Contemporary Chinese Politics
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I N S T I T U T I O N P R E
BROOKINGS INSTITUTION PRESS SPRING 2013 CONTENTS New Books BROOKINGS FOCUS SERIES Brookings Institution Press .............................. 1 Written for a broad audience, Brookings FOCUS books feature concise, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace ............. 20 accessible, and timely assessments of pressing policy issues, including recommendations for action. The following FOCUS titles appear in United Nations University Press ......................... 22 this catalog: The World Trade Organization ........................... 26 Chatham House ....................................... 29 Avoiding Armageddon Bruce Riedel Aspen Institute ........................................ 30 Page 1 Walter H. Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center ........ 30 ne W IN PAPERBACK Center for Global Development .......................... 31 Bending History American Chamber of Commerce to the EU ............... 31 Martin S. Indyk, Kenneth G. Lieberthal, Centre for European Policy Studies ...................... 32 and Michael E. O’Hanlon Page 6 Center for Transatlantic Relations ........................ 33 ne W IN PAPERBACK Migration Policy Institute ............................... 34 Institute for the Study of the Americas ................... 35 The Next Wave Darrell M. West Japan Center for International Exchange .................. 35 Page 18 Jamestown Foundation ................................. 36 Mr. Putin Center for Economic Policy Research ..................... 36 Fiona Hill and Clifford G. Gaddy Bertelsmann Stiftung .................................. -
Annual Report
COUNCIL ON FOREIGN RELATIONS ANNUAL REPORT July 1,1996-June 30,1997 Main Office Washington Office The Harold Pratt House 1779 Massachusetts Avenue, N.W. 58 East 68th Street, New York, NY 10021 Washington, DC 20036 Tel. (212) 434-9400; Fax (212) 861-1789 Tel. (202) 518-3400; Fax (202) 986-2984 Website www. foreignrela tions. org e-mail publicaffairs@email. cfr. org OFFICERS AND DIRECTORS, 1997-98 Officers Directors Charlayne Hunter-Gault Peter G. Peterson Term Expiring 1998 Frank Savage* Chairman of the Board Peggy Dulany Laura D'Andrea Tyson Maurice R. Greenberg Robert F Erburu Leslie H. Gelb Vice Chairman Karen Elliott House ex officio Leslie H. Gelb Joshua Lederberg President Vincent A. Mai Honorary Officers Michael P Peters Garrick Utley and Directors Emeriti Senior Vice President Term Expiring 1999 Douglas Dillon and Chief Operating Officer Carla A. Hills Caryl R Haskins Alton Frye Robert D. Hormats Grayson Kirk Senior Vice President William J. McDonough Charles McC. Mathias, Jr. Paula J. Dobriansky Theodore C. Sorensen James A. Perkins Vice President, Washington Program George Soros David Rockefeller Gary C. Hufbauer Paul A. Volcker Honorary Chairman Vice President, Director of Studies Robert A. Scalapino Term Expiring 2000 David Kellogg Cyrus R. Vance Jessica R Einhorn Vice President, Communications Glenn E. Watts and Corporate Affairs Louis V Gerstner, Jr. Abraham F. Lowenthal Hanna Holborn Gray Vice President and Maurice R. Greenberg Deputy National Director George J. Mitchell Janice L. Murray Warren B. Rudman Vice President and Treasurer Term Expiring 2001 Karen M. Sughrue Lee Cullum Vice President, Programs Mario L. Baeza and Media Projects Thomas R. -
Roundtable the Future of the Taiwan Relations Act: Adaptation and Continuity
asia policy, volume 14, number 4 (october 2019), 1–42 • http://asiapolicy.nbr.org • roundtable The Future of the Taiwan Relations Act: Adaptation and Continuity Scott L. Kastner Shelley Rigger Lauren Dickey Chieh-Ting Yeh Jacques deLisle © The National Bureau of Asian Research, Seattle, Washington asia policy Introduction n April 10, 2019, the Taiwan Relations Act (TRA) turned 40 years O old. Much fanfare has surrounded the anniversary of this unique piece of legislation, which has served as the foundation for U.S. relations with Taiwan since the United States switched diplomatic recognition to the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in 1979. Since its creation as a Cold War pact, the TRA has evolved to become the cornerstone of a remarkable partnership—at the time of enactment, few would have guessed the dimensions of the U.S.-Taiwan relationship that it would come to support. Yet with rapid changes in technology, trade and economics, and regional security, and a rising PRC that continues to assert its claim to the island, is the TRA now too weak to serve its enlarged role? To better support current U.S.-Taiwan relations, Congress has recently supplemented the TRA with legislation such as the Taiwan Travel Act, the Asia Reassurance Initiative Act, and a resolution to reaffirm the United States’ commitment to the TRA. In addition to U.S.-provided military assistance, the United States and Taiwan partner to uphold democracy, combat terrorism, provide humanitarian assistance, and advance health and social issues. After four decades, it is thus worth considering where U.S.-Taiwan relations are headed and the implications for the TRA. -
Chapter 3 Section 5
SECTION 5: CHINA’S DOMESTIC INFORMATION CONTROLS, GLOBAL MEDIA INFLUENCE, AND CYBER DIPLOMACY Key Findings • China’s current information controls, including the govern- ment’s new social credit initiative, represent a significant es- calation in censorship, surveillance, and invasion of privacy by the authorities. • The Chinese state’s repression of journalists has expanded to target foreign reporters and their local Chinese staff. It is now much more difficult for all journalists to investigate politically sensitive stories. • The investment activities of large, Chinese Communist Par- ty-linked corporations in the U.S. media industry risk under- mining the independence of film studios by forcing them to consider self-censorship in order to gain access to the Chinese market. • China’s overseas influence operations to pressure foreign media have become much more assertive. In some cases, even without direct pressure by Chinese entities, Western media companies now self-censor out of deference to Chinese sensitivity. • Beijing is promoting its concept of “Internet sovereignty” to jus- tify restrictions on freedom of expression in China. These poli- cies act as trade barriers to U.S. companies through both cen- sorship and restrictions on cross-border data transfers, and they are fundamental points of disagreement between Washington and Beijing. • In its participation in international negotiations on global Inter- net governance, norms in cyberspace, and cybersecurity, Beijing seeks to ensure continued control of networks and information in China and to reduce the risk of actions by other countries that are not in its interest. Fearing that international law will be used by other countries against China, Beijing is unwilling to agree on specific applications of international law to cyberspace. -
The Role of China News Service in Overseas Chinese Affairs by Yuen Li BA
Media Influence and News Production Centralization: The Role of China News Service in Overseas Chinese Affairs by Yuen Li B.A. in Business Administration, May 2009, Babson College A Thesis submitted to The Faculty of The Elliot School of International Affairs of The George Washington University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Asian Studies May 21, 2017 Thesis directed by Bruce Dickson Professor of Political Science and International Affairs © Copyright 2017 by Yuen Li All rights reserved ii Acknowledgments I am immensely grateful to my thesis advisor Bruce Dickson who offered me invaluable advice that cleared the most challenging obstacles in the process of writing this thesis. I am also thankful to the editors and journalists who agreed to my interviews and enlightened my understanding of the overseas Chinese-language media. iii Abstract of Thesis Media Influence and News Production Centralization: The Role of China News Service in Overseas Chinese Affairs After the bloody Tiananmen crackdown in 1989, the legitimacy of the Communist Party of China (CCP) suffered a devastating blow among the overseas Chinese (OC). The CCP responded to the challenge by implementing transnational outreach policy in the OC community, which includes substantial efforts to increase the Party’s influence in the overseas Chinese-language media (OCLM). By conducting a qualitative analysis of the evolution of the CCP's OC policy, this thesis finds that the Party has made tremendous progress in achieving the policy’s strategic goals: modernization and transnational legitimacy. The CCP’s increased influence in the OCLM has made crucial contributions to the Party's success in restoring transnational legitimacy in the OC community. -
Fear, Friction, and Flooding: Methods of Online Information Control
Fear, Friction, and Flooding: Methods of Online Information Control The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Roberts, Margaret Earling. 2014. Fear, Friction, and Flooding: Methods of Online Information Control. Doctoral dissertation, Harvard University. Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:12274299 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#LAA ©2014 – Margaret Earling Roberts All rights reserved. Dissertation Advisor: Professor Gary King Margaret Earling Roberts Fear, Friction, and Flooding: Methods of Online Information Control Abstract Many scholars have speculated that censorship e↵orts will be ine↵ective in the information age, where the possibility of accessing incriminating information about almost any political entity will benefit the masses at the expense of the powerful. Others have speculated that while information can now move instantly across borders, autocrats can still use fear and intimidation to encourage citizens to keep quiet. This manuscript demonstrates that the deluge of information in fact still benefits those in power by observing that the degree of accessibility of information is still deter- mined by organized groups and governments. Even though most information is possible to access, as normal citizens get lost in the cacophony of information available to them, their consumption of information is highly influenced by the costs of obtaining it. Much information is either dis- aggregated online or somewhat inaccessible, and organized groups, with resources and incentives to control this information, use information flooding and information friction as methods of con- trolling the cost of information for consumers. -
The United States and China: Mutual Public Perceptions
Kissinger Institute on China and the United States The UniTed STaTeS and China: Mutual PUbliC PerCeptionS EditEd by Douglas G. Spelman Kissinger Institute on China and the United States The UniTed STaTeS and China: Mutual PUbliC PerCeptionS ESSAyS BY Terry Lautz Zhang Chuanjie Li Cheng Jiang Changjian, Shen Min, Ju Hong James Fallows Zhou Qingan Robert Daly Jerome A. Cohen Wang Zhenmin Xu Yihua Richard Madsen Liu Jianfei Jamie P. Horsley Sun Zhe Ellen L. Frost Tao Wenzhao EditEd by Douglas G. Spelman ©2011 Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, Washington, D.C. www.wilsoncenter.org This publication is a collaborative effort between the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars’ Kissinger Institute on China and the United States and Tsinghua University’s Center for U.S.-China Relations. http://www.wilsoncenter.org/program/kissinger-institute-china-and-the-united-states http://www.chinausa.org.cn/en/ Available from : Kissinger Institute on China and the United States Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars One Woodrow Wilson Plaza 1300 Pennsylvania Avenue NW Washington, DC 20004-3027 ISBN 1-933549-62-9 The Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, established by Congress in 1968 and headquartered in Washington, D.C., is a living national memorial to President Wilson. The Center’s mission is to commemorate the ideals and concerns of Woodrow Wilson by provid- ing a link between the worlds of ideas and policy, while fostering research, study, discussion, and collaboration among a broad spectrum of individuals concerned with policy and scholarship in national and international affairs. Supported by public and private funds, the Center is a nonpartisan institu- tion engaged in the study of national and world affairs. -
Propaganda and the Chinese Press Global Perspectives, 1946-1996
Propaganda and the Chinese Press Global Perspectives, 1946-1996 Quick Facts Articles from the official news agency of the People’s Republic of China, translated into English and digitized Provides Chinese Communist Party perspectives on major 20th-century issues and events A wealth of insight for numerous academic disciplines and college classes Overview With more than 170 foreign and 31 domestic bureaus, Xinhua, or New China News Agency, has a broad reach in China and around the world. And as the official organ of China’s Communist Party, it’s long provided the country’s perspective on international issues and events. Now, for the first time, a wide-ranging archive of articles published by Xinhua between 1946 and 1996 is available in English through Propaganda and the Chinese Press—a vital digital resource for researchers seeking to understand the role that Communist mass media played in Chinese culture, the Cold War, and 20th-century world history. The only digital English-language translation of Xinhua’s archive From 1946 to 1996, a U.S. government organization that became part of the CIA monitored, collected, and translated into English thousands of articles distributed by the Xinhua news agency to state-run media outlets. These translated documents are now available through Propaganda and the Chinese Press—an essential digital resource for students and scholars studying a volatile period of Chinese and world history. From the rise of Mao Zedong to the Korean War, China’s Cultural Revolution to America’s Civil Rights Movement, Propaganda and the Chinese Press allows users to see some of the 20th century’s most significant events through the eyes of China’s Communist leaders. -
“We Are All Part of the Same Family”: China's Ethnic Propaganda
Journal of Current Chinese Affairs China aktuell Brady, Anne-Marie (2012), “We Are All Part of the Same Family”: China’s Ethnic Propaganda, in: Journal of Current Chinese Affairs, 41, 4, 159–181. ISSN: 1868-4874 (online), ISSN: 1868-1026 (print) The online version of this article and the other articles can be found at: <www.CurrentChineseAffairs.org> Published by GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies, Institute of Asian Studies in cooperation with the National Institute of Chinese Studies, White Rose East Asia Centre at the Universities of Leeds and Sheffield and Hamburg University Press. The Journal of Current Chinese Affairs is an Open Access publication. It may be read, copied and distributed free of charge according to the conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution-No Derivative Works 3.0 License. To subscribe to the print edition: <[email protected]> For an e-mail alert please register at: <www.CurrentChineseAffairs.org> The Journal of Current Chinese Affairs is part of the GIGA Journal Family which includes: Africa Spectrum ●● Journal of Current Chinese Affairs Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs ●● Journal of Politics in Latin America <www.giga-journal-family.org> Journal of Current Chinese Affairs 4/2012: 159181 O P R !"#$ Abstract: The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) government works hard to promote an image of ethnic harmony in China and downplays ethnic conflict by carefully controlling public information and debate about ethnic affairs. Despite such efforts, the recent clashes in Tibetan areas in 2008 and violent riots in Urumqi in 2009 reveal the weaknesses of this approach. -
Understanding the Implementation Gap of China's Urban Pension
Understanding the implementation gap of China’s urban pension scheme at the level of rural-urban migrant workers Yuan Wang Master of Management, Northwest A&F University, China Bachelor of Management, Xi’an University of Technology, China A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at The University of Queensland in 2016 Abstract China has recently undergone extensive reforms in its basic urban old-age pension policy, which intends to benefit all urban workers, including internal rural-to-urban migrant workers. In 2011, the Social Security Law, the first comprehensive law of China attempting to remedy social inequality, came into force. China has established pension schemes for both rural and urban workers. All workers employed in urban regions are entitled to the urban pension scheme, which offers pension benefits based on the cost of living in cities. However, implementation of the system and loopholes in the legislation have resulted in very low participation by migrant workers in the basic urban old-age pension scheme. As of the end of 2013, the migrant worker coverage rate of the old- age pension scheme remained less than 20% (NBS, 2014a). This gives rise to the following question: What implementation gaps hinder migrant workers from taking up this old-age scheme? Implementation gaps may occur throughout the entire policy implementation process, in which stakeholders at all levels (including policy makers, bureaucrats and recipients) play a role in the success of the policy. This thesis examined the implementation gap in the urban pension scheme at the bottom level, where rural-urban migrant workers constitute the potential recipients. -
The Pennsylvania State University the Graduate School Donald P. Bellisario College of Communications STATE PROPAGANDA and COUNTE
The Pennsylvania State University The Graduate School Donald P. Bellisario College of Communications STATE PROPAGANDA AND COUNTER-PROPAGANDA: TWO CASE STUDIES ON NATIONALIST PROPAGANDA IN MAINLAND CHINA AND HONG KONG A Dissertation in Mass Communications by Luwei Rose Luqiu @2018 Luwei Rose Luqiu Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy May 2018 The dissertation of Luwei Rose Luqiu was reviewed and approved by the following: Bu Zhong Associate Professor of Journalism Dissertation Advisor Chair of Committee Mary Beth Oliver Distinguished Professor of Media Effect Research Patrick Parsons Don Davis Professor of Ethics John McCarthy Distinguished Professor of Sociology Matthew McAllister Professor of Media Studies Chair of Graduate Programs of Donald P. Bellisario College of Communications *Signatures are on file in the Graduate School iii ABSTRACT This research aims to study the propaganda and counter-propaganda strategies used in both a closed and an open society by conducting two case studies in mainland China and Hong Kong. Nationalist propaganda campaigns concerning four independence movements in Tibet, Xinjiang, Taiwan, and Hong Kong were compared and analyzed to explore the underlying mechanism of Chinese Communist Party’s propaganda strategies. The framing strategies employed in the four independence movements were also compared, which were significant different among the movements under study. The Hong Kong independence movement was used to demonstrate the framing contest in Hong Kong, while state propaganda faces different challengers. A hostile media effect and a third-person effect were revealed among mainland Chinese netizens. This research adds new evidence to the observation that the state-controlled media might change people’s behavior, but they could hardly change their beliefs. -
An Alternative Model of a Widespread Practice
Working Paper No. 2017.4 Computational Propaganda in China: An Alternative Model of a Widespread Practice Gillian Bolsover, University of Oxford Table of Contents Abstract .................................................................................................................................... 3 Introduction ............................................................................................................................. 3 The Chinese internet ................................................................................................................ 5 Established wisdom on public opinion manipulation on the Chinese internet ........................ 6 Key concepts and definitions ................................................................................................... 9 Computational propaganda ...................................................................................................... 10 Computational propaganda and China .................................................................................. 11 Case 1: the Great Firewall and the Golden Shield ................................................................... 11 Case 2: positive propaganda on Twitter aimed at foreign audiences ......................... 13 Case 3: anti-Chinese-state bots on Twitter ...................................................................... 15 Case 4: domestic public opinion manipulation on Weibo ............................................. 26 Conclusions ...........................................................................................................................