Rawley 1981:186). conformed to local taste (Opper and Opper 1989:7). more Bristol slave ships carried numerous slaves to West Africans in Senegal were willing to pay Virginia and the Carolinas. Some local traders for certain types of beads and often refused to pur or waited and purchased leftover goods fromAfrican chase goods made in unpopular colors shapes slave dealers in ports. Travelers and trad (Opper and Opper 1989:5-8). Virginia 4 ers, in thewords of JohnLawson, 'came often to In North America there are numerous examples consumer on and a good Market, at theReturn of theGuinea-Ships of the effect of choice the types trade forNegro's, and theRemnant of theirStores, which varieties of colonial and antebellum goods, is very commodious for the Indian-Trade'' (Lefler particularly forNative American contexts. Traders 1967:94). Their merchandise likely included beads. and factors often complained of kettles thatwere too This information suggests that a variety of goods large or of receiving shipments of beads and blan were available in the colonies for the Indian trade kets thatwere thewrong colors?items thatNative to as well as for resale to plantation owners, local Americans, in turn,adamantly refused purchase storekeepers, and the general population. (e.g., Peake 1954:70; Stine 1990; Braund 1993: wrote Lists of trade goods, account books, and pub 121).William Byrd (inTingling 1977:63-64) lished histories of some of the great tradinghouses tomerchants Perry and Lane in 1686 complaining, were consulted to gain a sense of the amounts and 4'Your duffeilds this year proved indifferentonely a ... sent types of beads shipped to North America (e.g., narrow & some too light blew beads you Crane 1928; Coker 1976; Coker andWatson 1986; me [were] largewhite instead of small. I can by no means not too send Wright 1986; Weisman 1989; Stine 1990; Merrell put them of, pray (if it's late) 1991; Braund 1993). Unfortunately,most trade lists me none but small white this year." Braund (1993: were merely record the price of strings of beads in num 121) writes that "Creek spokesmen very spe needed and wanted in ex ber or weight of deerskins without mentioning color cific about what they Native (e.g., Crane 1928:331-332). Occasionally a record change for their deerskins." Thus, among with a littlemore detail is encountered, such as a Americans during the colonial period there existed a consumer choice that affected the listing that enumerated "5 strings barley seeds, 5 clear pattern of

This content downloaded from 152.13.249.96 on Fri, 13 Dec 2013 09:07:13 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions BLUE BEADS AS AFRICAN-AMERICANCULTURAL SYMBOLS 57 quality, range, and types of goods thatwere traded, declined, so too did the number of blue and other including beads. For example, in a recent study of beads in regional sites (Miller et al. 1983:130-132). Plains Indian bead use and ethnicity, researchers In a study thatcompared 19th- and 20th-century discovered thatmany tribal groups used similar Upper Creek towns in Alabama and Georgia to colors and types of beads. The selection of design Creek towns inOklahoma, Good discovered a con elements, however, was directly related to the eth trasting pattern in bead use. In Oklahoma Creek nicity of themaker and the time period of manu artifact assemblages "anything other than blue and facture (Logan and Schmittou 1995). Archaeolog 'white' faceted beads is in limited quantities; and of ical data likewise substantiate this interpretation. the faceted beads, thereare always a greater number Beads from trading posts across North America of blue ones." Varieties of blue beads were also the illustrate the extent of variation in consumer de most prevalent in theAlabama and Georgia study mand that existed among Native Americans. Con sites (Good 1983:160, 162). Seminole sites dating sequently, the distribution of beads recovered at to the 1830s also often contain large proportions of individual posts was undoubtedly influenced by the blue beads (Piper and Piper 1982; Piper et al. 1982; cultural preferences of the native groups thatwere Weisman 1989:69-76). trading at specific posts (DeVore 1992:61). For The North Carolina Occaneechi, who were mid example, 72 percent of the beads recovered from dlepersons in the southern piedmont trade between Fort Michilimackinac, Michigan, for contexts dat 1680 and 1710 (Stine 1990), did not prefer blue or ing between 1714 and 1781, were white (Stone even red beads, but white (Carnes 1987:151). Sis 1974). At Fort Vancouver, British Columbia, for sipahaw villagers between 1660 and 1680 preferred contexts dating between 1829 and 1860, 57 percent blue and white seed beads (Carnes 1987:151; Ward of the beads found in the fortand 74 percent of the and Davis 1993:109, 141). In the village of Upper beads from the Indian trade storewere white (Ross Saratown along theDan River, the Sara also dec 1990). The most prevalent bead color from Fort orated their clothes with sewn white and blue seed Union, North Dakota, occupied between 1829 and beads, and occasionally wore necklaces and brace 1865, was blue, comprising 43 percent of the bead lets of largewhite, blue, and blue and white striped assemblage (DeVore 1992). beads (Ward and Davis 1993:423-428). Archaeological studies of Native American Although blue was a common bead color used by groups in theEastern Woodlands indicate a similar Native Americans and Euroamericans, it is not the pattern. The same bead typeswere traded through most prevalent color at all non-African-American out the area, but Native American groups firmly sites.Native Americans displayed pronounced vari preferred specific colors and bead types (Smith ation inbead use and preferences, especially during 1983:151). For example, in theNortheast, red beads periods of culture contact and change. If Native predominate at archaeological sites (Hamell 1983; Americans and Euroamericans could significantly Kenyon and Kenyon 1983:69; Smith 1983:151). influence the types of beads obtained from traders, Conversely, in theChesapeake, blue beads and blue then it is not unreasonable to infer that the distri and white striped glass beads are by far themost bution of beads characteristic of African-American prevalent on 17th-centuryNative American and sites is likewise quite possibly the result of cultural trader-plantersites (Miller et al. 1983:133, Table 3). preferences and consumer choice rather thanmere In Jamestown, between 1607 and 1608, Captain market availability. Consideration of the informal John Smith traded 4 lb. of beads for600 bu. of corn, slave economy reinforces this interpretation. since he had convinced local leaders thatblue beads were used by only the most high-status chiefs (Miller et al. 1983:127). Fourteen years and a re The Informal Slave bellion later, "20,000 blue beads were paid for Economy some mats," indicating blue beads were no longer viewed as scarce, high-status items (Miller et al. The idea thatenslaved peoples had some control 1983:127). As the period of intense Indian trade over their symbolic and material world has been

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discussed in recent archaeological studies (Single entitlements (Berlin andMorgan 1990:4; Campbell ton 1991; Orser 1994). However, the notion of 1990:134, 141; McDonald 1990:187). as slaves consumers appears contradictory. Archae Several laws were passed in various regions to ologists typically think about enslaved African stop or control these practices but had little success Americans as producers, but seldom as consumers. (Berlin and Morgan 1990:10; Campbell 1990: One can infer that if slaves were also consumers, 143_144; Schlotterbeck 1990:171). Slaves sold theymay have influenced the types of goods made their legal?and illegal?goods to yeomen, to local available for sale. In order to resolve this issue, storekeepers, to itinerantpeddlers, and to planters archaeologists must first determine if slaves exer (Berlin and Morgan 1990:12; Campbell 1990:140; cised decision-making in the acquisition ofmaterial McDonald 1990:195-197; Schlotterbeck 1990:173, goods such as beads. What were theiropportunities 175, 190-191). During the later antebellum period to purchase them, and did they have themeans to some planters regained more control over their do so? slaves' purchasing activities by issuing credit in Although planters provisioned slaves, thequality stead of cash. Planters also became factors for their and quantity of goods differed by individual incli slaves' goods (Campbell 1990:151). This modifi nation and wealth. On many plantations slaves were cation of the informal economy in turn reduced expected to contribute towards theirown provision direct access to markets. ing?from garden plots and wild foodstuffs (Berlin Slaves rarely accumulated large sums of cash or and Morgan 1990:3^; McDonald 1990:187; Gas credit. They could only marginally participate in per 1991:134-135). As a consequence of thisprac personal enterprises outside the heavy demands of tice, an informalbarter economy quickly developed plantation labor. For example, Guignard Plantation in which slaves exchanged surpluses with each slaves in upcountry South Carolina made about other,with plantation owners, and with local store threedollars a year between 1802 and 1804. Camp keepers (Berlin and Morgan 1990:12). In many bell (1990:135) estimates the typical field hand regions slaves, and later tenants, excelled at poultry earned between $3 and $8 annually. At the Gay production, selling eggs and fowls both on and off Plantation in Louisiana, slaves in 1844 earned be the plantation (Schlotterbeck 1990:170, 189; Pul tween $1 and $82. Between 1858 and 1859 slaves sipher 1991:150-155). Sunday markets were also at Tureaud's Plantation earned between $1 and commonplace, where slaves sold poultry, garden $170 (McDonald 1990:191, 199). produce, fish, and handcrafts (Mintz and Hall Slaves purchased a great variety of items, espe 1960; Price 1966; Berlin and Morgan 1990:9-11, cially "tobacco, alcohol, cloth, clothing, bowls, as 13; Pulsipher 1990, 1991; Schlotterbeck 1990:173; pots, and other utensils" as well jewelry, 189). In the early 19th century, South Carolina watches, and other personal goods (Berlin andMor slaves often personally sold goods at public markets gan 1990:13; McDonald 1990:135-136, 200-201; (Campbell 1990:147). Schlotterbeck 1990:177). Larger commodities such Many slaves also labored extra hours during of as stock animals and furniturewere also purchased, ficial rest periods, such as holidays, during the but less frequently (Berlin and Morgan 1990:13). evening, on Saturday afternoons, and Sundays. When comparing Georgia and South Carolina plan They worked in theirgardens or at their crafts, but tation task labor systems, Joseph (1987) discovered some also toiled additional hours both on theirown a generalized pattern of slave purchases. The three were im and on the planter's cash crops. Through these ef general categories of purchased goods forts they earned cash, either by direct wages or proved subsistence items, high-status objects, and which re selling bales of cotton, cords of lumber, or other luxury consumables. He states, "Items commodities. Some planters arranged for slaves to flectpersonal/individual status, such as finerquality . . . work for other planters as skilled laborers. In some clothing, beads, elaborate buttons, eyeglasses, cases, slaves received a portion of thewages. Over or [artifactswhich demonstrate] the success of en time occasional work privileges were viewed as tire households and families, such as wagon and

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more buggies, decorative ceramics, mirrors, elab and varieties of goods stocked by merchants. Also, orate furniture,and perhaps window glass, would be due to the autonomy represented by purchasing anothermeans of expressing financial accomplish decisions, the personal artifacts encountered at ments through a material medium" (Joseph 1987: slave sitesmay possess social and symbolic signif 5). These items may have been multifunctional, icance not usually recognized by archaeologists. communicating more than economic information within slave society. Historical studies of the informal slave economy Beads and African Americans in the South do not list the entire range of items thatwere pur chased or traded.They do, however, mention many African-American culture developed and was primary sources that list these goods. For example, transformed fromWest and Central African ante Negro Account Books maintained bymerchants and cedents within the rural South, and beads illustrate plantation records offer a wealth of information for one aspect of thishistorical process. Beads and their futureresearch. Besides urbanmerchant houses and related meanings offer an emic understanding of stores, colonists could purchase goods from local ruralAfrican-American culture. In order to explore stores. These stores became more plentiful in the the role of beads among slaves, African-American antebellum period. belief systemsmust firstbe considered. While many In the postbellum period, local stores gained an slaves embraced Christianity and Islam, the forms important role in the economic system, replacing of worship, organization of churches, tenets, and many of the large urban factors (Stine 1989). Some symbolic systems were often translated into a spe of the larger landowners also operated commissar cifically African-American worldview (Herskovits ies for laborers (Campbell 1990:147). The store 1962:207-260; Thompson 1993:74-95). ledgers forOakley Plantation, Louisiana "demon An appreciable degree of consistency existed strate that African-American tenants bought 'lace,' with the rural,African-American worldview. This 'trim,' 'beads,' and 'buttons' to ornament their level of consistency suggests that the development clothing" (Wilkie 1994:4; cf. Bell 1994:9). Like ofAfrican-American culture fromWest and Central wise, an 1871 account book lists itemspurchased by African antecedents and influences fromEuropean an African-American servant from a Pike County, and Native American elements was a process char Georgia, store. She purchased a number of items on acterized by selection and amplification (Hersko credit, including "one string of beads" worth vits 1962). This same cultural process has been $0.25 (Fincher 1871). documented by Joyner (1984:14) concerning the Extant information thereforeunderscores the fact way a distinctive formof Christianity emerged from thatmany enslaved individuals participated in local, diverse West African belief systems and European informal economies. During the last four centuries, influences among African Americans along the people of African descent have therefore had ac South Carolina and Georgia coast. Ferguson (1992) cess, albeit differential and circumscribed, toma has likewise explored the fusion of cultural forms terial goods. These men and women often main within African-American material culture during tained exchange relations with individuals on other the colonial period. Thompson has also examined plantations, as well as traders,peddlers, and store how this process is expressed inAfrican-American keepers. It is not far-fetched to consider theymay art (Thompson 1993). have exercised influence on the varieties of items African and rural African-American belief sys sold and bartered, such as beads. Since people of temswere characterized by an animistic orientation African descent were able to pick and choose some in which theworld was inhabited by both benign of the things in their lives?certain material items and malign spirits (Folklore Project [1930s]; Works like beads, other objects for personal adornment, Progress Administration [WPA] 1974[1940]; Puck and perishable or curated luxury goods?then it ett 1975; Joyner 1984). Individuals could both ben follows that slaves could also influence the types efit and sufferfrom thewhims of these forces, and

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conjurers were seen as powerful people who could coins (Botkin 1966:630-632; WPA 1974[1940]:74; control the supernatural. Illness and misfortune Puckett 1975:235, 237, 240-241). were typically explained through the actions ofma Personal charms in the South were typicallyworn levolent spirits. on the neck, finger, wrist, waist, or ankle, tied or Ex-slave interviews, compiled during the 1930s sewn to garments, and carried in thepockets, shoes, by theWorks Progress Administration, convinc or hats (WPA 1974[1940]; Puckett 1975). House inglydemonstrate thepersistence ofWest and Cen hold charms were also distributed about the house, tral African inspired animism in the South. The under or around the doorstep, placed under the bed interviews were conducted among rural African or pillow, placed on a gatesill or doorsill, or over the Americans in a number of southern states.Although door (Botkin 1966; WPA 1974[1940]). Personal researchers using these collections have tobe aware charms, as noted in the ex-slave narratives, were of the cultural context and biases in the oral history used to prevent illness, ward away evil, and bring data, certain common themes emerge from these good luck in all aspects of life. Examples of per sources. As illustrated in the interviews, concern sonal charms consist of metal wire, heavy cord, or with good and bad spiritual forces was a central a leather strap worn on the ankle, wrist, or neck element in the ruralAfrican-American worldview. (WPA 1974[1940]:20-21; Rawick 1972a:235; The mediator between the human and spiritual Puckett 1975:314), nutmeg worn on a stringaround world was theminister and the conjurer. Besides the neck to cure headaches (Rawick 1972b:244? prayer, one of themost efficientmeans for influ 245), and a silver coin worn around the ankle, neck, encing the spiritual world was through the use of or in the shoe (WPA 1974[1940]:92, 125; Rawick charms and amulets obtained from conjurers (WPA 1972b:245, 1972c:31; Puckett 1975:288, 314; Es 1974[1940]:7, 20-21, 92, 124-125). The role of cort 1979:109). In recent years archaeological ex these individuals figured prominently in the culture amples of personal charms have been identified at of rural African Americans in the South. Blassin numerous African-American sites (e.g., Adams game (1974:45) notes, "Often themost powerful 1987; McKee 1992; Patten 1992; Samford 1994; and significant individual on theplantation was the Young 1994; Singleton and Bograd 1995:23; Wil conjurer." For example, in 1822, Gullah Jack drew kie 1995; Russell 1996). Examples of likely house some of his charisma as a leading rebellion figure charms have likewise been documented at theEno for Lowcountry slaves from his use of powerful Quarter and Stagville Plantation, both near Durham, charms (Herskovits 1962:138). North Carolina, and at Prestwould Plantation in Like theirWest and Central African predeces Mecklenburg County, Virginia (Samford 1996: sors, conjurers claimed they could influence all 107-109). aspects of life, such as causing and preventing sick The above information suggests thatcharms were ness and death and influencing romance and suc a fundamental element of African-American mate cess. Healers also had extensive knowledge of the rial culture and belief systems. For example, Liza, remem medicinal qualities of roots and herbs which were a former slave fromHarris Neck, Georgia, used to cure the sick. Reliance upon conjurers, their bered that "most of the folks carry something for spiritual knowledge, and the charms theymanufac protection" (WPA 1974[ 1940]: 125). Further, given were tured extended to all practical affairs of lifewithin their significance inWest Africa, beads prob southern African-American culture. Charms and ably a typical item used for charms in the South. amulets were manufactured from a wide range of African-American slaves, like theirAfrican prede or to materials, represented by bluestone, blue glass, cessors, wore beads in jewelry affixed cloth lodestone, red pepper, graveyard dirt, horseshoes, ing. Although the role of beads among African a red flannel, hairpins, copper, silver, human hair and Americans in the South was poorly documented, nails, nutmeg, buckeyes, beads, finger rings,wrist few observations were recorded in the Caribbean. or ankle bands of various materials, and perforated Griffin Hughes, a Caribbean planter, remarked in

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1750 that his slaves adorned their bodies with torical references to the evil eye, and archaeological beads, but he did not offer an explanation for their evidence. purpose (Handler and Lange 1978:147; Karklins Ex-slave narratives collected during theDepres and Barka 1989:75). Europeans in Barbados and sion contain several direct references toMuslim Jamaica also observed plant material, such as religious practices (WPA 1974[1940]:76), includ seeds, thatwere used forbeads (Handler and Lange ing the use of prayer beads by Muslim African 1978:147). Eighteenth-, 19th-, and 20th-century Americans. A former slave recalled that people engravings, portraits, and photographs depict Af would "pray on duh bead" (WPA 1974[ 1940]: 166) rican Americans adorned with beads. Beads have and that "duh beads is on a long string.Belali he likewise been worn by African-American women, pull bead" as he prayed (WPA 1974[1940]:161). and some men, since the colonial period, and are Former slave Charles Ball also spoke of Muslim still worn today. Illustrations may be found in practices on the plantation where he resided. Ball Hughes and Meltzer (1968), Wesley (1968), John recalled thatone slave prayed five times a day to the son and Dunn (1986), Welty (1989), Gasper (1991: east (Frazier 1930:202). The presence of Muslim 134-135), Singleton (1991:163), andWhite (1991: religious practices in the Southeast may have in 102). cluded the use of blue beads toward away the evil Ex-slaves inGeorgia during the 1930s recalled eye. Christian tradition is also another source for the that beads were worn for adornment (Rawick evil eye concept. Both the books of Proverbs and 1972c:217, 312, 1972d:71). Callie Elder, an ex Ecclesiastes contain references to the evil eye slave fromAthens, Georgia, stated that "them blue (Dundes 1981:41-43). and white beads what the grown woman wore was Laura Towne, a reconstruction-era schoolteacher just to look pretty.They never meant nothing else'' on St. Helena Island, South Carolina, recorded in (in Rawick 1972c:312). The response provided by her diary that theGullah "believe in the evil eye, Callie Elder is interesting, since it implies that the and also in the power of a good eye for healing" interviewer thoughtblue and white beads had sym (Creel 1988:315). Likewise, C. R. Tredman, a bolic meaning. As Callie Elder noted in the 1930s, writer for theWPA Folklore Project in South Caro beads were often used for adornment. However, it lina, recorded from an informant in the 1930s that, is clear from ethnographic information that beads among African-American residents of Edisto Is were more thanmere ornaments inAfrica. The role land, as of beads socially meaningful objects probably some would rather encounter the devil himself than the continued in the South, particularly among African [witches] known as hags, for if one of them should cast her in luck would Americans along coastal South Carolina and Geor eye their direction bad overtake them. Some believe that a can bewitch a gia. This inference is supported by several examples hag person by merely looking at them. This is known as the "evil eye" and is very much which suggest thatbead charms were often used by feared (Folklore [1930s]:1655, D-4-27A:2). African Americans to avertmisfortune and illness. Project Beads were also used during prayer byMuslim and Puckett (1975:188) also recorded that African Catholic African Americans. Americans used charms and amulets to avert the Botkin (1966:630), a folklorist, recorded that Judas eye, another name for the evil eye. Beads, beads were worn as charms in the South. Further, then,were probably a typical element of charms that blue beads on African-American sites have been were worn and used for theprevention of illness and interpreted to be indicative of the evil eye belief misfortune. The firmest archaeological evidence to (Adams 1987). Blue beads are considered to be date for thepresence of the evil eye belief at a single particularly effective inwarding away the evil eye plantation has perhaps been recovered from the inmany cultures (Maloney 1976). The persistence Hermitage inNashville. In addition to a predomi of theevil eye belief in the study region is confirmed nance of blue beads?25 of 71 beads, comprising 33 by the presence of practicing Muslim slaves, his percent of the total bead sample?three brass figas,

This content downloaded from 152.13.249.96 on Fri, 13 Dec 2013 09:07:13 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 62 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY, VOLUME 30 which figure prominently in the evil eye complex idence of African beliefs regarding the burial of the (Distasi 1981), have been recovered from slave dead in the past (South et al. 1988:165). residences (Smith 1976; McKee 1992; Russell In contrast to the Means Graveyard, most exca 1996). vated African-American cemeteries do not contain In addition possibly tobeing used to avert the evil very many beads. For example, excavation at seven eye, beads were also used to bring good luck and cemeteries demonstrates burials containing beads prevent illness. Former slave Mollie Dawson re average less than 5 of the total excavated ' percent called, 'Most all de young girls had what we called burials (Handler and Lange 1978; Handler et al. a charm string.Dey was a lotpettier den dese beads 1979; Rose 1985; Parrington 1987; Watters 1987; we buys at de store now. Dis charm stringwas Shogren et al. 1989; Cotter et al. 1992; LaRoche suppose ter bring good luck ter de owner of it" 1994). A good example of themortuary distribution (Singleton 1991:163). As late as the 1930s, African of beads isElko Switch Cemetery which was in use Americans continued towear beads to prevent ill between 1850 and 1920. This cemetery contained ness. This practice is illustrated by an elderly Af relatively few graves with beads (4% or two of 56 rican-American woman photographed by a field excavated burials). A middle-aged African-Amer worker with theFarm Services Administration. The ican woman over 50 years old (Burial 3), interred photograph's caption states that the woman wore between 1850 and 1870, was buried with a necklace "black beads to prevent heart trouble" (Nixon composed of 33 black wire-wound beads and one 1938). Mrs. Holmes, fromAmite County, Missis blue glass bead. Interestingly, the faceted blue bead sippi, remembers her grandfather praying on a long was located in the center of the strand (Shogren et stringof beads. He would thenput one of the beads al. 1989:46-49, 143). Burial 24, an infant interred in a cup of teawhich he said would cure rheumatism in 1895, contained 300 clear glass beads. Twenty (Rawick 1972d:254). four of the beads are large necklace beads, and the Besides the use of beads in daily life, archaeol rest are seed beads. This burial contained an or ogists have discovered beads inAfrican-American nately decorated coffin (Shogren et al. 1989:91? interments.These mortuary contexts provide addi 93). tional information concerning symbolic bead use. Recently recovered informationfrom theAfrican During the excavations at Parris Island, South Caro Burial Ground inNew York city also illustrates the lina, an African-American graveyard was encoun persistence of African-derived cultural practices tered (South et al. 1988:163-165). This cemetery, and bead use. Seven intermentsout of a sample of called theMeans Graveyard, was part of theMeans over 400 individuals contained beads. Interestingly, Plantation which was occupied during the 18th and the burials containing beads were the remains of 19th centuries.Within the graveyard, a pit contain threewomen and two infants?the sex of the other ing charcoal and 3,481 glass beads, predominately two individuals was not determined. One woman blue and polychrome?blue, white, and coral?was exhibited dental mutilation, an African form of found. Archaeologists found two more cremated, body decoration, and was buried with a waist strand bead-filled pits located some distance from theAf composed of over 100 beads. One of the infantsalso rican-American graveyard, but in theMeans Plan possessed a waistlet. The beads associated with the tation. These pits date between the late 17th and other infantappear to have been worn in a necklace. 19th centuries. By conducting interviews with The functional context of thebeads interredwith the members of the nearby African-modeled Yoruba other four individuals was not determined. Inter ceremonial center, South was informed thatWest estingly, blue and turquoise beads comprise 58 per African inspired funerals involve two ceremonies, cent of the total sample (LaRoche 1994:3-20). one inwhich thephysical body is buried and another Mortuary information therefore illustrates beads inwhich material possessions are cremated. South were not typically an aspect of African-American suggests these pits may represent the "practice of burial practices. However, interments thatdo have cremating material possessions" and offer firmev beads appear to be associated more often with the

This content downloaded from 152.13.249.96 on Fri, 13 Dec 2013 09:07:13 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions BLUE BEADS AS AFRICAN-AMERICANCULTURAL SYMBOLS 63 graves of children, women, and conjurers (Handler American writers such as Toni Morrison. Baby et al. 1979; Rose 1985; Shogren et al. 1989; La Suggs in Beloved contemplates blue and yellow, Roche 1994). Finally, although only quantifiable at because "that don't hurt nobody" (Morrison 1988: the African Burial Ground, Newton, and Elko 179). Switch cemeteries, blue beads in intermentsrepre In studies of quilts made by African Americans sent less than 30 percent of thebeads by color. This in North Carolina, researchers found that strong, distribution differs significantlywith the number of contrasting color choice was an importantaesthetic blue beads (48%) fromAfrican-American domestic (McDonald 1986:36, Roberson 1988:5). Twentieth = = = contexts (X2 14.34, df 1, p < 0.01). More century quilter Pecolia Warner used blue to sym detailed analysis of burial data could refine these bolize truth,red forblood, white or silver forpeace, insights, but in general it appears that different yellow or gold for love, and brass for trouble.Black, colors of beads may have been used indaily life and although representing mourning in clothes, was burial practices by African Americans. used more for aesthetics by Warner as a contrast Future archaeological research pertaining tobead color in her quilts (Wahlman 1993:113). Various use in both mortuary and daily life contexts should sources suggest that combined colors, such as red be conducted. This study examined only beads con and white, in clothing and other textileswere often tained in published reports and books. In these re worn toward away spirits (Wahlman 1993:113). In ports the only consistently recorded bead attribute her folklore study of the Sea Islands, Twining is color. Additional research should the (Wahlman 1993:113; 129 fn. 51) states that four encompass * variables of manufacturing techniques, shape, di colors?blue, black, red, and white?are 'linked to aphaneity, color, and size. A detailed comparison of a deeper set of values and meanings in culture." bead data from cemeteries may reveal that age, These colors are often used by African Americans gender, and status are importantvariables related to in combinations that express binary oppositions bead use. such as good and bad or safe and dangerous. Color choice is important inAfrican-American aesthetics, and certain colors used in contexts Color Symbolism specific carry specific symbolic meaning. Color symbolism is a central aspect of Central The archaeological data compiled for this study and West African religious beliefs (Farrow 1969; clearly indicate thatblue beads are thepredominant Janzen 1977, 1982; Gleason 1987). Concern with bead color associated with African-American res the spiritual qualities attributed to specific colors idences in the study area between the 18th and 19th was also reestablished in theNew World, in both centuries. It is, in turn,proposed that the predom South (Sturm 1977; Gleason 1987; Omari 1994) inance of blue beads at African-American slave and North America. In North America, colors are sites was due to intentional selection. Their mean often imbued with meaning in African-American ing reflects both aesthetics and religious beliefs. traditions.Florida authorZora Neal Hurston (1978) Blue beads were used as adornment and probably writes inMules and Men that 20th-century candle worn, in part, as amulets for protection from illness colors had symbolic meaning as follows: blue pro and misfortune. This interpretation is supported vided protection and success, or in an inversion through consideration of themeaning attributed to could cause death.White was used for peace, wed the color blue in ruralAfrican-American belief sys dings, or "to uncross"; red represented victory; tems.These belief systems are particularly apparent pink, love and drawing away success; green aided within folklore and art. success, or helped to "drive off" [haints]; yellow A wide array of itemswere used tomake charms and brown brought money; lavender "caused in the Southeast, and the color blue was commonly harm"; and black "always [represented] evil or used for items incorporated into personal charms. death" (Wahlman 1993:113). Color continues to be Concerning the qualities attributed to the colors a key element in themodern novels of African used in charms, a sheriff in the Beaufort area of

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South Carolina in the late 1960s wrote that root unconscious holdover from the early days of slavery in the * Sea Islands when Gullahs were the residue from doctors 'deal in tokens or charms of colors, given indigo varying vats to use on the doors and windows of their cabins. How and powders. A token of one color may cast a spell ever, this does not explain the fact that Gullah conjurers while another color is to take it off" reputed concocted pills for their patients, the color of which was (McTeer 1970:72). Further, the Beaufort sheriff usually blue also. Perhaps then, the shade blue was effective in out noted that blue charms are used for protection keeping spirits (Creel 1988:321). against evil and misfortune (McTeer 1970:24). In A resident of stated he still trims theSouth, powdered blue glass and bluestones were Georgia recently his house in this color to honor his elders' beliefs used in charms (Botkin 1966[1949]:632; Rawick ' that warded theirhomes from 1972e:34; Puckett 1975:237, 240), blue ribbons are they spiritsby 'paint the shadows" (Joel Jones 1994, pers. comm.). used in love charms (Hughes and Bontemps 1958: ing Mrs. Elizabeth Porcher a native of Porch 194; Hurston 1978:283), and according toMcTeer Mahoney, er's Bluff near Mt. South also (1970:24) blue amulets are often used for romance. Pleasant, Carolina, indicated that the blue trimaround local res JayMills (1991, pers. comm.) has collected similar many idences was to out the or witches African-American oral histories about the impor "keep hags" (Elizabeth Porcher 1995, pers. comm.). tance of blue for protection and blessings in the Mahoney Mailboxes painted blue are also thought to keep Carolina Lowcountry. away bad news (Steen 1992:53). Within the house, In addition to personal charms, household blue candles for are to charms and furnishings thatcontained the color blue furnishings thought provide success and (Hurston 1978:287). Simi were also used to protect the residences of rural protection when houses are cleaned, blue-colored scrub African Americans. For example, inSouth Carolina larly, water is sometimes used to protect the residents and Georgia, African Americans in the past and (Hurston 1978:284, 286). present sometimes paint the attic louvers, gables, Bottle trees can be seen in Alabama, doors, and window molding blue for protection Georgia, Louisiana, and colored bot from spirits and witches (Folklore Project [1930s]: Mississippi. Brightly tles, often blue, serve as from 1655, D-4-27A(l), D-4-27B(l); 1885, D-4-27A, protection spirits (Melissa and John Cottier 1994, pers. F-2-18A; Crum 1968:85; Joyner 1984:153; Creel Beasley comm.). Bottle trees, mirrors, and other 1988:321; Conroy 1990:29; Wahlman 1993:113). objects could bless the person of good heart, or drive away During the 1930s, C. S. Murray, a Folklore Project those of evil intent 1993:82-83; Vernon writer, recorded that (Thompson 1993:158). On a recent trip throughCleveland, Al The color blue is a sure charm both and against ghosts abama, a decorated bottle treeplaced in an African lightning, the Sea Island negroes hold. This is one reason why American man's backyard was observed. Blue the doors and windows of almost every negro cabin are . . . Clorox bottles were on a tree close to painted bright blue ghosts are afraid of this particular painted hung color because it reminds them of heaven. . . .They cannot the property's boundary with a cemetery (Stine face the sunlight, and neither can their eyes bear the sight of 1994, pers. observation). In a number of illustra the color blue, for blue is the color of heavens_Lightning tions of African-American yards and graves blue is too is an evil blue has the power to divert it from spirit.Holy likewise a color 1993:79, 86 harm, if the bolt should enter the cabin while the doors and prevalent (Thompson Plates 91 Plates 83; 94 Plate windows are open and the blue charm is temporarily hidden. 70, 71, 72; 62, 93). In fact the color blue is a charm against almost any kind of evil, for the negroes like to thinkGod himself prefers blue. [1930s]: 1655, D-4-27A). (Folklore Project Conclusion

Concerning this practice, Creel likewise states that Through consideration of archaeological, ethno interviewers for the Federal Writers Project observed that and historical information, the preceding nearly all the doors and windows of Gullah cabins were graphic, was to demonstrate that blue beads painted blue, the color of the heavens. One theory that study attempted the custom of painting doors and windows blue was an served as both jewelry for personal adornment and

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charms among African Americans. Concerning along theSea Islands of South Carolina and Georgia general trends, several observations are apparent. apparently selected blue as a socially meaningful Analysis of archaeological data demonstrated that cultural element. The symbolic role of this color, in blue is the predominant color of beads recovered the absence of clear African parallels, possibly rep from African-American domestic sites occupied resents the development of a uniquely African during the colonial and antebellum periods in South American practice. The underlying reasons why Carolina and Georgia. Archaeological data clearly this color was specifically selected are unknown, indicate thatwhile only a few beads are typically yet research conducted by psychologists indicates recovered at African-American sites and cemeter blue exhibits beneficial, curative qualities and has ies, the differences in color distributions are sig been used around theworld to prevent illness and nificant. For the entire South Carolina and Georgia cure diseases (Birren 1961[1950]:37, 57, 109, 260, site sample, blue beads comprise 36 percent, or 1978:95; Mahnke and Mahnke 1987:13). These represent on average eight beads per site.Mortuary qualities parallel the role of blue as a form of pro data indicate beads are usually associated with tection frommisfortune and sickness documented women and infants,which parallel the preventive in the South. The selection of this culturallymean role of beads inWest and Central Africa. Ethno ingful element was in turnamplified and expressed graphic information and folklore studies also dem within thematerial domain of ruralAfrican Amer onstrate a strong degree of continuity existed be icans between the 18thand 20th centuries. This folk tween African Americans and theirWest and belief also persisted differentially to the present. Central African predecessors in both their general Ex-slave Callie Elder stated thatblue beads had no animistic belief systems and the use of charms to particular meaning but were merely for decoration. influence the world they perceived. Archaeologi Conversely, former slave Mollie Dawson recalled cally derived interpretationsare supported by his that beads were worn for good luck. The elderly torical observations and folklore. African-American woman photographed in the Our interpretationdescribed the distribution of 1930s stated thatblack beads were worn to prevent a specific artifact type and the beliefs, or emic heart trouble.These examples illustrate that the folk worldview, possibly expressed by these artifacts. beliefs considered in this essay persisted among However, information presented in this essay has some African-American people and not others in archaeological and anthropological relevance con the South. The meaning attributed to blue survived cerning historical processes of cultural continuity in several material domains, yet was lost or forgot and change that extend beyond an artifact study. ten in others, such as the realm of personal orna Diverse Central andWest African groups exhibited mentation. Oral history and folklore reveal that staggering variation inmaterial culture related to quilts, window trim, scrub water, mailboxes, and ornamentation and associated belief systems. candles were imbued with the beneficial quality Within the colonial and antebellum South an amal attributed to blue. The prevalence of blue beads at gam of West and Central African groups were African-American sites offers compelling evidence forced to survive in a new and often hostile setting. these itemswere likewise vested with this charac A consequence of this experience was thatprevious teristicduring the colonial and antebellum periods. and specific cultural elements were selected, re jected, modified, and magnified by African Amer icans and a uniformAfrican-American cul largely ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ture emerged, particularly along coastal South Carolina and Georgia. Earlier versions of thispaper were in1994 The pervasive aspect of blue within theAfrican presented at the annual of theSoutheastern Archae American worldview and material domain illus meetings ological Conference in Lexington, Kentucky, and trates this From a multitude of cultural process. the American Anthropological Association inAt traditions and possibilities, African Americans lanta,Georgia. The authors thankChristopher De

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Corse, Leland Ferguson, and JayMills forconstruc presented at theAnnual Meeting of the Southeastern tive suggestions on the subject. We also thank and Midwestern Archaeological Conference, Lexing Thomas Wheaton for including thebead survey form ton, Kentucky. inAfrican-American Archaeology and appreciate and Phillips A. Morgan the response from the newsletter's readers. Keith Berlin, Ira, (editors) 1990 The Slaves' Economy: Production Derting of the South Carolina Instituteof Archaeol Independent by Slaves in theAmericas. Frank Cass, London. ogy and Anthropology was instrumental inhelping locate and site informationthat formed the reports Birren, Faber basis of the data set. for this was Support study 1961 Color and Psychology and Color Therapy: A Factual theSavannah River Re provided by Archaeological Study of the Influence of Color on Human Life. Re search The authors assume Program. responsibility print of 1950 edition. University Books, Secaucus, for errors in the any essay. New Jersey. 1978 Color and Human Response. Van Nostrand Reinhold, New York.

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