Graphē Paranomōn (Indictment for Unlawful Proposals1) Ioannes K. Triantaphyllopoulos
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Who Freed Athens? J
Ancient Greek Democracy: Readings and Sources Edited by Eric W. Robinson Copyright © 2004 by Blackwell Publishing Ltd The Beginnings of the Athenian Democracv: Who Freed Athens? J Introduction Though the very earliest democracies lildy took shape elsewhere in Greece, Athens embraced it relatively early and would ultimately become the most famous and powerful democracy the ancient world ever hew. Democracy is usually thought to have taken hold among the Athenians with the constitutional reforms of Cleisthenes, ca. 508/7 BC. The tyrant Peisistratus and later his sons had ruled Athens for decades before they were overthrown; Cleisthenes, rallying the people to his cause, made sweeping changes. These included the creation of a representative council (bode)chosen from among the citizens, new public organizations that more closely tied citizens throughout Attica to the Athenian state, and the populist ostracism law that enabled citizens to exile danger- ous or undesirable politicians by vote. Beginning with these measures, and for the next two centuries or so with only the briefest of interruptions, democracy held sway at Athens. Such is the most common interpretation. But there is, in fact, much room for disagree- ment about when and how democracy came to Athens. Ancient authors sometimes refer to Solon, a lawgiver and mediator of the early sixth century, as the founder of the Athenian constitution. It was also a popular belief among the Athenians that two famous “tyrant-slayers,” Harmodius and Aristogeiton, inaugurated Athenian freedom by assas- sinating one of the sons of Peisistratus a few years before Cleisthenes’ reforms - though ancient writers take pains to point out that only the military intervention of Sparta truly ended the tyranny. -
Marathon 2,500 Years Edited by Christopher Carey & Michael Edwards
MARATHON 2,500 YEARS EDITED BY CHRISTOPHER CAREY & MICHAEL EDWARDS INSTITUTE OF CLASSICAL STUDIES SCHOOL OF ADVANCED STUDY UNIVERSITY OF LONDON MARATHON – 2,500 YEARS BULLETIN OF THE INSTITUTE OF CLASSICAL STUDIES SUPPLEMENT 124 DIRECTOR & GENERAL EDITOR: JOHN NORTH DIRECTOR OF PUBLICATIONS: RICHARD SIMPSON MARATHON – 2,500 YEARS PROCEEDINGS OF THE MARATHON CONFERENCE 2010 EDITED BY CHRISTOPHER CAREY & MICHAEL EDWARDS INSTITUTE OF CLASSICAL STUDIES SCHOOL OF ADVANCED STUDY UNIVERSITY OF LONDON 2013 The cover image shows Persian warriors at Ishtar Gate, from before the fourth century BC. Pergamon Museum/Vorderasiatisches Museum, Berlin. Photo Mohammed Shamma (2003). Used under CC‐BY terms. All rights reserved. This PDF edition published in 2019 First published in print in 2013 This book is published under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial- NoDerivatives (CC-BY-NC-ND 4.0) license. More information regarding CC licenses is available at http://creativecommons.org/licenses/ Available to download free at http://www.humanities-digital-library.org ISBN: 978-1-905670-81-9 (2019 PDF edition) DOI: 10.14296/1019.9781905670819 ISBN: 978-1-905670-52-9 (2013 paperback edition) ©2013 Institute of Classical Studies, University of London The right of contributors to be identified as the authors of the work published here has been asserted by them in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. Designed and typeset at the Institute of Classical Studies TABLE OF CONTENTS Introductory note 1 P. J. Rhodes The battle of Marathon and modern scholarship 3 Christopher Pelling Herodotus’ Marathon 23 Peter Krentz Marathon and the development of the exclusive hoplite phalanx 35 Andrej Petrovic The battle of Marathon in pre-Herodotean sources: on Marathon verse-inscriptions (IG I3 503/504; Seg Lvi 430) 45 V. -
The Prosecutors of Socrates and the Political Motive Theory
Portland State University PDXScholar Dissertations and Theses Dissertations and Theses 2-1981 The prosecutors of Socrates and the political motive theory Thomas Patrick Kelly Portland State University Follow this and additional works at: https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds Part of the Intellectual History Commons, and the Political History Commons Let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Recommended Citation Kelly, Thomas Patrick, "The prosecutors of Socrates and the political motive theory" (1981). Dissertations and Theses. Paper 2692. https://doi.org/10.15760/etd.2689 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations and Theses by an authorized administrator of PDXScholar. Please contact us if we can make this document more accessible: [email protected]. AN ABSTRACT OF THE THESIS OF Thomas Patrick Kelly for the Master of Arts in History presented February 26, 1981. Title: The Prosecutors of Socrates and The Political Motive Theory. APPROVED BY MEMBERS OF THE THESIS CO~rnITTEE: ~~varnos, Cha1rman Charles A. Le Guin Roderlc D1man This thesis presents a critical analysis of the histor- ical roles assigned to the prosecutors of Socrates by modern historians. Ancient sources relating to the trial and the principles involved, and modern renditions, especially those of John Burnet and A. E. Taylor, originators of the theory that the trial of Socrates was politically motivated, are critically 2 analyzed and examined. The thesis concludes that the political motive theory is not supported by the evidence on which it relies. THE PROSECUTORS OF SOCRATES AND THE POLITICAL MOTIVE THEORY by THOMAS PATRICK KELLY A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS in HISTORY Portland State University 1981 TO THE OFFICE OF GRADUATE STUDIES AND RESEARCH: The members of the Committee approve the thesis of Thomas Patrick Kelly presented February 26, 1981. -
Rethinking Athenian Democracy.Pdf
Rethinking Athenian Democracy A dissertation presented by Daniela Louise Cammack to The Department of Government in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the subject of Political Science Harvard University Cambridge, Massachusetts January 2013 © 2013 Daniela Cammack All rights reserved. Professor Richard Tuck Daniela Cammack Abstract Conventional accounts of classical Athenian democracy represent the assembly as the primary democratic institution in the Athenian political system. This looks reasonable in the light of modern democracy, which has typically developed through the democratization of legislative assemblies. Yet it conflicts with the evidence at our disposal. Our ancient sources suggest that the most significant and distinctively democratic institution in Athens was the courts, where decisions were made by large panels of randomly selected ordinary citizens with no possibility of appeal. This dissertation reinterprets Athenian democracy as “dikastic democracy” (from the Greek dikastēs, “judge”), defined as a mode of government in which ordinary citizens rule principally through their control of the administration of justice. It begins by casting doubt on two major planks in the modern interpretation of Athenian democracy: first, that it rested on a conception of the “wisdom of the multitude” akin to that advanced by epistemic democrats today, and second that it was “deliberative,” meaning that mass discussion of political matters played a defining role. The first plank rests largely on an argument made by Aristotle in support of mass political participation, which I show has been comprehensively misunderstood. The second rests on the interpretation of the verb “bouleuomai” as indicating speech, but I suggest that it meant internal reflection in both the courts and the assembly. -
Plutarch on Cimon, Athenian Expeditions, and Ephialtes' Reform
Plutarch on Cimon, Athenian Expeditions, and Ephialtes’ Reform (Plut. Cim.14–17) Valerij Goušchin N THE 460S B.C. Cimon played a key role in Athenian politics. But his predominance came to an end in 462/1, I when he was ostracized. Not long before his exile he had clashed with Ephialtes over support for the Lacedaemonians, They had called on the Athenians for help against the Helots and perioikoi, who had revolted. Cimon argued strongly for helping the Lacedaemonians while Ephialtes opposed aiding Sparta. But Cimon’s dominance was still great and he was sent, Thucydides reports, to Messenia (1.102.1, cf. Ar. Lys.1137– 1146). While he was away Ephialtes accomplished his reform (462 B.C.), which deprived the Areopagus of its role as guardian of the laws and diminished the influence of the aristocracy. The Lacedaemonians, frightened by Ephialtes’ reform (or by neo- teropoiia in Thucydides’ terminology), dismissed the Athenian contingent. Shortly after returning from Messenia Cimon was ostracized. This is the generally accepted view, which is based mainly on Thucydides’ account.1 We have in addition Plutarch’s narrative in the biography of Cimon, where he presents the course of the same events differ- ently (Cim. 14–17). In particular, he speaks of two Athenian expeditions to Messenia and of the reform of Ephialtes that was carried out at the time of a certain naval expedition. This version is well known, but is considered untrustworthy. I propose that 1 E.g. P. J. Rhodes, “The Athenian Revolution,” in CAH2 V (1992) 69; S. Hornblower, The Greek World 479–323 BC (London/New York 2002) 23. -
The Regime of Demetrius of Phalerum in Athens, 317–307
Th e Regime of Demetrius of Phalerum in Athens, 317–307 BCE Mnemosyne Supplements History and Archaeology of Classical Antiquity Edited by Susan E. Alcock, Brown University Th omas Harrison, Liverpool Willem M. Jongman, Groningen H.S. Versnel, Leiden VOLUME 318 Th e Regime of Demetrius of Phalerum in Athens, 317–307 BCE A Philosopher in Politics By Lara O’Sullivan LEIDEN • BOSTON 2009 On the cover: Detail of the Parthenon. Photo: Author. Th is book is printed on acid-free paper. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data O’Sullivan, Lara. Th e rule of Demetrius of Phalerum in Athens, 317-307 B.C. : a philosopher in politics / by Lara O’Sullivan. p. cm. — (Mnemosyne supplements. History and archaeology of classical antiquity, ISSN 0169-8958 ; v. 318) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-90-04-17888-5 (hbk. : alk. paper) 1. Demetrius, of Phaleron, b. ca. 350 B.C. 2. Demetrius, of Phaleron, b. ca. 350 B.C.—Political and social views. 3. Governors—Greece—Athens—Biography. 4. Statesmen—Greece—Athens— Biography. 5. Orators—Greece—Athens—Biography. 6. Philosophers, Ancient— Biography. 7. Athens (Greece)—Politics and government. 8. Philosophy, Ancient. 9. Athens (Greece)—Relations—Macedonia. 10. Macedonia—Relations—Greece— Athens. I. Title. II. Series. DF235.48.D455O87 2009 938’.508092—dc22 [B] 2009033560 ISSN 0169-8958 ISBN 978 90 04 17888 5 Copyright 2009 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, Th e Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Hotei Publishing, IDC Publishers, Martinus Nijhoff Publishers and VSP. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. -
Illinois Classical Studies
s View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Illinois Digital Environment for Access to... Andron and the Four Hundred GEORGE PESELY Shortly after the fall of the Four Hundred in 411, the Athenian Council of Five Hundred resolved to prosecute Archeptolemos, Onomakles, and Antiphon for treason. The motion was proposed by Andron.' Most scholars have identified this Andron with the father of Androtion, the fourth-century politician and Atthidographer.^ For those who believe that Androtion was a major source of historical information for the Aristotelian Athenaion Politeia? Andron assumes a role of some significance as a shaper of his son's supposedly "moderate-conservative" political ideology and as a possible supplier of information about the oligarchic movements of late fifth-century Athens. This view of Androtion' s political outlook has recently come under attack, notably from Phillip Harding,'* and I have considered elsewhere the question of whether Aristotle used Androtion' Atthisr' Here I propose to examine three points: Was the Andron of the ' The text of the decree is given in ps. -Plutarch, Life of Antiphon, in the Vitae Decern Oratorum = ps.-Plut. A/or. 833e-f, along with the verdict (834a-b). ^ E.g. H. Bloch, "Studies in Historical Literature of the Fourth Century B.C.," HSCP, Suppl. 1 (1940) 352; C. Hignett, A History of the Athenian Constitution (Oxford 1952) 12; G. E. M. de Ste. Croix, "The Character of the Athenian Empire," Historia 3 (1954/55) 27 n. 1; E. Ruschenbusch, "OATPIOZ OOAITEIA: Theseus, Drakon, Solon und Kleisthenes in Publizistik und Geschichtsschreibung des 5. -
Leon and Timagoras: Co-Envoys for Four Years? Mosley, D J Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies; Summer 1968; 9, 2; Proquest Pg
Leon and Timagoras: Co-envoys for Four Years? Mosley, D J Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies; Summer 1968; 9, 2; ProQuest pg. 157 Leon and Timagoras: Co-envoys for Four Years? D. J. Mosley N HIS SPEECH against Aeschines, II€pt rijs 7Tapa7Tp€U/3€las, Demos I thenes asserted (19.191) that in bringing a charge against his former colleague on the embassies to Macedon in 346 he was doing nothing unprecedented, for even Leon, he said, had denounced his fellow-envoy Timagoras on their return from Persia in 367 al though they had been fellow-envoys (aVf.L7TE7Tp€U/3€VKWS) for four years. The prosecution of Timagoras is mentioned elsewhere,! but no where else do we find the statement that he and Leon served together for four years. Perhaps Demosthenes' statement ought to be dis missed as an unwarranted assertion, but it has been defended, and the circumstantial evidence which may be of interest has not been sufficiently discussed. In the first place it appears strange in a world where there were no permanent extra-territorial diplomatic agencies and where envoys were chosen to go on specific and individual missions that an envoy should be described as having been the colleague of another for four years. From Xenophon's account (Hell. 7.1.33ff) it is plain that the one mission which occasioned the accusations was of limited duration and was confined to 367. Leon and Timagoras are not known to have fulfilled any other specific mission to Persia or to any other state before 367. Grote, who attempted to combine the accounts of Demosthenes and Xenophon,2 pointed out that four years before the episode of 367 occurred the battle of Leuctra and the renewal of the King's Peace; and he supposed that the significant four years were those from 371 to 367 in relations between Athens and Persia. -
Athenian Homicide Rhetoric in Context
ATHENIAN HOMICIDE RHETORIC IN CONTEXT BY CHRISTINE C. PLASTOW Thesis submitted to University College London for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy DEPARTMENT OF GREEK AND LATIN UNIVERSITY COLLEGE LONDON 1 DECLARATION I, Christine C. Plastow, confirm that the work presented in this thesis is my own. Where information has been derived from other sources, I confirm that this has been indicated in the thesis. Signed: --------------------------------------------------------------------------- 2 ABSTRACT Homicide is a potent crime in any society, and classical Athens was no exception. The Athenians implemented legal methods for dealing with homicide that were set apart from the rest of their legal system, including separate courts, long-established laws, and rigorous procedures. We have, however, limited extant sources on these issues, including only five speeches from trials for homicide. This has fomented debate regarding aspects of law and procedure, and rhetoric as it relates specifically to homicide has not been examined in detail. Here, I intend to examine how the nature of homicide and its prosecution at Athens may have affected rhetoric when discussing homicide in forensic oratory. First, I will establish what I will call the ideology of homicide at Athens: the set of beliefs and perceptions that are most commonly attached to homicide and its prosecution. Then, I will examine homicide rhetoric from three angles: religious pollution, which was believed to adhere to those who committed homicide; relevance, as speakers in the homicide courts were subject to particular restrictions in this regard; and motive and intent, related issues that appear frequently in rhetoric and, in some cases, define the nature of a homicide charge. -
Cimon's Dismissal, Ephialtes' Revolution and the Peloponnesian Wars Cole, John R Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies; Winter 1974; 15, 4; Proquest Pg
Cimon's Dismissal, Ephialtes' Revolution and the Peloponnesian Wars Cole, John R Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies; Winter 1974; 15, 4; ProQuest pg. 369 Cimon's Dismissal, Ephialtes' Revolution and the Peloponnesian Wars John R. Cole HE YEAR 462 B.C. may have marked the most acute crisis in what Bengtson calls "the decisive turning point in the internal and T 1 external histories" of Sparta and Athens. We lack the authori tative historical source to state from antiquity the case for 462 that Herodotus states for 480 or Thucydides for 431. But ancient histori cal tradition does suggest the unique concatenation of three calamities in 462. First in the tradition, at Sparta the earthquake of 464 and the subsequent helot rebellion shook the state to its very foundations, so that proud Sparta had to come as suppliant to Athens. Second, at Athens the <revolution' of Ephialtes overthrew Areopagite oligarchy and established Periclean democracy, hardly less calamitous an event in surviving accounts. Third, between Sparta and Athens opened the decisive rift, the <dismissal' of Cimon from Ithome by <fearful' Spartans, followed by his ostracism, the reversal of alliances, and the first of the Peloponnesian wars. The severity of these calamities was not doubted in antiquity. But our sources on the first two are uncritical enough and removed enough in time to encourage a measure of skepticism among moderns. Dio dorns, Plutarch and Pausanias are open to question, as is Aristotle. But on the third calamity, Thucydides has always seemed critical enough and close enough to command assent. It is my purpose to encourage a measure of skepticism concerning Thucydides' account of the <dismissal' of Cimon, the one event of this most crucial year that our best and earliest source emphasized. -
The Hybris of Socrates: a Platonic 'Revaluation of Values' in T
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by MURAL - Maynooth University Research Archive Library The hybris of Socrates 43 The hybris of Socrates: A Platonic ‘revaluation of values’ in the Symposium Will Desmond Abstract: In the final speech of Plato’s Symposium, the young, aristocratic Alcibiades accuses Socrates of being characteristically hybristic. This is a startling claim that requires explanation, in relation both to the rest of the Symposium and to Plato’s broader ethical and metaphysical concerns. Previous interpretations of the meaning and purpose of Alcibiades’ speech miss the main point: namely, the notion of a philosphical or Socratic hybris complements the discussion by Socrates-Diotima of the ideal nature of eros. Just as all desire in fact aims at eternal ends, so the Platonic philosopher acts ‘hybristically’, by typically asserting his own activity and insights vis-à-vis temporal, contingent values. Therefore, Alcibiades’ speech should be understood in the context of a more general Platonic ‘revaluation of values’ that reorients traditional words and concepts towards ideal ends. At the end of Plato’s Symposium, Alcibiades bursts into Agathon’s house and proceeds to deliver a speech in praise of Socrates. It is a deeply ambivalent speech. Intermixed with genuine admiration for Socrates’ moral virtues, intelligence and physical strength, is the recurrent and insistent condemnation of Socrates for hybris. Alcibiades levels the charge at the beginning of his speech when he compares Socrates to the satyr Marsyas: ‘You are a hybristes, Socrates. If you deny it, I will produce witnesses’. -
The Athenian Empire
Week 8: The Athenian Empire Lecture 13, The Delian League, Key Words Aeschylus’ Persians Plataea Mycale Second Ionian Revolt Samos Chios Lesbos Leotychidas Xanthippus Sestos Panhellenism Medizers Corinth Common Oaths Common Freedom Asia Minor Themistocles Pausanias Dorcis Hegemony by Invitation Aristides Uliades of Samos Byzantium Hybris Delos Ionia Hellespont Caria Thrace NATO UN Phoros Hellenotamias Synod Local Autonomy 1 Lecture 14, From League to Empire, Key Words Eion Strymon Scyros Dolopians Cleruchy Carystus Naxos Eurymedon Caria Lycia Thasos Ennea Hodoi Indemnity Diodorus Thucydides Athenian Imperial Democracy Tribute Lists Garrisons 2 Chronological Table for the Pentekontaetia 479-431 481/0 Hellenic League, a standard offensive and defensive alliance (symmachia), formed with 31 members under Spartan leadership. 480/79 Persian War; battles under Spartan leadership: Thermopylae (King Leonidas), Artemesium and Salamis (Eurybiades), Plataea (Pausanias), and Mycale (King Leotychides). 479 Thank-offerings dedicated at Delphi for victory over Persia including serpent column listing 31 cities faithful to “the Hellenes”. Samos, Chios, and Lesbos, and other islanders enrolled in the Hellenic League. Sparta, alarmed by the growth of Athenian power and daring, send envoys to urge the Athenians not to rebuild their walls, but Themistocles rejects the idea and tricks the envoys; Athenians rebuild walls using old statues as ‘fill’, while Themistocles is on diplomatic mission to Sparta. Following the departure of Leotychides and the Peloponnesian contingents, Xanthippus and the Athenians cross over to Sestos on the European side of the Hellespont, lay siege to the town, and capture the Persian fortress. Themistocles persuades the Athenians to complete fortifications at Piraeus, begun in 492; while Cimon promotes cooperation with Sparta, Themistocles hostile to the hegemon of the Peloponnesian and Hellenic leagues; attempts to rouse anti-Spartan feelings.