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Iran Human Rights Review: YOUTH IrAN HUmAN rIgHTS revIew: YOUTH edited by Tahirih Danesh and roya Kashefi Preface by Barbara Lochbihler meP The Foreign Policy Centre Suite 11, Second floor 23-28 Penn Street London N1 5DL United Kingdom www.fpc.org.uk [email protected] © Foreign Policy Centre 2012 All rights reserved About the Iran Human Rights Review The Foreign Policy Centre (FPC) is delighted to publish the first in what we hope will be a developing series of Iran Human Rights Reviews that will bring together the thinking of established and emerging analysts, activists, academics and politicians around the world to examine the many human rights challenges in Iran and put forward positive recommendations for policymakers and other interested stakeholders. Tahirih Danesh, FPC Senior Research Associate, leads the project with support from FPC Policy Director Adam Hug who oversees work on human rights and the Middle East within the centre’s staff team. The long-term development of the Iran Human Rights Review will be reliant on the FPC attaining funding to develop this work, currently conducted on a voluntary basis. If you would like to help support the work of the Iran Human Rights Review or any other projects within the Foreign Policy Centre’s Democracy, Governance and Human Rights Programme please contact Adam Hug on [email protected] or +44 (0) 2077297566. For wider information about the FPC please visit our website www.fpc.org.uk or email [email protected]. Acknowledgement All views expressed are those of their authors alone and may not represent the views of the Foreign Policy Centre or the Iran Human Right’s Review’s editors. The editors would like to convey their gratitude to the authors who have thoughtfully and generously contributed to this issue. As well, they wish to thank the body of volunteers who have assisted with various important tasks such as translation and technical aspects of this publication’s electronic and print formats. 1 Contents Preface Barbara Lochbihler MEP 4 Introduction and policy recommendations 5 Tahirih Danesh & Roya Kashefi A Review of key causes of poor performance of the Iranian economy Mehr Emadi 8 Assumed political responsibility of the ‘youth of Iran’ Hossein Ladjevardi 17 A discriminatory educational discourse Saeed Paivandi 20 Substance abuse among Iranian youth Anonymous 23 A brief on Christian Iranian youth Open Doors Advocacy UK 27 Marginalisation of the Kurdish youth Anonymous 28 The plight of Balochi youth Nasser Boladai 30 Young women in Iran: the tale of the ordinary Azadeh Pourzand 34 Tragedy of young lives lost Neda 37 Judicial processes involving young offenders Mohammad Mostafaei 41 The many puzzles thrown at Iranian society, includes sexuality, in its many definitions since 1979 Saghi Ghahraman 44 Our only nightclub for performing is our website Bronwen Robertson 48 Music, young women & human rights Somi Arian 52 The politics of writing and young authors after the rise of the Green Movement Azadeh Davachi 54 Observing human rights - the lost link of sports in Iran Arash Adibzadeh 57 2 A look at ‘modern spirituality’ and the youth in Iran Ali Shirazi 59 Appendix: Recent Reports and References on Human rights in Iran 61 About the authors 62 3 Preface Barbara Lochbihler MEP During my presidency of the Iran Delegation in the European Parliament, and more recently as Chair of its Subcommittee on Human Rights, I have worked extensively on Iran – together with exiled Iranians and refugees as much as with Ambassadors and other Iranian officials. Not surprisingly, it has proved much easier to discuss environmental issues or the vital role of Iran in the Middle East, than tackling the nuclear portfolio or the country's ever-more dire human rights situation. Still, I have tried to keep the dialogue with Iran as alive and broad as possible, on all relevant topics. Indeed, open and mutually honest negotiations are the only way forward; isolation won't help anyone, least of all the numerous Iranians struggling for a better future, political reforms, the rule of law and the fulfilment of their human rights. In all areas of concern, young women and men have played a central role. More than anyone else, the youth has a direct interest in taking the future in its own hands and, if needed, in shouldering the often-heavy burden of trying to fundamentally transform society. This is not only true for countries such as Tunisia, Libya, Egypt or Syria – where thousands of mainly adolescent citizens have brought about what came to be known as the Arab Spring – but also for Iran, where a great number of young women and men have regularly taken to the streets since the controversial 2009 elections, risking their lives in a struggle for fair elections, freedom of thought and expression, equality and political participation. Unfortunately, and despite all these efforts, the situation for young Iranians continues to be anything but hopeful – especially for those who have decided not to silently resign to their fate, but to struggle for change. Perhaps out of fear that the wave having agitated several Arab countries might also shake Iran, the government recently announced to pursue the creation of what they called “halal” Internet: a censored and entirely controlled web structure whose negative consequences would mainly hit younger generations. Also, the economic situation has worsened considerably, and unemployment among young professionals is at its peak. Repressive measures against women, the LGBTI community, artists and members of religious minorities further deteriorate the youth's outlook, and have resulted in such a tense feeling of fear and hopelessness that the number of teenagers and young adults preferring to leave their country and join the Iranian diaspora has been growing. This is particularly alarming since, in Iran as much as in other countries, change should primarily come from within. Of course, the outside world can – through political or economic support, or via different means of pressure if needed – play an influential role in a given reform process. Officially, the recently adopted EU oil embargo against Iran is supposed to do exactly that: increase external pressure, in order to have the country's officials accept further negotiations in the nuclear dossier. Personally, however, I have serious doubts regarding the success of this decision. Sanctions should always be targeted, in order to hit those responsible for the difficult economic and political situation, not the population at large. An embargo against the most important economic sector in Iran, by contrast, will most definitely bring further hardship to the Iranian people. It might even shut the door for negotiations, and strengthen the government, by giving Tehran the opportunity to use the sanctions as an excuse for its own shortcomings. Safeguarding an open debate and mutual respect should be prioritised, even if external pressure – if it is well designed – might help bring about transformation. Still, the main impulse must come from inside the country. Therefore, it is of utmost importance that we, Iranians or not, continue to name the existing difficulties and discuss possible alternatives, including in those areas most relevant to the youth of Iran: education, gender and trans-gender issues, sports and arts, political freedom, economics and unemployment, inadequate protection laws, as well as the marginalisation of ethnic and religious minorities. The present publication contributes to this endeavour: not to demonise Iran and its people, neither to give up hope that change is possible, but to make the latter an option within reach. 4 Introduction and policy recommendations Tahirih Danesh and Roya Kashefi One of the most common features of contemporary history is the power and role of young people who often lead movements aimed at changing society. In the case of Iran it is no different. The 1979 revolution was the direct result of revolutionary ideals and actions of Iranian youth, in particular those studying at universities and schools. The 2009 post-election uprising was also led by many Iranian youth. According to Iran’s 2006 national consensus, 27% of Iran’s population fall between the ages of 15 and 29, the parameters set by the United Nations to define youth. The increase in the proportion of youth to the rest of Iran’s population came after the high number of births during the 1980s. Iranian authorities, cognizant of this phenomenon and hoping to maintain their status quo, instituted a number of bodies designed to harness the potential of this segment of the population. On the one hand are the Islamic Republic Guards Corps, the Baseej and their subsidiaries as part of the militant arm of the administration. On the other are the High Council of Youth and the National Ministry of Youth and Sports as well as ideologically cleansed universities resulting from the 1981 Cultural Revolution led by the then head and founder of the Supreme Cultural Revolution Council and the current Spiritual Leader, Seyed Ali Khamenei. In the words of the father of the revolution, Ayatollah Khomeini, the Islamic Republic is “not afraid of economic sanctions or military intervention” but they are “afraid of Western universities and the training of [Iranian] youth.”1 While the government maintains a strong position regarding its influence on Iran’s youth and the apparatus and machinery of the Islamic Republic may have influenced the mindset and lifestyle of some of its youth, 2 some reports indicate that a large number of Iran’s youth, although maintaining a strong sense of nationalism, are in fact enamoured with Western liberal ideals including freedom of expression and press, equality regardless of gender, religion, race, language, respect for rights of sexual minorities, equitable access to higher education, sports freedom for both genders, employment rights and social welfare for all regardless of ethnic or religious background.
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