Identity and Nation in 21St Century Catalonia
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List of Signatories (As of 21 October 2015)
N Last Name First Name Position Country Role at IPCC 1 ADOLF Constanze Vice Director, Green Budget Europe (GBE) Germany 2 AGBEMABIESE Lawrence Associate Research Professor, Center for Environmental and Energy Policy (CEEP) Ghana Professor Emeritus and Consultant, Centre d'Etudes Prospectives et 3 AGLIETTA Michel d'Informations Internationales (CEPII) France 4 ÅHMAN Max Researcher, Lund University Sweden 5 AMOUS Samir Conseil Director, APEX Tunisia 6 ARROW Kenneth Professor Emeritus, Stanford University USA IPCC LA 7 ATABI Farideh Associate Professor, Islamic Azad University, Tehran Iran 8 ATKINSON Tony Former Warden of Nuffield College, Oxford UK 9 AYONG LE KAMA Alain Professor, Université Paris-Ouest - Nanterre La Défense France 10 BAFFIONI Claudio Chief Operative Officer, Environmental Observatory on Climate Change Italy 11 BAI Guo Professor, Tsinghua University China Professor and Head, Forbes Marshall Chair, Department of Energy Science and 12 BANERJEE Rangan Engineering India 13 BARON Richard Advisor, Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) France 14 BASHMAKOV Igor Executive Director, Center for Effective Energy Use Russia IPCC CLA Adjunt Professor, Simon Fraser University and Associate Researcher, Institut du 15 BATAILLE Chris Developpement Durable (IDDRI) Canada 16 BEN AMOR Nahla Professor, Institut Supérieur de Gestion de Tunis (ISG) Tunisia 17 BIGIO Anthony Professor, George Washington University USA 18 BLACHOWICZ Andrzej Managing Director, Climate Strategies UK Professor, Delft University of Technology and -
National Self-Determination in Times of Shared Sovereignty: Goals and Principles from Catalonia to Europe in the 21St Century
Informe National Self-determination in Times of Shared Sovereignty: Goals and Principles from Catalonia to Europe in the 21st Century AUTHOR: Simon Toubeau PEER REVIEWER: Pere Almeda Aquest informe forma part del programa Llegat Pasqual Maragall que rep el suport de: Contents Part I. The Sources of Deadlock 1. The Ambiguity of Sovereignty 2. Conflicting Claims to National Sovereignty 3. National Minorities have no Right to Self-determination 4. The Persistence of Claims to National Self-Determination 5. The Difficulties of Accommodating Multiple Identities 6. National Self-Determination is equated with Secession 7. Domestic Consent as the Condition for Recognition 8. Protecting the Constitutional Identity of EU Member-States Part II. Scenarios, Proposals and Pathways to Reform 1. An Ambitious Hope: Internal Enlargement in the EU 2. A Bad Alternative: External Secession 3. The Cost of the Status Quo: Informal Politics 4. Dis-Aggregating Sovereignty and Statehood 5. The European Framework: Differentiated Integration 6. A Realistic Proposal (I): Domestic Recognition and Tri-Partite Federalism 7. A Realistic Proposal (II): Functional and Relational Sovereignty in the EU 8. The International Autonomy and Recognition of Non-State Groups Conclusion Bibliography I. The Sources of Deadlock - There is right to national self-determination under international law - collective rights of nation- territorial cultural community (ethnic, linguistic, religious) to choose its own state - not exclusively belonging to nations that form states (e.g decolonization), can be about forging your own state. - about giving consent to form of government - democratic choice via referendum, exercising popular sovereignty - it is about a claim to a collective right about forms of government that are exercised through democratic mechanisms (elections, referendums). -
Article Journal of Catalan Intellectual History, Volume I, Issue 1, 2011 | Print ISSN 2014-1572 / Online ISSN 2014-1564 DOI 10.2436/20.3001.02.1 | Pp
article Journal of Catalan IntelleCtual HIstory, Volume I, Issue 1, 2011 | Print ISSN 2014-1572 / online ISSN 2014-1564 DoI 10.2436/20.3001.02.1 | Pp. 27-45 http://revistes.iec.cat/index.php/JoCIH Ignasi Casanovas and Frederic Clascar. Historiography and rediscovery of the thought of the 1700s and 1800s* Miquel Batllori abstract This text shows the similitudes and the differences between Ignasi Casanovas and Frederic Clascar, two of the most important representatives of the religious thought in Catalonia, in the first third of the 20th century. The article studies their philosophi- cal writings in the rich context of their global work, analysing their deficiencies and underlining the positive contribution to the Catalan culture. key words Ignasi Casanovas, Frederic Clascar, religious thought. I would like to begin with a small anecdote on the question as to whether there is such a thing as “Catalan” philosophy. Whilst teaching at Harvard, Juan Mar- ichal, publisher and scholar of the life and political works of Manuel Azaña, was asked by an American colleague what he taught there. On receiving the answer “the History1 of Latin America Thought”, the colleague replied, “Is there such * We would like to thank INEHCA and the Societat Catalana de Filosofia (Catalan Philo- sophical Society) for allowing us to public the text of this speech given by Father Miquel Batllori on 26 February 2002 as part of the course “Thought and Philosophy in Catalonia. I: 1900- 1923” at the INEHCA. The text, corrected by Miquel Batllori, has been published in the first of the volumes containing the contributions made in these courses: J. -
Bulls and Donkeys. National Identity and Symbols in Catalonia and Spain
9TH ANNUAL JOAN GILI MEMORIAL LECTURE Miquel Strubell i Trueta Bulls and donkeys. National identity and symbols in Catalonia and Spain The Anglo-Catalan Society 2008 2 Bulls and donkeys. National identity and symbols in Catalonia and Spain 9TH ANNUAL JOAN GILI MEMORIAL LECTURE Miquel Strubell i Trueta Bulls and donkeys. National identity and symbols in Catalonia and Spain The Anglo-Catalan Society 2008 2 3 The Annual Joan Gili Memorial Lecture Bulls and donkeys. National identity and symbols in Catalonia and 1 Spain In this paper, after an initial discussion about what identity means and how to measure it, I intend to review some studies and events in Spain in which identity issues arise. The conclusion will be reached that identities in Spain, in regard to people’s relationship with Spain itself and with Catalonia, are by no means shared, and the level of both stereotyping and prejudice, on the one hand, and of collective insecurity (even “self-hatred”) on the other, are, I claim, higher than in consolidated nation-states of western Europe, with the partial exceptions of the United Kingdom and Belgium. Let me from the outset say how honoured I am, in having been invited to deliver this paper, to follow in the footsteps of such outstanding Catalan academics as Mercè Ibarz, Antoni Segura, Joan F. Mira, Marta Pessarrodona, Miquel Berga … and those before them. The idea of dedicating what up till then had been the Fundació Congrés de Cultura lectures to the memory of Joan Gili (Barcelona 1907 - Oxford 1998) was an inspiration. Unlike some earlier Memorial lecturers, however, I was fortunate enough to have a special personal relationship with him and, of course, with his wife Elizabeth. -
Cultural Identities and National Borders
CULTURAL IDENTITIES AND NATIONAL BORDERS Edited by Mats Andrén Thomas Lindqvist Ingmar Söhrman Katharina Vajta 1 CULTURAL IDENTITIES AND NATIONAL BORDERS Proceedings from the CERGU conference held at the Faculty of Arts. Göteborg University 7-8 June 2007 Eds. Mats Andrén Thomas Linqvist Ingmar Söhrman Katharina Vajta 2 CONTENTS Contributers Opening Addresses Introduction 1. Where, when and what is a language? Ingmar Söhrman 2. Identity as a Cognitive Code: the Northern Irish Paradigm Ailbhe O’Corrain 3. Language and Identity in Modern Spain: Square Pegs in Round Holes? Miquel Strubell 4. Struggling over Luxembourgish Identity Fernand Fehlen 5. Language Landscapes and Static Geographies in the Baltic Sea Area Thomas Lundén 6. The Idea of Europa will be Fullfilled by Muslim Turkey Klas Grinell 7. National identity and the ethnographic museum The Musée du Quai Branly Project: a French answer to multiculturalism? Maud Guichard-Marneuor 8. Främlingsidentitet och mytbildning av den utländske författaren [English summary: Mythmaking of the Foreign Author and a Reflection on the Identity as a Stranger: The Case of the Swedish Author Stig Dagerman in France and Italy] Karin Dahl 9. Den glokale kommissarien: Kurt Wallander på film och TV [English summary: Kurt Wallander on film and TV] Daniel Brodén 10. Staden, staten och medborgarskapet [English summary: Studying “undocumented immigrants” in the city with Lefebvre’s spatial triad as a point of departure] Helena Holgersson 3 11. Digging for Legitimacy: Archeology, Identity and National Projects in Great Britain, Germany and Sweden Per Cornell, Ulf Borelius & Anders Ekelund 12. Recasting Swedish Historical Identity Erik Örjan Emilsson 4 Contributers Mats Andrén is professor in The History of Ideas and Science at Göteborg University from 2005. -
Catalonia, Spain and Europe on the Brink: Background, Facts, And
Catalonia, Spain and Europe on the brink: background, facts, and consequences of the failed independence referendum, the Declaration of Independence, the arrest and jailing of Catalan leaders, the application of art 155 of the Spanish Constitution and the calling for elections on December 21 A series of first in history. Examples of “what is news” • On Sunday, October 1, Football Club Barcelona, world-known as “Barça”, multiple champion in Spanish, European and world competitions in the last decade, played for the first time since its foundation in 1899 at its Camp Nou stadium, • Catalan independence leaders were taken into custody in “sedition and rebellion” probe • Heads of grassroots pro-secession groups ANC and Omnium were investigated over September incidents Results • Imprisonment of Catalan independence leaders gives movement new momentum: • Asamblea Nacional Catalana (Jordi Sànchez) and • Òmnium Cultural (Jordi Cuixart), • Thousands march against decision to jail them • Spain’s Constitutional Court strikes down Catalan referendum law • Key background: • The Catalan Parliament had passed two laws • One would attempt to “disengage” the Catalan political system from Spain’s constitutional order • The second would outline the bases for a “Republican Constitution” of an independent Catalonia The Catalan Parliament factions • In the Parliament of Catalonia, parties explicitly supporting independence are: • Partit Demòcrata Europeu Català (Catalan European Democratic Party; PDeCAT), formerly named Convergència Democràtica de Catalunya -
1492 Reconsidered: Religious and Social Change in Fifteenth Century Ávila
1492 RECONSIDERED: RELIGIOUS AND SOCIAL CHANGE IN FIFTEENTH CENTURY ÁVILA by Carolyn Salomons A dissertation submitted to Johns Hopkins University in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Baltimore, Maryland May 2014 © 2014 Carolyn Salomons All Rights Reserved Abstract This dissertation is an assessment of the impact of the expulsion of the Jews from Spain in 1492 on the city of Ávila, in northwestern Castile. The expulsion was the culmination of a series of policies set forth by Isabel I of Castile and Ferdinand II of Aragon regarding Jewish-Christian relations. The monarchs invoked these policies in order to bolster the faith and religious praxis of Catholics in the kingdoms, especially those Catholics newly converted from Judaism. My work shows how the implementation of these strategies began to fracture the heretofore relatively convivial relations between the confessional groups residing in Ávila. A key component of the Crown’s policies was the creation of a Jewish quarter in the city, where previously, Jews had lived wherever they chose. This transformation of a previously shared civic place to one demarcated clearly by religious affiliation, i.e. the creation of both Jewish and Christian space, had a visceral impact on how Christians related to their former neighbors, and hostilities between the two communities increased in the closing decades of the fifteenth century. Yet at the same time, Jewish appeals to the Crown for assistance in the face of harassment and persecution were almost always answered positively, with the Crown intervening several times on behalf of their Jewish subjects. This seemingly incongruous attitude reveals a key component in the relationship between the Crown and Jews: the “royal alliance.” My work also details how invoking that alliance came at the expense of the horizontal alliances between Abulense Jews and Christians, and only fostered antagonism between the confessional groups. -
Judeo-Provençal in Southern France
George Jochnowitz Judeo-Provençal in Southern France 1 Brief introduction Judeo-Provençal is also known as Judeo-Occitan, Judéo-Comtadin, Hébraïco- Comtadin, Hébraïco-Provençal, Shuadit, Chouadit, Chouadite, Chuadit, and Chuadite. It is the Jewish analog of Provençal and is therefore a Romance lan- guage. The age of the language is a matter of dispute, as is the case with other Judeo-Romance languages. It was spoken in only four towns in southern France: Avignon, Cavaillon, Caprentras, and l’Isle-sur-Sorgue. A women’s prayer book, some poems, and a play are the sources of the medieval language, and transcrip- tions of Passover songs and theatrical representations are the sources for the modern language. In addition, my own interviews in 1968 with the language’s last known speaker, Armand Lunel, provide data (Jochnowitz 1978, 1985). Lunel, who learned the language from his grandparents, not his parents, did not have occasion to converse in it. Judeo-Provençal/Shuadit is now extinct, since Armand Lunel died in 1977. Sometimes Jewish languages have a name meaning “Jewish,” such as Yiddish or Judezmo – from Hebrew Yehudit or other forms of Yehuda. This is the case with Shuadit, due to a sound change of /y/ to [š]. I use the name Judeo-Provençal for the medieval language and Shuadit for the modern language. 2 Historical background 2.1 Speaker community: Settlement, documentation Jews had lived in Provence at least as early as the first century CE. They were officially expelled from France in 1306, readmitted in 1315, expelled again in 1322, readmitted in 1359, and expelled in 1394 for a period that lasted until the French Revolution. -
Catalan in the Classroom: a Language Under Fire Sara Fowler
Catalan in the Classroom: A Language Under Fire Sara Fowler Hawaii Pacific University Abstract This paper describes the role of Spain’s largest minority language, Catalan, in Spanish society, specifically in the classroom. Throughout its history, Catalan has gone through many cycles of oppression and revival. Currently, despite several decades of positive progress in its official role and a growing number of young speakers, Catalan is facing new challenges once again. Some members of the Spanish government believe that the language of instruction in Catalonia should be Castilian, a development which the citizens of Catalonia feel is an attack on their linguistic rights and identity. Catalan is a well-documented example of the tensions which can arise in a country with a minority language or languages. The Catalan case can also serve as a reminder to English teachers that the politics of language are often more complicated than they seem; teachers must be aware of and sensitive to the cultural and political backgrounds of their students. Introduction It is a fact that linguistic boundaries and political borders are not a perfect match; nevertheless, most people associate one language with one country. For example, the name Spain, for many people, brings to mind one language: Spanish. However, Spanish, or “Castilian” as it is more specifically called, is not the only language in Spain. There are 15 languages spoken in Spain—one official language and three other “co-official” languages, the largest of which is Catalan, spoken as a “mother tongue” by approximately nine percent of the population, compared to five percent speakers of Galician and a mere one percent who speak Euskera (Basque) as a mother tongue (Ethnologue, 2014; European Commission, 2006, p. -
CATALONIA BACKGROUND INFORMATION [SERIES E / 2013 / 6.1 / EN] Date: 02/07/2013 Author: Michael Keating*
CATALONIA BACKGROUND INFORMATION [SERIES E / 2013 / 6.1 / EN] Date: 02/07/2013 Author: Michael Keating* IS CATALONIA HEADING TOWARDS INDEPENDENCE? Catalonia is one of Spain´s historic nationalities, with a population of some seven and a half million people and located on the border with France. It has its own language, part of the Romance family along with French, Spanish and Italian. Catalan is understood by all and spoken by most people, and is used in the education system and public administration; all Catalans also speak Castilian Spanish. Historically, Catalonia was part of the Kingdom of Aragon, which was united with Castile in the early sixteenth century, but, within the union of the crowns, Catalonia kept its own governing institutions (the Generalitat) and legal system. Only in 1714, after Catalans sided with the losing side in the War of Spanish Succession, were these abolished. The broad movement known as Catalanism, like other European national movements, is a product of the late nineteenth century, the product of a cultural revival and the industrial take-off that made Catalonia one of the most dynamic territories in Spain. Historically, Catalanism has sought the transformation of Spain into a plurinational state, with Catalonia playing a full part in Spanish politics, although from the early twentieth century there has also been a movement in favour of an independent state of Catalonia. Early Catalanists called themselves regionalists but gradually the term nation came to be preferred, coming into conflict with Spanish nationalists, for whom the only possible nation is Spain. Catalan nationalism is the stronger version of Catalanism, prioritizing Catalonia over Spain. -
History, Historiography and the Ambiguities of Catalan Nationalism’, In: Studies on National Movements, 1 (2013) Pp
Enric Ucelay-Da Cal HISTORY, HISTORIOGRAPHY AND THE AMBIGUITIES OF CATALAN NATIONALISM This essay shall attempt to address some of the major difficulties encountered in the study of nationalism, with attention focused on Catalan nationalism and Catalan history.1 Precisely because the stress of the interpretation is on ambiguity, this article will use the most ambiguous (if also most common) Catalan term for patriotic or nationalist feelings: catalanisme or, literally, ‘Catalanism’. Both the questions and interpretation presented here are idiosyncratic, rather than representative, given that the author, who, not being a Catalan nor being a convert to the premises of catalanisme, has criteria regarding Catalan nationalism which are not shared by much of the profession in Catalonia, which is indeed partial, if not militant, in its feelings. Nor, it should be added, does he feel any particular regard for the often gratuitous suppositions of Spanish nationalist historians, who are increasing in presence and noise. Can a historian narrate a nationalist movement over time, and in context, without taking sides, without being influenced by the special pleading that all nationalisms, indeed, all social movements, invoke to buttress their case? Can the historian be without compassion, and not respond to the victimised nature of a ‘losing’, that is stateless, nationalism? Can the studious analyst avoid the implicit assumptions hidden in a field, say Hispanism or Hispanic studies, dedicated to the Spanish language and its culture, which is cluttered with doubtful suppositions? Is it even possible Enric Ucelay-Da Cal, ‘History, historiography and the ambiguities of Catalan nationalism’, in: Studies on National Movements, 1 (2013) pp. -
If Not Us, Who?
Dario Azzellini (Editor) If Not Us, Who? Workers worldwide against authoritarianism, fascism and dictatorship VSA: Dario Azzellini (ed.) If Not Us, Who? Global workers against authoritarianism, fascism, and dictatorships The Editor Dario Azzellini is Professor of Development Studies at the Universidad Autónoma de Zacatecas in Mexico, and visiting scholar at Cornell University in the USA. He has conducted research into social transformation processes for more than 25 years. His primary research interests are industrial sociol- ogy and the sociology of labour, local and workers’ self-management, and so- cial movements and protest, with a focus on South America and Europe. He has published more than 20 books, 11 films, and a multitude of academic ar- ticles, many of which have been translated into a variety of languages. Among them are Vom Protest zum sozialen Prozess: Betriebsbesetzungen und Arbei ten in Selbstverwaltung (VSA 2018) and The Class Strikes Back: SelfOrganised Workers’ Struggles in the TwentyFirst Century (Haymarket 2019). Further in- formation can be found at www.azzellini.net. Dario Azzellini (ed.) If Not Us, Who? Global workers against authoritarianism, fascism, and dictatorships A publication by the Rosa-Luxemburg-Stiftung VSA: Verlag Hamburg www.vsa-verlag.de www.rosalux.de This publication was financially supported by the Rosa-Luxemburg-Stiftung with funds from the Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development (BMZ) of the Federal Republic of Germany. The publishers are solely respon- sible for the content of this publication; the opinions presented here do not reflect the position of the funders. Translations into English: Adrian Wilding (chapter 2) Translations by Gegensatz Translation Collective: Markus Fiebig (chapter 30), Louise Pain (chapter 1/4/21/28/29, CVs, cover text) Translation copy editing: Marty Hiatt English copy editing: Marty Hiatt Proofreading and editing: Dario Azzellini This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution–Non- Commercial–NoDerivs 3.0 Germany License.