Activities of Tatarstan Offices in Turkestan
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HAJJ of the Tatars from the Past - to the Present
Man in India 2017 vol.97 N9, pages 17-24 HAJJ of the tatars from the past - To the present Akhunov A., Alavi A., Muhammed A. Kazan Federal University, 420008, Kremlevskaya 18, Kazan, Russia Abstract © Serials Publications. The relevance of the investigated problem is caused by the growing importance of the religious factor in the socio-political and religious-cultural life of the global community and Russia in the XXI century. The purpose of this article is to identify and analyze trends in the development of Tatar religious activities such as Hajj during the XI - XXI centuries. The leading method of the study of this problem is a historical-comparative method: in retrospect the emergence of this institution and the existence under conditions of the different socio-economic formations have been analyzed; a particular emphasis is made on the post- Soviet period. A special attention is paid to the question of organization of the hajj: route construction and different programs, cost factors of trip tickets, etc. It is proved that the system of organization of doing Hajj in the Republic of Tatarstan as an obligatory ritual for every Muslim is now almost developed. In a short time (since the 1990s.) the stage of formation passed, competence centers are defined, and logistics are established, all the requirements of the Islamic religion, the Russian and international legislation are observed. Keywords Hajj, History, Islam in Tatarstan, Muslim religious board in Tatarstan, Relations between the Volga region and the Arab East, Volga Bulgarians References [1] 'Abbas will discuss the questions of expansion of pilgrim communications with Tatarstan' (2010). -
The North Caucasus Region As a Blind Spot in the “European Green Deal”: Energy Supply Security and Energy Superpower Russia
energies Article The North Caucasus Region as a Blind Spot in the “European Green Deal”: Energy Supply Security and Energy Superpower Russia José Antonio Peña-Ramos 1,* , Philipp Bagus 2 and Dmitri Amirov-Belova 3 1 Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities, Universidad Autónoma de Chile, Providencia 7500912, Chile 2 Department of Applied Economics I and History of Economic Institutions (and Moral Philosophy), Rey Juan Carlos University, 28032 Madrid, Spain; [email protected] 3 Postgraduate Studies Centre, Pablo de Olavide University, 41013 Sevilla, Spain; [email protected] * Correspondence: [email protected]; Tel.: +34-657219669 Abstract: The “European Green Deal” has ambitious aims, such as net-zero greenhouse gas emissions by 2050. While the European Union aims to make its energies greener, Russia pursues power-goals based on its status as a geo-energy superpower. A successful “European Green Deal” would have the up-to-now underestimated geopolitical advantage of making the European Union less dependent on Russian hydrocarbons. In this article, we illustrate Russian power-politics and its geopolitical implications by analyzing the illustrative case of the North Caucasus, which has been traditionally a strategic region for Russia. The present article describes and analyses the impact of Russian intervention in the North Caucasian secessionist conflict since 1991 and its importance in terms of natural resources, especially hydrocarbons. The geopolitical power secured by Russia in the North Caucasian conflict has important implications for European Union’s energy supply security and could be regarded as a strong argument in favor of the “European Green Deal”. Keywords: North Caucasus; post-soviet conflicts; Russia; oil; natural gas; global economics and Citation: Peña-Ramos, J.A.; Bagus, P.; cross-cultural management; energy studies; renewable energies; energy markets; clean energies Amirov-Belova, D. -
Flags and Banners
Flags and Banners A Wikipedia Compilation by Michael A. Linton Contents 1 Flag 1 1.1 History ................................................. 2 1.2 National flags ............................................. 4 1.2.1 Civil flags ........................................... 8 1.2.2 War flags ........................................... 8 1.2.3 International flags ....................................... 8 1.3 At sea ................................................. 8 1.4 Shapes and designs .......................................... 9 1.4.1 Vertical flags ......................................... 12 1.5 Religious flags ............................................. 13 1.6 Linguistic flags ............................................. 13 1.7 In sports ................................................ 16 1.8 Diplomatic flags ............................................ 18 1.9 In politics ............................................... 18 1.10 Vehicle flags .............................................. 18 1.11 Swimming flags ............................................ 19 1.12 Railway flags .............................................. 20 1.13 Flagpoles ............................................... 21 1.13.1 Record heights ........................................ 21 1.13.2 Design ............................................. 21 1.14 Hoisting the flag ............................................ 21 1.15 Flags and communication ....................................... 21 1.16 Flapping ................................................ 23 1.17 See also ............................................... -
“Dough” and Saving the Machine: Lessons from Tatarstan
GETTING THE “DOUGH” AND SAVING THE MACHINE: LESSONS FROM TATARSTAN GULNAZ SHARAFUTDINOVA1 THE GEORGE WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY Abstract: This case study looks at the evolution of the political machine built in the Republic of Tatarstan, one of the notable subnational units of the Russian Federation. The study reviews the key features of the republican political system as it was constructed under its first president Mintimer Shaimiev and explores the sources of its durability, explaining the longevity of the system after Shaimiev’s departure. The study highlights the role of center-periphery interaction and the flexible tactics employed by the local elites with the aim of taking advantage of the changing political environment and opportunities arising in the federal center. To ensure the survival of its political machine, Tatarstan is increasingly relying on federal funds to finance regional and national mega-projects undertaken in the republic. bservers have long noted that local politics vary considerably both in Onationally democratic and authoritarian settings.2 The greater system- atic integration of subnational and multi-level research into comparative politics is a more recent endeavor and today there is a growing body of scholarship that makes use of subnational analysis in Brazil, Argentina, Russia, India, China, and other countries.3 The recent literature on subnational political diversity can be roughly Gulnaz Sharafutdinova is a Visiting Scholar at the Institute for European, Russian, and Eurasian Studies, 1957 E Street, NW, Suite 412, Washington, DC 20052, [email protected]. 1 The author thanks two anonymous reviewers and the journal editor for invaluable comments on an earlier draft of this article. -
Crimea After the Georgian Crisis
Crimea after the Georgian Crisis Crimea After the Georgian Crisis Following the Georgian Crisis, there was frequent speculation in the international media Crimea theCrisis Georgian after about the Ukrainian peninsula of Crimea as the next likely target of Russian military intervention. Logic suggests that Crimea, the only region in Ukraine with an ethnic Russian JAKOB HEDENSKOG majority, with its historical links to Russia and contested affiliation to Ukraine, and with its Hero City Sevastopol (the base of the Russian Black Sea Fleet), would be an easy target for the Kremlin’s neo-imperialist policy. This report aims to compare the situation around Crimea with that regarding South Ossetia and Abkhazia, which led to the Georgian Crisis. The main objective is to identify similarities and differences concerning both the situation on the ground and Russia’s policy towards the regions, in order to determine whether a military scenario for Crimea is impossible, Jakob Hedenskog possible or even likely. For a study (in Swedish) on the Georgian Crisis and its consequences, see Larsson, Robert L., et al. Det kaukasiska lackmustestet: Konsekvenser och lärdomar av det rysk-georgiska kriget i augusti 2008, FOI-R--2563--SE, september 2008. Front cover photo: The chief of the Russian Black Sea Fleet and the Chief of the Ukrainian Marine jointly celebrate the 60th Anniversary of Victory Day, 9 May 2005, © Jakob Hedenskog (2005) FOI, Swedish Defence Research Agency, is a mainly assignment-funded agency under the Ministry of Defence. The core activities are research, method and technology development, as well as studies conducted in the interests of Swedish defence and the safety and security of society. -
What Do the Crimean Tatars Face in Crimea?
What do the Crimean Tatars face in Crimea? Alexander Osipov ECMI Brief #32 April 2014 ECMI- Issue Brief # 32 The European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI) is a non-partisan institution founded in 1996 by the Governments of the Kingdom of Denmark, the Federal Republic of Germany, and the German State of Schleswig-Holstein. ECMI was established in Flensburg, at the heart of the Danish-German border region, in order to draw from the encouraging example of peaceful coexistence between minorities and majorities achieved here. ECMI’s aim is to promote interdisciplinary research on issues related to minorities and majorities in a European perspective and to contribute to the improvement of interethnic relations in those parts of Western and Eastern Europe where ethnopolitical tension and conflict prevail. ECMI Briefs are written either by the staff of ECMI or by outside authors commissioned by the Centre. As ECMI does not propagate opinions of its own, the views expressed in any of its publications are the sole responsibility of the author concerned. ECMI Issue Brief # 32 European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI) Director: Dr. Tove H. Malloy © ECMI 2014 2 | P a g e ECMI- Issue Brief # 32 What do the Crimean Tatars face in Crimea? The Issue Brief concerns further developments which the Crimean Tatars may experience after the Russian annexation of Crimea. The Crimean Tatars are the second largest minority in the Crimean peninsula, and they are represented by politically active movements with far-reaching claims concerning the status of Crimean Tatars and territorial self-determination. Within less than one month these people as well as their homeland have been transferred to another country with different political and legal systems and potentially a less friendly social environment. -
Crimean Tatars After Russia's Annexation of the Crimean Peninsula
Centre for Eastern Studies NUMBER 141 | 30.06.2014 www.osw.waw.pl Crimean Tatars after Russia’s annexation of the Crimean Peninsula Tadeusz A. Olszański After Russia’s annexation of Crimea, Crimean Tatars face the necessity of working out a mo- dus vivendi to cope with the difficult situation which now confronts them. On the one hand, the desire to remain in their homeland, which they regained after exile in Soviet times, is an imperative encouraging them to accept the status quo, while on the other, the fear of Russia and the strong relations of Crimean Tatar elites with Kyiv would favour opposing the present state of affairs. Another fact pointing in favour of an agreement with Moscow is that Kyiv has not attempted to defend Crimea and has not been active in demanding its return to Ukraine, which has undermined Kyiv’s authority in the eyes of the Tatars. Therefore, the leaders of the Mejlis of Crimean Tatars (the national self-government) act carefully, trying to avoid actions which could be seen as provocative and thus liable to incite retribution. It could be expected that this course of action will continue, although it faces ever greater difficul- ties in the context of the Russian authorities’ adoption of a strongly anti-Tatar policy, which is likely to evoke more radical attitudes among the Crimean Tatars. Exile and return Shortly afterwards, some 200,000 Crimean Tatars returned to Crimea and the 2001 census Crimean Tatars (referred to in the local language revealed the total number of Crimean Tatars to as Qirimlar, Qirimtatarlar) are a separate ethnic be 243,000 (12% of the population of the Au- community using their own language, which tonomous Republic of Crimea), however in five makes them distinct from Kazan Tatars, for ex- raions (Bakhchysaray, Simferopol, Bilohirsk, ample. -
Stability in Russia's Chechnya and Other Regions of the North Caucasus: Recent Developments
Stability in Russia’s Chechnya and Other Regions of the North Caucasus: Recent Developments Jim Nichol Specialist in Russian and Eurasian Affairs December 13, 2010 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RL34613 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Stability in Russia’s Chechnya and Other Regions of the North Caucasus Summary Terrorist attacks in Russia’s North Caucasus—a border area between the Black and Caspian Seas that includes the formerly breakaway Chechnya and other ethnic-based regions—appeared to increase substantially in 2007-2009. Moreover, civilian and government casualties reached levels not seen in several years and terrorist attacks again took place outside the North Caucasus. Although the number of terrorist incidents may have leveled off or even declined slightly in 2010 from the high levels of 2009, the rate of civilian and government casualties continued to increase throughout the North Caucasus in 2010 and a rising number of terrorist incidents took place outside of Chechnya. Illustrative of the new range and scope of violence, the Moscow subway system was bombed in March 2010, resulting in over 40 deaths and dozens of injuries. Before the recent rise in terrorism, it seemed that government security forces had been successful in tamping down their range and scope by aggressively carrying out over a thousand sweep operations (“zachistki”) in the North Caucasus. During these operations, security forces surround a village and search the homes of the residents, ostensibly in a bid to apprehend terrorists. Critics of the operations allege that the searches are illegal and that troops frequently engage in pillaging and gratuitous violence and are responsible for kidnapping for ransom and “disappearances” of civilians. -
Udmurt Postpositions and Turkic Influence
Timofey Arkhangelskiy ([email protected]) Universität Hamburg / Alexander von Humboldt Foundation Maria Usacheva ([email protected]) Institute of Linguistics, Russian Academy of Sciences Udmurt postpositions and Turkic influence Udmurt is a Uralic language that has been in contact with neighboring Tatar and Bashkir (Kipchak Turkic) for at least 500 years (Agyagási 2012); Tatar was dominant in the region before the advent of Russian. In this talk, we are going to present data on Udmurt postpositions. At first glance, there are a lot of non-trivial similarities between Udmurt and Turkic in this respect. However, a closer look at the areal distribution of postpositional constructions shows that Udmurt varieties that have been in closer contact with Turkic paradoxically show less similarity. The research is based on Udmurt corpora and text collections (corpus of standard Udmurt; corpus of Udmurt-language social media; collection of scanned newspapers of the first half of the 20th century) and on our own field data (Beserman dialect: spoken corpus and elicitation). There are two main types of noun phrases with dependents in Udmurt: direct juxtaposition, analyzed as compounding by Fejes (2005), and the double-marked possessive construction (N-GEN N-P.3). These constructions, sometimes called “ezafe-1” and “ezafe-3”, are also available in Turkic languages. To the best of our knowledge, there is no “ezafe-2” (N.NOM N-P.3) in any Udmurt dialect. The examples can be seen in (1). (1a) pukon pi̮d-jos (1b) pukon-len pi̮d-jos-i̮z chair leg-PL chair-GEN leg-PL-P.3SG ‘chair legs’ Most of the items traditionally labeled as postpositions in Udmurt are of nominal origin and can be inflected for case, e.g. -
Udmurtia: Orthodoxy, Paganism, Authority
Religion, State & Society, Vo!. 25, No. 2, 1997 Udmurtia: Orthodoxy, Paganism, Authority SERGEI FILATOV & ALEKSANDR SHCHIPKOV In Udmurtia, as in other Finno-Ugrian republics in the Volga region, the revival of paganism is inseparably connected with the national movement. This link was fore ordained by the relative liveliness of paganism in the republic. Christianity began to penetrate the Udmurt milieu in the thirteen to fourteenth centuries, first of all into the northern regions of traditional Udmurt settlements together with the first Russian settlers. However, the greater part of the Udmurt people was under strong Turkic Muslim pressure until the destruction of the Khanate of Kazan'. Over the centuries the Udmurts offered resistance to Turkic expansion. The southern Udmurts, who formed part of the realm of the Volga Bulgars, and later of the Golden Horde and the Khanate of Kazan', experienced especially strong Muslim influence; it is not surprising that their northern fellow-tribesmen called them the 'Tatar Udmurts'. However, Islam could not supplant the Udmurts' traditional beliefs, and up to the time of the fall of the Khanate of Kazan' the great majority of them remained pagans. The first recorded date in the spread of Christianity is 1557, when Ivan the Terrible conferred certain privileges on 17 baptised Udmurt families by an imperial deed. However, serious attempts to draw the 'Vyatka non-Russians' into the bosom of Orthodoxy were undertaken only in the middle of the eighteenth century, when the government began to implement a whole series of measures to christianise the Udmurts: missionaries were sent into the villages and began to build churches and open schools. -
Russian Regional Flags: Flags of the Subjects of the Russian Federation
110 Russian Regional Flags Tambov Oblast Тамбовская область / Tambovskaia oblast’ Year Adopted: 2005 Proportions: 2:3 Designer: unknown Federal District: Central Administrative Center: Tambov Population: 1,096,879 Tambov Oblast’s flag is divided vertically into two equal parts—red at the hoist and blue at the fly. Red is a symbol of courage and steadfastness. It reflects the bravery of the inhabitants, their magnanimity, their aspirations to unity and solidarity, and the continuity of the generations. Red is also drawn from histori- cal flags of Russia, emblems of the Tambov area, and from the flags of the Soviet period. Blue symbolizes the greatness, natural beauty, and cleanliness of the Tam- bov region, faithfulness to its traditions, faultlessness, and well-being. Centered on the flag are the arms of the oblast, which show a beehive and three bees in white on a blue field. The beehive symbolizes the concept of home, and the bees repre- sent industriousness and thrift. Topping the arms is a gold crown. The width of the arms is roughly 1/3 the length of the flag. Sources: Tambovskaia oblast’, “Simvolika oblasti”, http://www.tambov.gov.ru//?Page=171, accessed 15 June 2008; Tam- bovskaia oblast’, “Zakon o flage Tambovskoi oblasti”, http://www.regadm.tambov.ru/flag.htm, accessed 9 July 2008; “Flag Tambovskoi oblasti”, Geral’dika.ru, http://geraldika.ru/symbols/11007, accessed 20 June 2008; “Tambovskaia oblast’”, Vexillographia: Flagi Rossii, http://www.vexillographia.ru/russia/subjects/tambov.htm, accessed 1 August 2008; Borisov and Kozina, p. 311; Saprykov (2004), p. 74; Saprykov (2006), p. 74; Smetannikov, p. -
Southern Russia: the Heartland Or Russia's Soft Underbelly?
Southern Russia: The Heartland or Russia's Soft Underbelly? Ivan Kurilla April 2000 PONARS Policy Memo 120 Volgograd State University The Heartland Southern Russia is undoubtedly of strategic importance. Its figures are not too impressive: with about 13% of Russia's total population, the region produces 15.5% of the country's agriculture and just slightly over 5% of its industry. Looking at a map (see below), however, we see that the two southernmost oblasts--Rostov and Volgograd-- shape the southern Russian "bottle neck." It is conveniently situated on the shortest possible transport route between Kazakhstan and Ukraine, which bypasses the unstable Caucasus. The Caspian Pipeline Consortium has designated that route for construction of an oil pipeline from Kazakhstan's Tengiz field. Furthermore, all routes from Russia to the Caucasus go through these regions. So, all traffic of weapons and drugs and possibly explosives carried to or from the North Caucasus must traverse either the Rostov or the Volgograd region. Incidentally, this geographic fact supports the argument that the fall 1999 explosions are of Caucasus origin. The last of those bombings took place in Volgodonsk, a city on the border of Rostov and Volgograd oblasts, and was probably precipitated by the fact that increased vigilance of the Russian population provided an obstacle to further northward transportation of explosives. Astrakhan, Volgograd, and Rostov also control all the waterways from the Caspian to the Black Sea, and from Caspian oilfields and Iran northward to Central Russia. Besides the oil traffic from foreign oilfields, Russia in late March 2000 started its own oil extraction at the north Caspian oil field Khvalynskoe.