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Investiture Or Mithra. Towards a New Interpretation of So Called Investiture Scenes in Parthian and Sasanian Art

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Investiture Or Mithra. Towards a New Interpretation of So Called Investiture Scenes in Parthian and Sasanian Art Iranica Antiqua, vol. XLIV, 2009 doi: 10.2143/IA.44.0.2034384 INVESTITURE OR MITHRA. TOWARDS A NEW INTERPRETATION OF SO CALLED INVESTITURE SCENES IN PARTHIAN AND SASANIAN ART BY Barbara KAIM (Institute of Archaeology, Warsaw University) Abstract: It is commonly accepted among scholars that the investiture or corona- tion scenes appear regularly in Parthian and Sasanian art. A key to this interpreta- tion lies is the presence of a ring. Deemed to be a symbol of royal power, the ring is, however, mentioned as the insignia of royal power in no textual sources. A review of the ring involving scenes, provided that the symbol concerned retains its meaning irrespectively of context, permits to believe that the ring should be perceived as a symbolic expression of a contract or covenant (mithra). The noun mithra has a strong ethical tinge and is closely relating to Mithra, the divinity who not only presides over contracts but also warrants their inviolability. Keywords: Parthian and Sasanian periods, rock reliefs, numismatics, glyptic, investiture, mithra. Ten out of twenty eight Sasanian rock reliefs are commonly interpreted as showing a royal investiture (De Waele 1989: 811-823). They depict a deity, either standing or mounted on horseback, presenting a beribboned ring to, and facing, standing or mounted king. The earliest scenes of this kind are on reliefs commissioned by founder of the dynasty, Ardashir I. Two of them portray the king and the deity, both standing and facing each other (Firuzabad I, Naqsh-e Rajab III), while one shows the monarch and the deity, each mounted on horseback (Naqsh-e Rustam I). The date for the reliefs has been subject to a scholarly dispute. W. Hinz contended that the Firuzabad relief is the earliest “investiture” scene of Ardashir I, exe- cuted soon after the king’s coronation at Ctesiphon in 226. The relief at Naqsh-e Rajab was considered chronologically the second by the scholar, and followed by the scene carved at Naqsh-e Rustam (Hinz 1969: 123). G. Herrmann shares the view of W. Hinz (Herrmann 1969: 65-74), while W. Lukonin, comparing Ardashir’s crowns pictured on coins with those 11504-08_Iran_Antiqua_44_11504-08_Iran_Antiqua_44_11 440303 220-03-20090-03-2009 112:55:022:55:02 404 B. KAIM on the reliefs, asserted all reliefs concerned commissioned by Ardashir were not carved before the 30s of the third century, with the Nasqsh-e Rajab relief being the earliest, and the Naqsh-e Rustam sculpture being the latest (Loukonin 1968: 106-17). Accepting the chronological sequence proposed for the “investiture” reliefs of Ardashir I by W. Lukonin, D. Shepherd was the fi rst to note that the Naqsh-e Rustam relief was actually executed many years after the cor- onation of Ardashir, and, thus, the return to the investiture theme almost at the end of the king’s rule appears somewhat surprising, if not unreasonable (Shepherd 1983: 1079-80). D. Shepherd suggested that the scenes should be perceived as a sort of apotheosis of the ruler rather then the illustration of any specifi c event (Shepherd 1983: 1080-1082). D. Shepherd’s interpre- tation has been criticized by J. K. Choksy arguing that no evidence is in place to support the view that Sasanian monarchs were treated as gods. However, J. K. Choksy sustains the traditional interpretation of the reliefs and regards them as visual representations of one of most signifi cant events of the ruler’s political and religious life, i.e. moment of being endowed by the deity with supreme power and authority to rule the material world (Choksy 1988: 47). L. Vanden Berghe pointed out that the scenes of the “investiture” depict the king wearing his characteristic crown, and, therefore, it is likely that the coronation event already took place. As one cannot imagine any more suitable moment for the deity than the coronation ceremony to transfer the symbol of royal power, the scholar asserted that the scenes which show a deity extending its hand with a beribboned ring toward the king illustrate the endowment of the already crowned king with xwarrah, a symbol of royal glory (Vanden Berghe 1988: 1511-1531). Though worth considera- tion, Vanden Berghe’s view has gained no supporters. The traditional interpretations rest on the assumption that, received by Sasanian rulers, the ring with large ribbons was a symbol of royal power. Attention should be, however, given to a somewhat carefree and inter- changeable use of such terms as: ring, diadem or wreath, for objects shown in scenes commonly interpreted as the investiture. This approach is par- ticularly striking in Encyclopaedia Iranica where authors of the Investiture entry use the term ‘diadem’ to describe a round object presented by a deity to a Sasanian king, an oval beribboned piece, a ribbon around a royal crown as well as a wreath carried by Nike hovering above a king’s head on Parthian coins (see Curtis 2005; Rose 2005). 11504-08_Iran_Antiqua_44_11504-08_Iran_Antiqua_44_11 440404 220-03-20090-03-2009 112:55:032:55:03 NEW INTERPRETATION OF INVESTITURE SCENES 405 To make this examination exact, we decide to use the term ring for a round object made most probably of any hard material, and the term dia- dem for a ribbon usually gracing the king’s forehead. The diadem as a symbol of kingship is known already from the Achaemenid art where it appears worn by the king and his closest circles, i.e. ‘relatives’ (Ritter 1965: 6-18). The diadem as a symbol of royalty continued to be used by Alexander the Great and Diadochi (Fredricksmeyer 1997: 97-1080), and, subsequently, under Mithridates I and his successors, following the con- quest of Seleucia-Tigris in 141 BC (Sellwood 1980: 130). While describ- ing the power of Surena, Plutarch wrote that “The honour had long belonged to his family, that at the king’s coronation he put the crown upon his head.” (Crassus ii, 290). And, as evidenced in textual sources and on coins, wherever Roman Emperors were placing their protégés on the Arme- nian throne, the respective ceremony used to consist in placing the crown on the head of the king-to-be, and not in presenting any ring to him (Cas- sius Dio, LXIII, 3, 4: Suetionius, Nero 13). This is probably a diadem in the hand of a deity iconographically similar to Tyche and depicted on Parthian coins struck starting with Phraates IV (Sellwood 1980: 50.2-3). Though widely depicted on coins struck in mints of the western part of the Empire (Pl. 1:1), similar representations rarely occur at Ecbatana (Sell- wood 1980: 69.1-6) and remains yet unknown from Margiana regions. Are those scenes really illustrating the symbolic investiture of the Parthian king by the city-goddess? On some coins of Orodes II and Phraates IV, there is Tyche depicted kneeling before the king (Pl. 1:2) (Sellwood 1980: 45.1) and it is generally accepted that the gesture of kneeling was a sign of sub- mission, respect and obedience. These were probably invoked by scenes on tetradrachms of Artabanus II, where a standing female fi gure offers a palm branch to the enthroned king, and a male fi gure in Parthian attire is shown standing behind her and holding a diadem (Pl. 1:4) (Sellwood 1980: 62.1). D. Sellwood has identifi ed the man as Vonones. Probably the same person was depicted kneeling in front of Artabanus and presenting a diadem to the king, on a coin issued in Susa (Pl. 1:3) (Sellwood 1980: 62.8). This inter- pretation appears to be confi rmed by texts touching upon Cinnamus who presented his diadem to the king, as an act of recognition of Artabanus’ right to the crown (Josephus, AJ 20.65). Accordingly, it appears plausible that the Tyche-involving scenes described above should be interpreted as the ruling king’s power and authority recognition rather than illustrations of his coronation. 11504-08_Iran_Antiqua_44_11504-08_Iran_Antiqua_44_11 440505 220-03-20090-03-2009 112:55:032:55:03 406 B. KAIM As a primary emblem of king’s authority, a diadem was adopted also by Sasanians. ‘Dydymy’ is referred to both by Narse in his inscription at Paikuli (Humbach & Skjœrvø 1983: 93), and by Kavad II in his letter to Heraclius (Petrusi 1971: 610). Cologne Mani Codex reads as follows: (Ardashir I) “subjugated the city of Hatra and King Shapur I, his son, placed on his head the great (royal) diadem” (see Sundermann 1990: 295). Therefore, textual sources clearly indicate that the coronation is an act of putting a diadem on a head of a new ruler. Sasanian rock reliefs show the diadem tied in a bow with long, wavy ends, adorning bases of royal crowns, while the ring adorned with long ribbons is held in hands of either the monarchs or Ahuramazda. The motif of a ring held in hands of deities is known already from the Mesopotamian iconography of the 3rd millennium B.C., where it served as a symbol of divine authority. Retaining its meaning, the ring was adopted by the Achaemenids and shown in hands of a male fi gure emerging from a winged disk (Shahbazi 1990: 134-144). In Parthian art, the ring is present in hands of both rulers and their vassals. As such, it appears on the relief at Hung-e Yar Alivand carved at the northern end of the Izeh-Malamir valley (Kawami 1987: 126-128, pl. 62). Regrettably, the relief is both damaged and uninscribed; its precise dating is thus prevented. Nothing but outlines of two standing fi gures survived, one seeming to hold a small ring in his hand kept down.
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