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The Pennsylvania State University the Graduate School Donald P. Bellisario College of Communications STATE PROPAGANDA and COUNTE

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The Pennsylvania State University the Graduate School Donald P. Bellisario College of Communications STATE PROPAGANDA and COUNTE The Pennsylvania State University The Graduate School Donald P. Bellisario College of Communications STATE PROPAGANDA AND COUNTER-PROPAGANDA: TWO CASE STUDIES ON NATIONALIST PROPAGANDA IN MAINLAND CHINA AND HONG KONG A Dissertation in Mass Communications by Luwei Rose Luqiu @2018 Luwei Rose Luqiu Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy May 2018 The dissertation of Luwei Rose Luqiu was reviewed and approved by the following: Bu Zhong Associate Professor of Journalism Dissertation Advisor Chair of Committee Mary Beth Oliver Distinguished Professor of Media Effect Research Patrick Parsons Don Davis Professor of Ethics John McCarthy Distinguished Professor of Sociology Matthew McAllister Professor of Media Studies Chair of Graduate Programs of Donald P. Bellisario College of Communications *Signatures are on file in the Graduate School iii ABSTRACT This research aims to study the propaganda and counter-propaganda strategies used in both a closed and an open society by conducting two case studies in mainland China and Hong Kong. Nationalist propaganda campaigns concerning four independence movements in Tibet, Xinjiang, Taiwan, and Hong Kong were compared and analyzed to explore the underlying mechanism of Chinese Communist Party’s propaganda strategies. The framing strategies employed in the four independence movements were also compared, which were significant different among the movements under study. The Hong Kong independence movement was used to demonstrate the framing contest in Hong Kong, while state propaganda faces different challengers. A hostile media effect and a third-person effect were revealed among mainland Chinese netizens. This research adds new evidence to the observation that the state-controlled media might change people’s behavior, but they could hardly change their beliefs. It also shows that the free flow of information is one of the key factors that may fight official propaganda information circulated in an open society, but an open society remains vulnerable to foreign governments’ propaganda manipulation, especially through economic means and pressures. The consequences of mainland China’s propaganda campaigns in Hong Kong included undermining Hong Kong’s social mobilization and political participation, which could lead to a more polarized society. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS List of Figures ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ v list of Tables --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------vi Acknowledgment -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------viii Chapter 1 Introduction ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------1 Chapter 2 Defining Propaganda ----------------------------------------------------------------------------10 Chapter 3 Nationalist Propaganda in Chinese State Media: Four Independence Movements------31 Chapter 4 Measure Nationalist Propaganda Strategy in Close Society--------------------------------65 Chapter 5 How Chinese Government Control Media in Hong Kong----------------------------------88 Chapter 6 Framing Contest: Why China’s State Propaganda Backfired in Hong Kong-----------118 Chapter 7 Role of Media for Challengers of State Power in an Open Society----------------------146 Chapter 8 Conclusion---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------173 Reference ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------180 v LIST OF FIGURES Figure 3-1: News coverage on Taiwan, HK, Tibet, and Xinjiang independence movements ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------46 Figure 3-2. Total percentage of factors in stories about the four independence movements ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------47 Figure 3-3: Percentage comparison of the total number of factors between the Xinjiang and Chechen independence movements ---------------------------------------------------------------56 Figure 6-1. Cascade of state propaganda in Hong Kong--------------------------------------122 Figure 6-2. Ethnic Identity Among Hong Kong Citizens 1997.7.12 – 2017.1.6-----------125 Figure 6-3: News stories that mentioned “Hong Kong independence”: 1998-2017-------127 Figure 6-4: News stories that mentioned “Hong Kong independence”: 1998-2003-------129 Figure 6-5: News stories that mentioned “Hong Kong independence”: 2004-2009-------131 Figure 6-6: News stories that mentioned “Hong Kong independence”: 2010-2014-------133 Figure 6-7: News stories that mentioned “Hong Kong independence”: 2015 – present---135 Figure 6-8: News coverage that mentioned Hong Kong independence: 1998-2017--------139 vi LIST OF TABLES Table 3-1: Result of one-way ANOVA of between groups effect of factors--------------48 Table 3-2: The frame of the political factors in covering the Taiwan, HK, Xinjiang and Tibet movements----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 49 Table 3-3: The descriptive data of Chechen independence-----------------------------------55 Table 3-4: Results of One-way ANOVA of factors top Xijiang independence and Chechen independence-----------------------------------------------------------------------------57 Table 3-5: The framing of the political factors in covering the Xinjiang and Chechen independence movements-------------------------------------------------------------------------58 Table 4-1: Perceived message quality: Frame X Source X Topic---------------------------80 Table 4-2: Perceived message quality: media literacy x frame and trust in US media x frame--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------81 Table 4-3: Perceived message quality: Attitude towards Tibetan independence x frame and attitude towards Tibetan independence x source------------------------------------------82 Table 4-4: Multiple linear regression on the individual predictors of support for censorship--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------83 Table 4-5: Multiple linear regression on the individual predictors in support censor two articles------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------83 Table 5-1: Ownership of the major news media in Hong Kong-----------------------------98 Table 5-2: Ownership of the major digital news media in Hong Kong-------------------112 Table 6-1: Views on the prospects of Hong Kong after 2047: Independence------------125 Table 6-2: Five most frequently used words: 1998-2003-----------------------------------129 Table 6-3: Five most frequently used words: 2004 – 2009---------------------------------132 vii Table 6-4: Five most frequently used words: 2010 – 2014---------------------------------134 Table 6-5: Five most frequently used words: 2015 – present------------------------------137 Table 7-1: SMOs accused by state propaganda of advocating independence------------150 Table 7-2: Interviewee information------------------------------------------------------------152 Table 7-3: News coverage of pro-independence SMOs-------------------------------------156 Table 7-4: Social media accounts and media products (Till Oct. 7, 2017) ---------------160 Table 7-5: Money mobilization technologies and membership recruitment--------------164 Table 7-6: Media framing and role in mobilization------------------------------------------167 viii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I am grateful to all the members of my Dissertation Committee whom have provided extensive personal and professional guidance: Professor Mary Beth Oliver, Professor Patrick Parsons, Professor John McCarthy, and Professor Bu Zhong who served as the chair of my committee. As my teachers and mentors, they have taught a great deal about scientific research and have been supportive of my career goals. Each of you have given your time and careful attention to detail. I want to extend my thanks to Donald P. Bellisario College of Communications, for providing me the opportunity to pursue my academic dream and change my career path. Most importantly, I wish to thank the members of my family. I am especially grateful to my husband, who supported me emotionally and financially, encouraging me in all of my pursuits. This journey would not have been possible without their support. Finally, to my friends, thank you for listening, working with me and supporting me through this entire process. 1 Chapter 1 Introduction As a journalist and news executive working in China for 20 years, I spent a lot of time in receiving and responding to government censorship messages in those years, which was part of my daily routine at a Chinese newsroom. When I joined Phoenix Satellite Television (hereafter Phoenix TV) in 1996, the TV network, a Hong Kong-based joint venture between Rupert Murdoch’s News Corporation and a Chinese entrepreneur named Liu Changle, was the only overseas Chinese-language media organization that was allowed to be broadcast to the audience in mainland China. Phoenix TV, in those years, was part of the Chinese government’s overseas propaganda machine, and the government intended to use it to inform and influence Chinese people overseas. However, since it serves as an alternative source of information for mainland Chinese beyond state
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