DOCSLIB.ORG

Stability in Russia's Chechnya and Other Regions of the North Caucasus: Recent Developments

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Stability in Russia's Chechnya and Other Regions of the North Caucasus: Recent Developments Stability in Russia’s Chechnya and Other Regions of the North Caucasus: Recent Developments Jim Nichol Specialist in Russian and Eurasian Affairs December 13, 2010 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RL34613 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Stability in Russia’s Chechnya and Other Regions of the North Caucasus Summary Terrorist attacks in Russia’s North Caucasus—a border area between the Black and Caspian Seas that includes the formerly breakaway Chechnya and other ethnic-based regions—appeared to increase substantially in 2007-2009. Moreover, civilian and government casualties reached levels not seen in several years and terrorist attacks again took place outside the North Caucasus. Although the number of terrorist incidents may have leveled off or even declined slightly in 2010 from the high levels of 2009, the rate of civilian and government casualties continued to increase throughout the North Caucasus in 2010 and a rising number of terrorist incidents took place outside of Chechnya. Illustrative of the new range and scope of violence, the Moscow subway system was bombed in March 2010, resulting in over 40 deaths and dozens of injuries. Before the recent rise in terrorism, it seemed that government security forces had been successful in tamping down their range and scope by aggressively carrying out over a thousand sweep operations (“zachistki”) in the North Caucasus. During these operations, security forces surround a village and search the homes of the residents, ostensibly in a bid to apprehend terrorists. Critics of the operations allege that the searches are illegal and that troops frequently engage in pillaging and gratuitous violence and are responsible for kidnapping for ransom and “disappearances” of civilians. Through these sweeps, as well as through thousands of direct clashes, most of the masterminds of previous large-scale terrorist attacks were killed. Some observers suggest that the increasing scope of public discontent against zachistki and deep economic and social distress are contributing to growing numbers of recruits for terrorist groups and to increasing violence in the North Caucasus. Interethnic and religious tensions are also responsible for some of the increased violence. Many ethnic Russian and other nonnative civilians have been murdered or have disappeared, which has spurred the migration of most of the nonnative population from the North Caucasus. Russian authorities argue that foreign terrorist groups continue to operate in the North Caucasus and to receive outside financial and material assistance. The United States generally has supported the Russian government’s efforts to combat terrorism in the North Caucasus. However, successive Administrations and Congress have continued to raise concerns about the wide scope of human rights abuses committed by the Russian government in the North Caucasus. The conference agreement on Consolidated Appropriations for FY2010 (P.L. 111-117), calls for $7.0 million to continue humanitarian, conflict mitigation, human rights, civil society and relief and recovery assistance programs in the North Caucasus. It also repeats language used for several years that directs that 60% of the assistance allocated to Russia will be withheld (excluding medical, human trafficking, and Comprehensive Threat Reduction aid) until the President certifies that Russia is facilitating full access to Chechnya for international nongovernmental organizations providing humanitarian relief to displaced persons. Congressional Research Service Stability in Russia’s Chechnya and Other Regions of the North Caucasus Contents Background ................................................................................................................................1 Recent Changes in the Range and Scope of Violence...................................................................2 Impact of the August 2008 Russia-Georgia Conflict ....................................................................7 Recent Developments in the North Caucasus...............................................................................8 Chechnya..............................................................................................................................8 Ingushetia ...........................................................................................................................10 Dagestan.............................................................................................................................12 Other Areas of the North Caucasus......................................................................................13 Contributions to Instability........................................................................................................14 Implications for Russia .............................................................................................................18 International Response..............................................................................................................20 Implications for U.S. Interests...................................................................................................22 Tables Table 1. The North Caucasus: Basic Facts ...................................................................................2 Table 2. U.S. Assistance to Russia’s North Caucasus Region, FY2007 and FY2008...................25 Contacts Author Contact Information ......................................................................................................26 Congressional Research Service Stability in Russia’s Chechnya and Other Regions of the North Caucasus Background During and after the breakup of the Soviet Union in 1991, the North Caucasus area of Russia experienced substantial disorder. Among such disorder, breakaway conflicts in neighboring Georgia rallied some North Caucasians to support their efforts; Chechen separatism gained ground, contributing to the breakup of the then-Chechen-Ingush Republic along ethnic lines; and ethnic Ingush clashed with ethnic North Ossetians over disputed territory. Russia’s then-President Boris Yeltsin implemented a federal system that permitted substantial regional autonomy over governance and taxes. While most North Caucasus republics agreed to remain as parts of Russia, Chechnya was at the forefront in demanding independence. In 1994-1996, Russia fought against Chechen separatists in a bloody campaign that led to thousands of Russian and Chechen casualties and hundreds of thousands of displaced persons, but ceasefire accords in 1996 resulted in de facto self-rule in Chechnya. Organized crime and Islamic extremism subsequently greatly increased in Chechnya and spilled out into bordering and other areas of Russia, including the alleged bombing of apartment buildings in Moscow and elsewhere in 1999 by Chechen terrorists. Ostensibly in response to the rising cross-border violence, Russia’s then-Premier Putin ordered military, police, and security forces to reenter Chechnya in late 1999. By early 2000, these forces occupied most of the region, resulting again in large numbers of civilian casualties and displaced persons. Over the next few years, government security forces acted extremely aggressively to tamp down the range and scope of the insurgency by aggressively carrying out over a thousand counter- terrorism operations (termed “zachistki” or “cleaning-up” operations) in Chechnya and elsewhere in the North Caucasus. During these operations, security forces surround a village and search the homes of the residents, ostensibly in a bid to apprehend terrorists. Critics of the operations allege that the searches are illegal and that troops frequently engage in pillaging and gratuitous violence and are responsible for kidnapping for ransom and “disappearances” of civilians. Through these sweeps, as well as through thousands of direct clashes, most of the masterminds of previous large-scale terrorist attacks were killed and such attacks became rarer, although they did not cease completely. In September 2004, terrorists attacked the Beslan grade school in North Ossetia, where 300 or more civilians, police, and troops were killed, and in October 2005, terrorists attacked the town of Nalchik in Kabardino-Balkaria, where 50 or more were killed. Although local Islamic extremist insurgents outside of Chechnya had cooperated to some degree with the Chechen insurgents for several years, in May 2005, then-Chechen rebel leader Abdul- Khalim Saydullayev decreed the formation of a Caucasus Front against Russia among Islamic believers in the North Caucasus. The goal of the front was to enhance Chechen ideological, logistical, and financial support for wider hostilities. In October 2007, his successor, Doku Umarev, declared a Caucasus Emirate embracing the North Caucasus and other Muslim areas of Russia. Congressional Research Service 1 Stability in Russia’s Chechnya and Other Regions of the North Caucasus Table 1. The North Caucasus: Basic Facts Republic Population Ethnic Groups Adygea Republic 447,000 Russians (64.5%), Adyghe (24.2%), Armenians (3.4%), Ukrainians (2%), and others. Chechnya Republic 1.1 million Chechens (93.5%), Russians (3.7%), Kumyks (0.8%), and others. Dagestan Republic 2.577 million Avars (29.4%), Dargins (16.5%), Kumyks (14.2%), Lezgins (13.1%), Russians (6.7%), Laks (5.4%), Tabasarans (4.3%), Azeris (4.3%), Chechens (3.4%), Nogais (1.5%), and others. Ingushetia Republic 467,000 Ingush (77.3%), Chechens (20.4%), Russians
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Editions De L'universite De Bruxelles
    EDITIONS DE L'UNIVERSITE DE BRUXELLES Ordres et désordres au Caucase EDITE PAR AUDE MERLIN SILVIA SERRANO DANS LA MEME COLLECTION Sport et Union européenne, édité par Jean-Michel DeWaele et Alexandre Hustîng, 2001 Les fédérations européennes de partis, édité par Pascal Delwit, Erol Kùlahci et Cédric Van de Walle, 2001 Un diagnostic géopolitique de l'Europe du centre, Nicolas Bârdos-Féltoronyi, 2001 Fascistes, communistes, paysans. Sociologie des mobilisations identitaires roumaines (1921-1989), Antoine Roger, 2002 Libéralïsmes et partis libéraux en Europe, édité par Pascal Delwit, 2002 Le parti social chrétien. Mutations et perspectives ?, édité par Pascal Delwit, 2002 Démocraties chrétiennes et conservatismes en Europe. Une nouvelle convergence ?, édité par Pascal Delwit, 2003 La Pologne et l'intégration européenne, édité par Jean-Michel De Waele, 2003 Le gouvernement des colonies, regards croisés franco-britanniques, Véronique Dimier, 2004 Les partis politiques roumains après 1989, Sorîna Soare, 2004 Les clivages politiques en Europe centrale et orientale, édité par Jean-Michel De Waele, 2004 Expertise et action publique, édité par Steve Jacob et Jean-Louis Genard, 2004 Les systèmes électoraux aux présidentielles et aux législatives, Thanassis Diamantopoulos, 2004 Social Democracy in Europe, edited by Pascal Delwit, 2005 European Union accession référendums, edited by Jean-Michel De Waele, 2005 Parlement puissant, électeurs absents ? Les élections européennes de juin 2004, édité par Pascal Delwit et Philippe Poirier, 2005 Les partis régionalistes en Europe. Des acteurs en développement ?, édité par Pascal Delwit, 2005 Sport, politiques et sociétés en Europe centrale et orientale, édité par Jean-Michel De Waele et Alexandre Husting, 2005 Faire et vivre le postcommunisme.
    [Show full text]
  • Operation Lentil: Soviet Ethnic Cleansing of the Chechens Tom Shattuck
    The Histories Volume 10 | Issue 2 Article 7 2019 Operation Lentil: Soviet Ethnic Cleansing of the Chechens Tom Shattuck Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.lasalle.edu/the_histories Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Shattuck, Tom (2019) "Operation Lentil: Soviet Ethnic Cleansing of the Chechens," The Histories: Vol. 10 : Iss. 2 , Article 7. Available at: https://digitalcommons.lasalle.edu/the_histories/vol10/iss2/7 This Paper is brought to you for free and open access by the Scholarship at La Salle University Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in The iH stories by an authorized editor of La Salle University Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Histories, Volume 10, Number 2 92 VI Operation Lentil: Soviet Ethnic Cleansing of the Chechens By Tom Shattuck ‘13 On February 23, 1944, Lavrentii Beria ordered for the NKVD to systemically remove all of the Chechen people from their homes in the Caucuses to Kazakhstan and Kirghizia in Central Asia. Before this cleansing, the Chechens had a history of tension with the Russians. This age- old conflict culminated after the Germans retreated when the Soviet Union charged the entire Chechen population with treason for aiding the Germans. Despite the fact that several thousand Chechen men had volunteered in the Red Army to help fight the Germans, Stalin still used the pretext of a German retreat through an area of the Chechen-Ingush Autonomous Republic to condemn them all. In reality, Stalin just wanted to finally end the Chechen problem. Because the cleansing removed every Chechen from their home, the process proved to be brutal and deadly for the Chechens.
    [Show full text]
  • AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL PRESS RELEASE News Flash
    AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL PRESS RELEASE News Flash AI Index: EUR 46/001/2005 (Public) News Service No: 017 20 January 2005 Russian Federation: Human rights group threatened by security forces Amnesty International is extremely concerned that eight activists working for the human rights group the Russian-Chechen Friendship Society are in danger of being arbitrarily arrested, tortured and "disappeared". This follows the seizure today of their contact information by Russian security forces. Officers from the Federal Security Service (FSB) raided the organisation's offices in Nizhny Novgorod at about 5pm local time and seized documents containing the contact details of all the staff of the group's newspaper. The contact details of eight staff members living in Chechnya were among those seized. The security forces also took away the newspaper's registration documents and some editions of the newspaper. Earlier in the day, the regional branch of the FSB in Nizhny Novgorod summoned Stanislav Dmitrievskii, the head of the Russian-Chechen Friendship Society for questioning. The FSB reportedly considers Stanislav Dmitrievskii a witness in a criminal case relating to materials published by the organization’s newspaper Pravozashchita. Details of the case are unclear but seem to relate to statements by Chechen opposition figures including Aslan Maskhadov and his UK-based envoy Akhmed Zakayev published by the organization’s newspaper. Amnesty International has reported on a worrying trend of Russian authorities targeting human rights defenders, activists and independent journalists, and in some cases subjecting them to extreme levels of harassment, "disappearances" and killings. Public Document **************************************** For more information please call Amnesty International's press office in London, UK, on +44 20 7413 5566 Amnesty International, 1 Easton St., London WC1X 0DW.
    [Show full text]
  • The North Caucasus: the Challenges of Integration (III), Governance, Elections, Rule of Law
    The North Caucasus: The Challenges of Integration (III), Governance, Elections, Rule of Law Europe Report N°226 | 6 September 2013 International Crisis Group Headquarters Avenue Louise 149 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i Recommendations..................................................................................................................... iii I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. Russia between Decentralisation and the “Vertical of Power” ....................................... 3 A. Federative Relations Today ....................................................................................... 4 B. Local Government ...................................................................................................... 6 C. Funding and budgets ................................................................................................. 6 III. Elections ........................................................................................................................... 9 A. State Duma Elections 2011 ........................................................................................ 9 B. Presidential Elections 2012 ......................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Analyzing the Russian Way of War Evidence from the 2008 Conflict with Georgia
    Analyzing the Russian Way of War Evidence from the 2008 Conflict with Georgia Lionel Beehner A Contemporary Battlefield Assessment Liam Collins by the Modern War Institute Steve Ferenzi Robert Person Aaron Brantly March 20, 2018 Analyzing the Russian Way of War: Evidence from the 2008 Conflict with Georgia Contents Acknowledgments ........................................................................................................................................ 1 Executive Summary ...................................................................................................................................... 3 Introduction .................................................................................................................................................. 9 Chapter I – History of Bad Blood ................................................................................................................ 13 Rose-Colored Glasses .............................................................................................................................. 16 Chapter II – Russian Grand Strategy in Context of the 2008 Russia-Georgia War ................................... 21 Russia’s Ends ........................................................................................................................................... 22 Russia’s Means ........................................................................................................................................ 23 Russia’s Ways .........................................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • The Resurrection of Alexander Push Kin John Oliver Killens
    New Directions Volume 5 | Issue 2 Article 9 1-1-1978 The Resurrection Of Alexander Push kin John Oliver Killens Follow this and additional works at: http://dh.howard.edu/newdirections Recommended Citation Killens, John Oliver (1978) "The Resurrection Of Alexander Push kin," New Directions: Vol. 5: Iss. 2, Article 9. Available at: http://dh.howard.edu/newdirections/vol5/iss2/9 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Digital Howard @ Howard University. It has been accepted for inclusion in New Directions by an authorized administrator of Digital Howard @ Howard University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. TH[ ARTS Essay every one of the courts of Europe, then 28 The Resurrection of of the 19th century? Here is how it came to pass. Peter felt that he had to have at least Alexander Pushkin one for his imperial court. Therefore, In the early part of the 18th century, in By [ohn Oliver Killens he sent the word out to all of his that sprawling subcontinent that took Ambassadors in Europe: To the majority of literate Americans, up one-sixth of the earth's surface, the giants of Russian literature are extending from the edge of Europe "Find me a Negro!" Tolstoy, Gogol, Dostoevsky and thousands of miles eastward across Meanwhile, Turkey and Ethiopia had Turgenev. Nevertheless, 97 years ago, grassy steppes (plains), mountain ranges been at war, and in one of the skirmishes at a Pushkin Memorial in Moscow, and vast frozen stretches of forest, lakes a young African prince had been cap- Dostoevsky said: "No Russian writer and unexplored terrain, was a land tured and brought back to Turkey and was so intimately at one with the known as the Holy Russian Empire, fore- placed in a harem.
    [Show full text]
  • The Security of the Caspian Sea Region
    16. The Georgian–Abkhazian conflict Alexander Krylov I. Introduction The Abkhaz have long populated the western Caucasus. They currently number about 100 000 people, speak one of the languages of the Abkhazo-Adygeyan (west Caucasian) language group, and live in the coastal areas on the southern slopes of the Caucasian ridge and along the Black Sea coast. Together with closely related peoples of the western Caucasus (for example, the Abazins, Adygeyans and Kabardians (or Circassians)) they play an important role in the Caucasian ethno-cultural community and consider themselves an integral part of its future. At the same time, the people living in coastal areas on the southern slopes of the Caucasian ridge have achieved broader communication with Asia Minor and the Mediterranean civilizations than any other people of the Caucasus. The geographical position of Abkhazia on the Black Sea coast has made its people a major factor in the historical process of the western Caucasus, acting as an economic and cultural bridge with the outside world. Georgians and Abkhaz have been neighbours from time immemorial. The Georgians currently number about 4 million people. The process of national consolidation of the Georgian nation is still far from complete: it includes some 20 subgroups, and the Megrelians (sometimes called Mingrelians) and Svans who live in western Georgia are so different in language and culture from other Georgians that it would be more correct to consider them as separate peoples. Some scholars, Hewitt, for example,1 suggest calling the Georgian nation not ‘Georgians’ but by their own name, Kartvelians, which includes the Georgians, Megrelians and Svans.2 To call all the different Kartvelian groups ‘Georgians’ obscures the true ethnic situation.
    [Show full text]
  • Russian-Speaking
    NOVEMBER 2017 ‘RUSSIAN-SPEAKING’ FIGHTERS IN SYRIA, IRAQ AND AT HOME: CONSEQUENCES AND CONTEXT FULL REPORT Mark Youngman and Dr Cerwyn Moore Centre for Russian, European and Eurasian Studies Department of Political Science and International Studies University of Birmingham This report was produced out of the Actors and Narratives programme, funded by CREST. To find out more information about this programme, and to see other outputs from the team, visit the CREST website at: https://crestresearch.ac.uk/projects/actors-and-narratives/ About the authors: Mark Youngman is an ESRC-funded doctoral student and Cerwyn Moore a Senior Lecturer in the Centre for Russian, European and Eurasian Studies at the University of Birmingham. Disclaimer: This report has been part funded by an ESRC IAA award and part funded by the Centre for Research and Evidence on Security Threats (ESRC Award: ES/N009614/1). It draws on the existing work of the authors, and supplements their work with original research and ongoing data collection of Russian-speaking foreign fighters.www.crestresearch.co.uk The cover image, Caucasus Emirate, is a remixed derivative ofProposed divisions of the Caucasus Emirate by ArnoldPlaton, under CC BY-SA 3.0. Caucasus Emirate is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA 4.0. by R. Stevens, CREST. ©2017 CREST Creative Commons 4.0 BY-NC-SA licence. www.crestresearch.ac.uk/copyright CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ...............................................................................................................4 PART I: ASSESSING THE ‘RUSSIAN-SPEAKING’
    [Show full text]
  • Russia the Ingush-Ossetian Conflict in the Prigorodnyi Region
    Russia Page 1 of 32 RUSSIA THE INGUSH-OSSETIAN CONFLICT IN THE PRIGORODNYI REGION Human Rights Watch/Helsinki Human Rights Watch New York · Washington · London · Brussels Copyright © May 1996 by Human Rights Watch. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. Library of Congress Catalogue Number: 96-75960 ISBN: 1-56432-165-7 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This report is based on a trip to the Republic of Ingushetiya, hereafter Ingushetiya, and the Republic of North Ossetia- Alaniya, hereafter North Ossetia, both states of the Russian Federation, from August 11-19, 1994. Until 1994, North Ossetia was the North Ossetian Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic (ASSR), a part of the former Soviet Union. Until 1992, Ingushetiya was part of the Checheno-Ingush Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic (ASSR), and was also part of the former Soviet Union. Human Rights/Helsinki representatives visited Vladikavkaz, Kartsa, Chermen, Tarskoye, Kurtat, Dachnoye, and Maiskii in North Ossetia and Nazran and Gaziyurt in Ingushetiya. Jeri Laber and Rachel Denber edited the report, and Shira Robinson provided production assistance for its publication. Human Rights Watch/Helsinki thanks both North Ossetian and Ingush authorities as well as officials from the Russian Temporary Administration (now the Temporary State Committee) for their cooperation with the mission participants. Human Rights Watch/Helsinki would like to express our appreciation to all those who read the report and commented on it, including Prof. John Collarusso of McMaster University. We would also like to thank the members of the Russian human rights group Memorial, who provided generous assistance and advice. In 1994 Memorial published an excellent report on the conflict in the Prigorodnyi region, "Two Years after the War: The Problem of the Forcibly Displaced in the Area of the Ossetian-Ingush Conflict." Finally, we would like to thank the Carnegie Corporation of New York, the Henry Jackson Fund, the Merck Fund and the Moriah Fund for their support.
    [Show full text]
  • Genetic Analysis of Male Hungarian Conquerors: European and Asian Paternal Lineages of the Conquering Hungarian Tribes
    Archaeological and Anthropological Sciences (2020) 12: 31 https://doi.org/10.1007/s12520-019-00996-0 ORIGINAL PAPER Genetic analysis of male Hungarian Conquerors: European and Asian paternal lineages of the conquering Hungarian tribes Erzsébet Fóthi1 & Angéla Gonzalez2 & Tibor Fehér3 & Ariana Gugora4 & Ábel Fóthi5 & Orsolya Biró6 & Christine Keyser2,7 Received: 11 March 2019 /Accepted: 16 October 2019 /Published online: 14 January 2020 # The Author(s) 2020 Abstract According to historical sources, ancient Hungarians were made up of seven allied tribes and the fragmented tribes that split off from the Khazars, and they arrived from the Eastern European steppes to conquer the Carpathian Basin at the end of the ninth century AD. Differentiating between the tribes is not possible based on archaeology or history, because the Hungarian Conqueror artifacts show uniformity in attire, weaponry, and warcraft. We used Y-STR and SNP analyses on male Hungarian Conqueror remains to determine the genetic source, composition of tribes, and kin of ancient Hungarians. The 19 male individuals paternally belong to 16 independent haplotypes and 7 haplogroups (C2, G2a, I2, J1, N3a, R1a, and R1b). The presence of the N3a haplogroup is interesting because it rarely appears among modern Hungarians (unlike in other Finno-Ugric-speaking peoples) but was found in 37.5% of the Hungarian Conquerors. This suggests that a part of the ancient Hungarians was of Ugric descent and that a significant portion spoke Hungarian. We compared our results with public databases and discovered that the Hungarian Conquerors originated from three distant territories of the Eurasian steppes, where different ethnicities joined them: Lake Baikal- Altai Mountains (Huns/Turkic peoples), Western Siberia-Southern Urals (Finno-Ugric peoples), and the Black Sea-Northern Caucasus (Caucasian and Eastern European peoples).
    [Show full text]
  • Stability in Russia's Chechnya and Other Regions of the North Caucasus: Recent Developments
    Order Code RL34613 Stability in Russia’s Chechnya and Other Regions of the North Caucasus: Recent Developments August 12, 2008 Jim Nichol Specialist in Russian and Eurasian Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Stability in Russia’s Chechnya and Other Regions of the North Caucasus: Recent Developments Summary In recent years, there have not been major terrorist attacks in Russia’s North Caucasus — a border area between the Black and Caspian Seas that includes the formerly breakaway Chechnya and other ethnic-based regions — on the scale of the June 2004 raid on security offices in the town of Nazran (in Ingushetia), where nearly 100 security personnel and civilians were killed, or the September 2004 attack at the Beslan grade school (in North Ossetia), where 300 or more civilians were killed. This record, in part, might be attributed to government tactics. For instance, the Russian Interior (police) Ministry reported that its troops had conducted over 850 sweep operations (“zachistki”) in 2007 in the North Caucasus, in which they surround a village and search every house, ostensibly in a bid to apprehend terrorists. Critics of the operations allege that the troops frequently engage in pillaging and gratuitous violence and are responsible for kidnapings for ransom and “disappearances” of civilians. Although it appears that major terrorist attacks have abated, there reportedly have been increasingly frequent small-scale attacks against government targets. Additionally, many ethnic Russian and other non-native civilians have been murdered or have disappeared, which has spurred the migration of most of the non- native population from the North Caucasus.
    [Show full text]
  • Finno-Ugric Republics and Their State Languages: Balancing Powers in Constitutional Order in the Early 1990S
    SUSA/JSFOu 94, 2013 Konstantin ZAMYATIN (Helsinki) Finno-Ugric Republics and Their State Languages: Balancing Powers in Constitutional Order in the Early 1990s Most of Russia’s national republics established titular and Russian as co-official state languages in their constitutions of the early 1990s. There is no consensus on the reasons and consequences of this act, whether it should be seen as a mere symbolic gesture, a measure to ensure a language revival, an instrument in political debate or an ethnic institution. From an institutional and comparative perspective, this study explores the constitutional systems of the Finno-Ugric republics and demonstrates that across the republics, the official status of the state languages was among the few references to ethnicity built into their constitutions. However, only in the case of language require- ments for the top officials, its inclusion could be interpreted as an attempt at instrumen- tally using ethnicity for political ends. Otherwise, constitutional recognition of the state languages should be rather understood as an element of institutionalized ethnicity that remains a potential resource for political mobilization. This latter circumstance might clarify why federal authorities could see an obstacle for their Russian nation-building agenda in the official status of languages. 1. Introduction The period of social transformations of the late 1980s and early 1990s in Eastern Europe was characterized by countries’ transition from the communist administra- tive−command systems towards the representative democracy and market economy. One important driving force of change in the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) was the rise of popular movements out of national resentment and dissatis- faction with the state-of-the-art in the sphere of inter-ethnic relations.
    [Show full text]