F. As Executions and Exiles Accelerate; Theramenes Moves to Set up the 3000, 1
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Penalties in Action in Classical Athens
Classica Cracoviensia XVII, 2014 DOI: 10.12797/CC.17.2014.17.07 JAN KUCHARSKI (UNIVERSITY OF SILESIA, KATOWICE) peNALtieS iN ActiON iN cLASSicAL AtHeNS A preLiMiNArY SURVEY1 SUMMARY: This paper attempts to look at the inner workings of the punitive system in ancient Athens. After a brief survey of the range of penalties avail- able in Classical Athens (capital punishment, exile and outlawry, disenfran- chisement, financial penalties, imprisonment, corporal penalties), it proceeds first to examine their nature (as they frequently fail to meet our criteria of punishment), and then to map them on the substance vs. procedure controversy regarding the Athenian legal system. The last two sections of the paper are devoted to the manner in which penalties were imposed (summary punish- ment, punishment by sentence, “automatic” punishment) and executed (private vs. public execution of court verdicts; coercive measures etc.). KEYWORD: Athenian law, enslavement, corporal penalties, capital punish- ment, exile, outlawry, disenfranchisement, financial penalties Afraid of what? That I suffer what Meletus has assessed (timatai) for me? That, I can’t even say to know for a fact whether it is good or evil. Should I then choose an assessment from what I know to be an evil? As imprison- ment? What good is living in prison, forever a slave to the ever‑present 1 This study is part of a project funded by the Polish National Science Centre (NN103 429640). 117 JAN KUCHARSKI command of the Eleven? Perhaps a fine then, with imprisonment until I pay? But it comes down to the same as before since I have no money from which I could pay. -
Who Freed Athens? J
Ancient Greek Democracy: Readings and Sources Edited by Eric W. Robinson Copyright © 2004 by Blackwell Publishing Ltd The Beginnings of the Athenian Democracv: Who Freed Athens? J Introduction Though the very earliest democracies lildy took shape elsewhere in Greece, Athens embraced it relatively early and would ultimately become the most famous and powerful democracy the ancient world ever hew. Democracy is usually thought to have taken hold among the Athenians with the constitutional reforms of Cleisthenes, ca. 508/7 BC. The tyrant Peisistratus and later his sons had ruled Athens for decades before they were overthrown; Cleisthenes, rallying the people to his cause, made sweeping changes. These included the creation of a representative council (bode)chosen from among the citizens, new public organizations that more closely tied citizens throughout Attica to the Athenian state, and the populist ostracism law that enabled citizens to exile danger- ous or undesirable politicians by vote. Beginning with these measures, and for the next two centuries or so with only the briefest of interruptions, democracy held sway at Athens. Such is the most common interpretation. But there is, in fact, much room for disagree- ment about when and how democracy came to Athens. Ancient authors sometimes refer to Solon, a lawgiver and mediator of the early sixth century, as the founder of the Athenian constitution. It was also a popular belief among the Athenians that two famous “tyrant-slayers,” Harmodius and Aristogeiton, inaugurated Athenian freedom by assas- sinating one of the sons of Peisistratus a few years before Cleisthenes’ reforms - though ancient writers take pains to point out that only the military intervention of Sparta truly ended the tyranny. -
The Roles of Solon in Plato's Dialogues
The Roles of Solon in Plato’s Dialogues Dissertation Presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Samuel Ortencio Flores, M.A. Graduate Program in Greek and Latin The Ohio State University 2013 Dissertation Committee: Bruce Heiden, Advisor Anthony Kaldellis Richard Fletcher Greg Anderson Copyrighy by Samuel Ortencio Flores 2013 Abstract This dissertation is a study of Plato’s use and adaptation of an earlier model and tradition of wisdom based on the thought and legacy of the sixth-century archon, legislator, and poet Solon. Solon is cited and/or quoted thirty-four times in Plato’s dialogues, and alluded to many more times. My study shows that these references and allusions have deeper meaning when contextualized within the reception of Solon in the classical period. For Plato, Solon is a rhetorically powerful figure in advancing the relatively new practice of philosophy in Athens. While Solon himself did not adequately establish justice in the city, his legacy provided a model upon which Platonic philosophy could improve. Chapter One surveys the passing references to Solon in the dialogues as an introduction to my chapters on the dialogues in which Solon is a very prominent figure, Timaeus- Critias, Republic, and Laws. Chapter Two examines Critias’ use of his ancestor Solon to establish his own philosophic credentials. Chapter Three suggests that Socrates re- appropriates the aims and themes of Solon’s political poetry for Socratic philosophy. Chapter Four suggests that Solon provides a legislative model which Plato reconstructs in the Laws for the philosopher to supplant the role of legislator in Greek thought. -
Marathon 2,500 Years Edited by Christopher Carey & Michael Edwards
MARATHON 2,500 YEARS EDITED BY CHRISTOPHER CAREY & MICHAEL EDWARDS INSTITUTE OF CLASSICAL STUDIES SCHOOL OF ADVANCED STUDY UNIVERSITY OF LONDON MARATHON – 2,500 YEARS BULLETIN OF THE INSTITUTE OF CLASSICAL STUDIES SUPPLEMENT 124 DIRECTOR & GENERAL EDITOR: JOHN NORTH DIRECTOR OF PUBLICATIONS: RICHARD SIMPSON MARATHON – 2,500 YEARS PROCEEDINGS OF THE MARATHON CONFERENCE 2010 EDITED BY CHRISTOPHER CAREY & MICHAEL EDWARDS INSTITUTE OF CLASSICAL STUDIES SCHOOL OF ADVANCED STUDY UNIVERSITY OF LONDON 2013 The cover image shows Persian warriors at Ishtar Gate, from before the fourth century BC. Pergamon Museum/Vorderasiatisches Museum, Berlin. Photo Mohammed Shamma (2003). Used under CC‐BY terms. All rights reserved. This PDF edition published in 2019 First published in print in 2013 This book is published under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial- NoDerivatives (CC-BY-NC-ND 4.0) license. More information regarding CC licenses is available at http://creativecommons.org/licenses/ Available to download free at http://www.humanities-digital-library.org ISBN: 978-1-905670-81-9 (2019 PDF edition) DOI: 10.14296/1019.9781905670819 ISBN: 978-1-905670-52-9 (2013 paperback edition) ©2013 Institute of Classical Studies, University of London The right of contributors to be identified as the authors of the work published here has been asserted by them in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. Designed and typeset at the Institute of Classical Studies TABLE OF CONTENTS Introductory note 1 P. J. Rhodes The battle of Marathon and modern scholarship 3 Christopher Pelling Herodotus’ Marathon 23 Peter Krentz Marathon and the development of the exclusive hoplite phalanx 35 Andrej Petrovic The battle of Marathon in pre-Herodotean sources: on Marathon verse-inscriptions (IG I3 503/504; Seg Lvi 430) 45 V. -
Citations in Classics and Ancient History
Citations in Classics and Ancient History The most common style in use in the field of Classical Studies is the author-date style, also known as Chicago 2, but MLA is also quite common and perfectly acceptable. Quick guides for each of MLA and Chicago 2 are readily available as PDF downloads. The Chicago Manual of Style Online offers a guide on their web-page: http://www.chicagomanualofstyle.org/tools_citationguide.html The Modern Language Association (MLA) does not, but many educational institutions post an MLA guide for free access. While a specific citation style should be followed carefully, none take into account the specific practices of Classical Studies. They are all (Chicago, MLA and others) perfectly suitable for citing most resources, but should not be followed for citing ancient Greek and Latin primary source material, including primary sources in translation. Citing Primary Sources: Every ancient text has its own unique system for locating content by numbers. For example, Homer's Iliad is divided into 24 Books (what we might now call chapters) and the lines of each Book are numbered from line 1. Herodotus' Histories is divided into nine Books and each of these Books is divided into Chapters and each chapter into line numbers. The purpose of such a system is that the Iliad, or any primary source, can be cited in any language and from any publication and always refer to the same passage. That is why we do not cite Herodotus page 66. Page 66 in what publication, in what edition? Very early in your textbook, Apodexis Historia, a passage from Herodotus is reproduced. -
The Prosecutors of Socrates and the Political Motive Theory
Portland State University PDXScholar Dissertations and Theses Dissertations and Theses 2-1981 The prosecutors of Socrates and the political motive theory Thomas Patrick Kelly Portland State University Follow this and additional works at: https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds Part of the Intellectual History Commons, and the Political History Commons Let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Recommended Citation Kelly, Thomas Patrick, "The prosecutors of Socrates and the political motive theory" (1981). Dissertations and Theses. Paper 2692. https://doi.org/10.15760/etd.2689 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations and Theses by an authorized administrator of PDXScholar. Please contact us if we can make this document more accessible: [email protected]. AN ABSTRACT OF THE THESIS OF Thomas Patrick Kelly for the Master of Arts in History presented February 26, 1981. Title: The Prosecutors of Socrates and The Political Motive Theory. APPROVED BY MEMBERS OF THE THESIS CO~rnITTEE: ~~varnos, Cha1rman Charles A. Le Guin Roderlc D1man This thesis presents a critical analysis of the histor- ical roles assigned to the prosecutors of Socrates by modern historians. Ancient sources relating to the trial and the principles involved, and modern renditions, especially those of John Burnet and A. E. Taylor, originators of the theory that the trial of Socrates was politically motivated, are critically 2 analyzed and examined. The thesis concludes that the political motive theory is not supported by the evidence on which it relies. THE PROSECUTORS OF SOCRATES AND THE POLITICAL MOTIVE THEORY by THOMAS PATRICK KELLY A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS in HISTORY Portland State University 1981 TO THE OFFICE OF GRADUATE STUDIES AND RESEARCH: The members of the Committee approve the thesis of Thomas Patrick Kelly presented February 26, 1981. -
The Trial of Socrates 399 BCE
The Trial of Socrates 399 BCE 2 WHY? The trial and execution of Socrates in Athens in 399 B.C.E. puzzles historians What did Socrates say or do that prompted a jury to send a seventy- year-old philosopher to his death? Finding an answer is complicated by the two surviving accounts of the defense They were written by Socrates disciples, Plato and Xenophon Their accounts probably were trying to show their master in a favorable light They failed to present the most damning evidence against Socrates 3 The decisions to prosecute and ultimately convict Socrates had a lot to do with the turbulent history of Athens in the several years preceding his trial An examination of that history may not provide final answers, but it does provide important clues 4 As a young man, Socrates saw the rise to power of Pericles He brought on the dawning of the "Golden Age of Greece." Pericles--perhaps history's first liberal politician-- acted on his belief that the masses deserved liberty Pericles used the public treasury to promote the arts He pushed a building program designed to demonstrate the glory that was Greece It also ensured full employment and opportunities for the lower classes Pericles rebuilt the Acropolis and constructed the Parthenon 5 Parthenon 6 SOCRATES’ BELIEFS Meanwhile, Socrates developed a set of values and beliefs that would put him at odds with most Athenians 7 Socrates was not a democrat To him, the people should not be self-governing They were like a herd of sheep that needed a wise shepherd He denied that citizens had basic virtue -
Today We Examine the Contribupons of Classical, Ancient Greece To
Today we examine the contribu3ons of classical, ancient Greece to government, both in the championing of democracy and in the development of philosophy to address ques3ons of ethics and jus3ce. Plato, the Greek philosopher who studied under Socrates and who himself taught Aristotle, was one of the first ancient thinkers to ask: what is jus3ce? What is a just society? What is the proper func3on of government and which form of government is the best? 1 During the mid sixth century BCE, the Persian Empire expanded into Asia Minor, eventually conquering Ionia itself and installing tyrants to rule the Ionian city-states on their behalf. One of these tyrants aempted to conquer the island of Naxos in the Aegean and various Greek city-states, including Athens, helped repulse this invasion. This coali3on of city-states soon began to aid and encourage the Ionians to revolt against their Persian rulers. The revolt was defeated but the Persian ruler decided that Athens and the other Greek city-states must be punished for their role in suppor3ng the revolt. This first Persian invasion was defeated and turned back at the Bale of Marathon (490 BCE). Ten years later, the Persian king Xerxes returned with one of the largest armies ever assembled to complete the subjugaon of the Greeks. Despite early successes and despite vastly outnumbering the Greeks, the Persians under Xerxes were defeated at Salamis and Plataea and control of the Aegean Sea, the Greek Islands and parts of Asia Minor passed to this coali3on of Greek city-states led by Athens and Sparta. -
Stone, Socrates
I. F. Stone Breaks the Socrates Story An old muckraker sheds fresh light on the 2,500-year-old mystery and reveals some Athenian political realities that Plato did his best to hide. [This interview was originally published in The New and the gymnasiums where they spent much of their leisure. York Times Magazine, April 8, 1979, pp. 22 ff.] Free speech – what the Greeks called parrhasia – was as much On his 70th birthday, in an interview with himself for this taken for granted as breathing. Magazine, retired journalist I. F. Stone spoke of his new- found joy in Greek studies and his hope of finding in them But then I was stopped, or stumped, by this contradictory and “one last scoop” that would help clear up some of the traumatic spectacle of what they did to Socrates. These people mystery which still surrounds the trial of Socrates, that and this city, to which I look back for inspiration – how could cause célèbre which has tantalized scholars and histori- they have condemned this philosopher to death? How could so ans for centuries. Now, he believes he has found new evi- dence that sheds light not only on the trial itself but on the blatant a violation of free speech occur in a city that prided complex politics of fifth-century Athens. Here – again in itself on freedom of inquiry and expression? a self-interview – Mr. Stone sets forth his discovery and, at the same time, takes us on an adventure in learning and But why should we care at this late date? an armchair tour of the ancient world. -
Illinois Classical Studies
s View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Illinois Digital Environment for Access to... Andron and the Four Hundred GEORGE PESELY Shortly after the fall of the Four Hundred in 411, the Athenian Council of Five Hundred resolved to prosecute Archeptolemos, Onomakles, and Antiphon for treason. The motion was proposed by Andron.' Most scholars have identified this Andron with the father of Androtion, the fourth-century politician and Atthidographer.^ For those who believe that Androtion was a major source of historical information for the Aristotelian Athenaion Politeia? Andron assumes a role of some significance as a shaper of his son's supposedly "moderate-conservative" political ideology and as a possible supplier of information about the oligarchic movements of late fifth-century Athens. This view of Androtion' s political outlook has recently come under attack, notably from Phillip Harding,'* and I have considered elsewhere the question of whether Aristotle used Androtion' Atthisr' Here I propose to examine three points: Was the Andron of the ' The text of the decree is given in ps. -Plutarch, Life of Antiphon, in the Vitae Decern Oratorum = ps.-Plut. A/or. 833e-f, along with the verdict (834a-b). ^ E.g. H. Bloch, "Studies in Historical Literature of the Fourth Century B.C.," HSCP, Suppl. 1 (1940) 352; C. Hignett, A History of the Athenian Constitution (Oxford 1952) 12; G. E. M. de Ste. Croix, "The Character of the Athenian Empire," Historia 3 (1954/55) 27 n. 1; E. Ruschenbusch, "OATPIOZ OOAITEIA: Theseus, Drakon, Solon und Kleisthenes in Publizistik und Geschichtsschreibung des 5. -
Pausanias' Description of Greece
BONN'S CLASSICAL LIBRARY. PAUSANIAS' DESCRIPTION OF GREECE. PAUSANIAS' TRANSLATED INTO ENGLISH \VITTI NOTES AXD IXDEX BY ARTHUR RICHARD SHILLETO, M.A., Soiiii'tinie Scholar of Trinity L'olltge, Cambridge. VOLUME IT. " ni <le Fnusnnias cst un homme (jui ne mnnquo ni de bon sens inoins a st-s tlioux." hnniie t'oi. inais i}iii rn>it ou au voudrait croire ( 'HAMTAiiNT. : ftEOROE BELL AND SONS. YOUK STIIKKT. COVKNT (iAKDKX. 188t). CHISWICK PRESS \ C. WHITTINGHAM AND CO., TOOKS COURT, CHANCEKV LANE. fA LC >. iV \Q V.2- CONTEXTS. PAGE Book VII. ACHAIA 1 VIII. ARCADIA .61 IX. BtEOTIA 151 -'19 X. PHOCIS . ERRATA. " " " Volume I. Page 8, line 37, for Atte read Attes." As vii. 17. 2<i. (Catullus' Aft is.) ' " Page 150, line '22, for Auxesias" read Anxesia." A.-> ii. 32. " " Page 165, lines 12, 17, 24, for Philhammon read " Philanimon.'' " " '' Page 191, line 4, for Tamagra read Tanagra." " " Pa ire 215, linu 35, for Ye now enter" read Enter ye now." ' " li I'aijf -J27, line 5, for the Little Iliad read The Little Iliad.'- " " " Page ^S9, line 18, for the Babylonians read Babylon.'' " 7 ' Volume II. Page 61, last line, for earth' read Earth." " Page 1)5, line 9, tor "Can-lira'" read Camirus." ' ; " " v 1'age 1 69, line 1 , for and read for. line 2, for "other kinds of flutes "read "other thites.'' ;< " " Page 201, line 9. for Lacenian read Laeonian." " " " line 10, for Chilon read Cliilo." As iii. 1H. Pago 264, " " ' Page 2G8, Note, for I iad read Iliad." PAUSANIAS. BOOK VII. ACIIAIA. -
Leon and Timagoras: Co-Envoys for Four Years? Mosley, D J Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies; Summer 1968; 9, 2; Proquest Pg
Leon and Timagoras: Co-envoys for Four Years? Mosley, D J Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies; Summer 1968; 9, 2; ProQuest pg. 157 Leon and Timagoras: Co-envoys for Four Years? D. J. Mosley N HIS SPEECH against Aeschines, II€pt rijs 7Tapa7Tp€U/3€las, Demos I thenes asserted (19.191) that in bringing a charge against his former colleague on the embassies to Macedon in 346 he was doing nothing unprecedented, for even Leon, he said, had denounced his fellow-envoy Timagoras on their return from Persia in 367 al though they had been fellow-envoys (aVf.L7TE7Tp€U/3€VKWS) for four years. The prosecution of Timagoras is mentioned elsewhere,! but no where else do we find the statement that he and Leon served together for four years. Perhaps Demosthenes' statement ought to be dis missed as an unwarranted assertion, but it has been defended, and the circumstantial evidence which may be of interest has not been sufficiently discussed. In the first place it appears strange in a world where there were no permanent extra-territorial diplomatic agencies and where envoys were chosen to go on specific and individual missions that an envoy should be described as having been the colleague of another for four years. From Xenophon's account (Hell. 7.1.33ff) it is plain that the one mission which occasioned the accusations was of limited duration and was confined to 367. Leon and Timagoras are not known to have fulfilled any other specific mission to Persia or to any other state before 367. Grote, who attempted to combine the accounts of Demosthenes and Xenophon,2 pointed out that four years before the episode of 367 occurred the battle of Leuctra and the renewal of the King's Peace; and he supposed that the significant four years were those from 371 to 367 in relations between Athens and Persia.