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The Prosecutors of Socrates and the Political Motive Theory
Portland State University PDXScholar Dissertations and Theses Dissertations and Theses 2-1981 The prosecutors of Socrates and the political motive theory Thomas Patrick Kelly Portland State University Follow this and additional works at: https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds Part of the Intellectual History Commons, and the Political History Commons Let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Recommended Citation Kelly, Thomas Patrick, "The prosecutors of Socrates and the political motive theory" (1981). Dissertations and Theses. Paper 2692. https://doi.org/10.15760/etd.2689 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations and Theses by an authorized administrator of PDXScholar. Please contact us if we can make this document more accessible: [email protected]. AN ABSTRACT OF THE THESIS OF Thomas Patrick Kelly for the Master of Arts in History presented February 26, 1981. Title: The Prosecutors of Socrates and The Political Motive Theory. APPROVED BY MEMBERS OF THE THESIS CO~rnITTEE: ~~varnos, Cha1rman Charles A. Le Guin Roderlc D1man This thesis presents a critical analysis of the histor- ical roles assigned to the prosecutors of Socrates by modern historians. Ancient sources relating to the trial and the principles involved, and modern renditions, especially those of John Burnet and A. E. Taylor, originators of the theory that the trial of Socrates was politically motivated, are critically 2 analyzed and examined. The thesis concludes that the political motive theory is not supported by the evidence on which it relies. THE PROSECUTORS OF SOCRATES AND THE POLITICAL MOTIVE THEORY by THOMAS PATRICK KELLY A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS in HISTORY Portland State University 1981 TO THE OFFICE OF GRADUATE STUDIES AND RESEARCH: The members of the Committee approve the thesis of Thomas Patrick Kelly presented February 26, 1981. -
Leon and Timagoras: Co-Envoys for Four Years? Mosley, D J Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies; Summer 1968; 9, 2; Proquest Pg
Leon and Timagoras: Co-envoys for Four Years? Mosley, D J Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies; Summer 1968; 9, 2; ProQuest pg. 157 Leon and Timagoras: Co-envoys for Four Years? D. J. Mosley N HIS SPEECH against Aeschines, II€pt rijs 7Tapa7Tp€U/3€las, Demos I thenes asserted (19.191) that in bringing a charge against his former colleague on the embassies to Macedon in 346 he was doing nothing unprecedented, for even Leon, he said, had denounced his fellow-envoy Timagoras on their return from Persia in 367 al though they had been fellow-envoys (aVf.L7TE7Tp€U/3€VKWS) for four years. The prosecution of Timagoras is mentioned elsewhere,! but no where else do we find the statement that he and Leon served together for four years. Perhaps Demosthenes' statement ought to be dis missed as an unwarranted assertion, but it has been defended, and the circumstantial evidence which may be of interest has not been sufficiently discussed. In the first place it appears strange in a world where there were no permanent extra-territorial diplomatic agencies and where envoys were chosen to go on specific and individual missions that an envoy should be described as having been the colleague of another for four years. From Xenophon's account (Hell. 7.1.33ff) it is plain that the one mission which occasioned the accusations was of limited duration and was confined to 367. Leon and Timagoras are not known to have fulfilled any other specific mission to Persia or to any other state before 367. Grote, who attempted to combine the accounts of Demosthenes and Xenophon,2 pointed out that four years before the episode of 367 occurred the battle of Leuctra and the renewal of the King's Peace; and he supposed that the significant four years were those from 371 to 367 in relations between Athens and Persia. -
Xaphz Aiteah0en: Biography of a Fourth-Century Athenian Strategos
XAPHZ AITEAH0EN: BIOGRAPHY OF A FOURTH-CENTURY ATHENIAN STRATEGOS By RICHARD WAYNE PARKER B.A., The University of California, Santa Barbara, 1973 M.A., The University of California, Santa Barbara, 1978 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY . in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Department of Classics, Faculty of Arts) We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA August 1986 <£> Richard Wayne Parker, 1986 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. CLASSICS Department of The University of British Columbia 2075 Wesbrook Place Vancouver, Canada V6T 1W5 Date -7Q ^ ii ABSTRACT Khares of Angele was an Athenian military magistrate and mercenary soldier for over forty years in the mid-fourth century B.C. For two decades between the outbreak of the Social War and the battle of Khaironeia he was Athens' pre-eminent military leader. The ancient sources dealing with this era of Greek history mention him with great frequency and his role in the events of his times provoked strong comments and vivid portraits from contemporary writers. -
Dissertation
DISSERTATION Titel der Dissertation „Studies in the Prosopography of the Four Hundred Oligarchy in Athens 411 B.C.” Verfasser Nikolaos Karkavelias angestrebter akademischer Grad Doktor der Philosophie (Dr. phil.) Wien, 2014 Studienkennzahl lt. Studienblatt: A 792 310 Dissertationsgebiet lt. Studienblatt: Alte Geschichte und Altertumskunde Betreuer: ao. Univ.-Prof. Doz. Mag. Dr. Herbert Heftner Contents Acknowledgements 3 Abstract 4 Introduction 5 Alexicles 25 Andron 42 Archeptolemus 57 Aristarchus 79 Aristocrates Skelliou 89 Cleitophon 124 Dieitrephes 147 Laispodias Andronymios 162 Melesias 178 Onomacles 181 Phrynichus Stratonidou Deiradiotes 188 Theramenes Hagnonos Steirieus 250 Thymochares 272 Appendix 1: Was Hippodamus of Miletos Archeptolemus father? 279 Appendix 2: The prytany and archon year of 412/11 295 Appendix 3: The chronology of Peisander’s mission to Athens re-visited: Thucydides 8.53-54 297 Appendix 4: εύθύς in Thucydides 316 Appendix 5: Beyond the Four Hundred 317 Afterthought: The social origin of the known members of the Four Hundred and their motives for joining the movement 319 Bibliography 324 Vita 354 2 Acknowledgements I am extremely grateful to Dr. Christos Zapheiropoulos for his warm support and encouragement back in 1997 to undertake the long project that this thesis has proven to be. During my studies at the University of Vienna I was fortunate enough to attend classes of professors Fritz Mitthof, Thomas Corsten, Bernhard Palme and Walter Pohl; they became my mentors and guides to the marvellous world of antiquity and I very much thank them for this unforgettable experience. I am deeply indebted to my supervisor Herbert Heftner for the enthusiastic welcoming and all the unconditional support and help which he so lavishly has offered to me all these years. -
The Athenian 'Politicians', 403-322 B.C
HANSEN, MOGENS HERMAN, The Athenian 'Politicians', 403-322 B.C. , Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies, 24:1 (1983:Spring) p.33 The Athenian 'Politicians', 403-322 B. C . Mogens Herman Hansen I HE TITLE of this paper may seem innocent and straightforward. T It presents a historical problem, but does not seem to raise a semantic question. We believe we know what a politician is and we are used to reading about Athenian politicians. Two outstanding examples will suffice. Twenty years ago S. Perlman published an ex cellent article entitled "The Politicians in the Athenian Democracy of the Fourth Century B.C." (Athenaeum 41 [1963] 327-55), and in 1971 W. R. Connor published his seminal study The New Politicians of Fifth-Century Athens. It is characteristic of these and similar studies l that they are based on two tacit assumptions: (a) that the term poli tician/ Politiker / politicien covers a sufficiently clear and well-defined concept; and (b) that this concept can be applied in descriptions of ancient societies. I will open my account of the problem by question ing both these assumptions. It is surprisingly difficult to find out what a politician is and to come up with a definition that can be generally accepted. This word, which is used every day in parliaments, in the newspapers, and in broadcasting, is largely disregarded by students of political science. For example, in the International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences there is no entry "politician," and in the article "Political recruitment and career," the author seems cunningly to avoid it. -
Rhetoric and the Architecture of Empire in the Athenian Agora
Rhetoric and the Architecture of Empire inthe Athenian Agora Submitted by John Vandenbergh Lewis B.Arch., University of Arizona Tucson, Arizona May, 1992 Submitted to the Department of Architecture in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Master of Science in Architecture Studies at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology June, 1995 John Vandenbergh Lewis, 1995. All rights reserved. The author hereby grants to the Massachusetts Institute of Technology permission to reproduce and to distribute publicly paper and electronic copies of this thesis document in whole or in part. I A A Signature of the Author Jo Vandenbergh Lewis Depa* ent of Architecture, May 12, 1995 Certified by IrP u Julian Beinarl Professor of Architecture I Accepted by I I Roy Strickland Chairman, Department of Architecture Committee on Graduate Students MASSACHUSETTS INSTJTUTE OF TECHNOLOGY JUL 251995 4ROtd Rhetoric and the Architecture of Empire inthe Athenian Agora by John Vandenbergh Lewis Submitted to the Department of Architecture May 12, 1995 in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Science inArchitecture Studies Abstract The various political regimes of ancient Athens established and legitimated their power through civic architecture and public rhetoric in the agora. A study of the parallel developments of architectural and rhetorical form, supported by previously published archaeological evidence and the well documented history of classical rhetoric, demonstrates that both served to propel democracy and, later, to euphemize the asymmetrical power structures of the Hellenistic and Roman empires. In addition, civic architecture and rhetoric worked in unison following analogous patterns of presentation in civic space. Civic imperial architecture in the agora may be thus understood to function as the stageset and legitimator of imperial political rhetoric in the agora. -
UCLA Historical Journal
UCLA UCLA Historical Journal Title Reasons for the Coup of the Four Hundred Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/3mc6m50g Journal UCLA Historical Journal, 6(0) ISSN 0276-864X Author Ellis, Walter Publication Date 1985 eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California 5 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS Reasons for the Coup of the Four Hundred Walter Ellis Introduction The Peloponnesian War (431-404 B.C.) between Athens and Sparta came to a temporary halt during the period between 42 1 and 413. In 4 1 the Athenians, under the influence of Alcibiades, inaugurated an ambitious invasion of the island of Sicily that by 413 had turned into a disaster for the invaders. The Athenians lost thousands of men, most of their navy, and their two leading statesmen, the generals Nicias and Alcibiades. Nicias died in Sicily and Alcibiades defected to the Spartans. Also, in 413 the Spartans formally reopened the war by occupying on a permanent basis the fortress at Decelea which was on the Athenian frontier. Bereft of effective leadership and the greater part of its navy, Athens was on the verge of losing its empire as more and more of its subject allies began to rebel. The foundation upon which Athens' strength was built seemed to be on the verge of collapse. This crisis led directly to a coup in Athens in the year 411; the democracy was overthrown by a group of oligarchs known as the Four Hundred. The Four Hundred held power in Athens for about four months through mid-September before they were replaced by a more moderate oHgarchy known as the Five Thousand. -
F. As Executions and Exiles Accelerate; Theramenes Moves to Set up the 3000, 1
I. THIRTY TYRANTS (404-403) A. After Aegospotami, Lysander est. Decarchies throughout Aegean; oligarchic puppet states of Sparta; Athens would need a larger governing board => The Thirty, a group of pro-Spartan oligarchs B. Initial Actions of the Thirty 1. abolish organs of dem. govt. under guise of returning to “ancestral constitution”; a) Participation in legal functions — which had previously been open to all Athenians — was restricted to a select group of 500 persons (Boule antidemocrats). b) The Assembly was abolished; c) pay for service abolished; d) suspended Heliaea. 2. request Spartan garrison of 700 + commander; surrounded by 300 whip-bearers; 3. est. informers to watch Piraeus = hotbed of democratic activism C. Leaders = Theramenes and Critias, pupil of Socrates (uncle of Plato) Critias = brilliant intellectual, atheist, passionate antidemocrat; brutal; amoral; banished member of the 400 D. At outset, seemed an enlightened move: Plato was joyful; Aristotle” in Ath. Pol 35.3-4 “At the outset, therefore, they were engaged in ... removing the blackmailers and the persons who consorted undesirably with the people to curry favor and were evil-doers and scoundrels; and the state was delighted at these measures, thinking they were acting with the best intentions... when they got a firmer hold on the state, they kept their hands off none of the citizens, but put to death those of outstanding wealth or birth or reputation... desiring to plunder their estates, and by the end of a brief interval of time they had made away with not less than fifteen hundred.” = at least 2-3% of population. E. The Thirty began a purge of citizens who had collaborated with the Athenians during the Peloponnesian War. -
Aristophanes on Alcibiades , Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies, 29:4 (1988:Winter) P.345
MOORTON, RICHARD F., JR, Aristophanes on Alcibiades , Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies, 29:4 (1988:Winter) p.345 Aristophanes on Alcibiades Richard F. Moorton, Jr T Frogs 1425 Dionysus tells Euripides that Athens desires, A hates, and wishes the return of the exiled Alcibiades. I argue here that Aristophanes' own comedies reveal a similar ambiva lence. My thesis is that (1) the plays predating the Deceleian War re veal both criticism and approval of the rising politician; (2) criticism of Alcibiades' political intentions and, implicitly, of the man himself predominates (as others have seen) in the two comedies of 411, Lysistrata and Thesmophoriazusae; but (3) by 405 altered conditions prompted Aristophanes to advocate cautiously the recall of A1cibia des in Frogs, a much debated point on which this paper offers a new VIew. Most of the references to Alcibiades in the early comedies concern either his sexual behavior or his facile eloquence. Rhetorical prowess can imply intellectual ability and activity in the courts and the ekkle sia, and both are attributed to A1cibiades in the plays from the period of the Archidamian War. In Banqueters Alcibiades is mentioned by a disapproving father as one of the sources of his corrupt son's turns of speech (fr.120S.Sf).1 At the time Alcibiades was in his twenties. That he is mentioned as one of the sophists and lawyers who have corrupted the old man's son is evidence that he had already acquired a reputation for that rhetori cal facility and avant-garde intellectualism which characterized him throughout his life. -
BOOK REVIEWS Peter J. Rhodes, Alcibiades: Athenian Playboy
BOOK REVIEWS Peter J. Rhodes, Alcibiades: Athenian playboy, general and traitor. South Yorkshire: Pen & Sword Military, 2011. Xv + 143 pp. ISBN 9781848840690. Neither his contemporaries nor later generations have ever ceased to wonder at ‗What Alcibiades did and what happened to him‘. It might, therefore, seem surprising that the book reviewed is the first full length biography of this flamboyant and important character in more than twenty years. Rhodes (henceforth R.) does not explain why we need a new biography, but an attentive reader will notice the use of new data accumulated since then. A work under this title is perhaps intended for a wider readership, but in the instance of the present author it cannot fail to uphold academic standards. As in other works of R., the approach is cautious and at times even conservative. Some recent innovative hypotheses concerning Alcibiades and other controversial scientific issues are not discussed, presumably deemed less suited for a work of wider interest than the purely academic.1 On the other hand, despite the word ‗playboy‘ in the title, the author overlooks many of the anecdotes found in later sources and an analysis of their validity. Ever since his time, Alcibiades has generated strong feelings, a mixture of both admiration and censure, as described in Aristophanes‘ Frogs (l.1425). Modern scholars see Alcibiades as either inspired or opportunistic, and more than one have noted that the earliest sources give credence for both views. The most thorough work is that of Jean Hatzfeld, Alcibiade (1951), who presents Alcibiades as a military genius. Similarly, Walter M. -
Critias in Xenophons's Hellenica*
Critias in Xenophons’s Hellenica* Frances Pownall Not so terribly long ago, Martin Ostwald made the following comment on Critias: ‘Though the fragments show little originality, they reveal the extensive learning and interests of an enlightened belletristic gentleman. But it is difficult to extract systematic thought from them . ’.1 The scanty remains extant from his once-extensive oeuvre, dictated by the interests of their excerptors, do indeed make it difficult to determine whether or not Critias had any sort of coherent political program. Furthermore, Xenophon portrays Critias in the Hellenica as motivated solely by personal and emotional considerations rather than political ones. One of the most noteworthy features of his narrative is the lack of any positive political program of Critias; he is only shown reacting to criticisms voiced by Theramenes instead of initiating any political developments of his own leading to a government based on actual political doctrine. Xenophon’s portrayal has been very influential upon most subsequent treatments of Critias, both ancient and modern. Recently, however, Critias’ writings have undergone a reassessment, and it is becoming increasingly recognized that a systematic political viewpoint does in fact underpin his extant work.2 Furthermore, Julia Shear has argued that, contrary to what she calls the ‘traditional view’ according to which the Thirty only paid lip service to constitutional reform in order to lull the Athenians into allowing them to maintain power, the evidence shows that they were in fact serious about the political process of creating an oligarchic city.3 In this nexus, I propose first to re-examine the portrayal of Critias in the Hellenica, and then to demonstrate that despite Xenophon the extant fragments make it clear that Critias did have a theoretical political ideology, which was not extreme, but espoused the principles of moderate oligarchy, as well as a concern for the social reform of the elite. -
05. Ch. 2. Lateiner, Insults and Humiliations
Histos Supplement ( ) – INSULTS AND HUMILIATIONS IN FIFTH-CENTURY HISTORIOGRAPHY AND COMEDY Donald Lateiner Abstract : Herodotos, Thoukydides, and Xenophon, in that descending order, include anecdotal descriptions of systematic humiliation through verbal and nonverbal digs and insults. Examples include Hippokleides’ symposiastic behaviour at Agariste’s wedding competition, Peisistratid insult to the sexual purity of Harmodios’ sister, Athenian mockery of a Spartan POW held in Athens after capture on Sphakteria, and Theramenes’ witty toast of his executioner Kritias ( τὸ παιγνιῶδες ). Aristophanes and other Attic Old Comedy poets traditionally and pervasively present characters who deride politicians, pretentious poets and other public figures. They animalise, infantilise, and feminise targets with political, social, and especially sexual insults. Aristophanes mocked objectionable (to him) habits, views, and actions of prominent individuals and groups throughout the Peloponnesian War. He demeaned their patriotism and justifications for war with (pseudo-) historical reasoning in Akharnians (> ?) and elsewhere ( Peace, Frogs ). This paper explores the genres’ mutual derivation and overlapping depictions of incidents from the pushful and derisory poetics of Attic (and Lakonic) manhood. Introduction nsults pervaded the rough-and-tumble confrontations of ancient Athenian street-life, one aspect of daily Iinteraction among males for which substantial data (however biased) survive from comedy, historiography, oratory, and pottery images of everyday life. Verbal assaults, genealogical taunts, obscene allegations, phys- iological caricature, and witty puns on names replaced, accompanied, preceded, or followed physical assaults. The Donald Lateiner vicious speech and acts of Attic Old Comedy reflect this inculcated intemperate behaviour and responses. 1 Aggressive humour, a form of communication prior to all literary genres, surfaces in epic, lyric, tragedy, biography, and philosophy.