Native-Language Education: Addressing the Interests of Special Populations Within U.S
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American Sign Language and the Sapir-Whorf Hypothesis
University of Northern Iowa UNI ScholarWorks Presidential Scholars Theses (1990 – 2006) Honors Program 2005 Using space to describe space: American Sign Language and the Sapir-Whorf hypothesis Cindee Calton University of Northern Iowa Let us know how access to this document benefits ouy Copyright ©2005 - Cindee Calton Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.uni.edu/pst Part of the American Sign Language Commons Recommended Citation Calton, Cindee, "Using space to describe space: American Sign Language and the Sapir-Whorf hypothesis" (2005). Presidential Scholars Theses (1990 – 2006). 56. https://scholarworks.uni.edu/pst/56 This Open Access Presidential Scholars Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Honors Program at UNI ScholarWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in Presidential Scholars Theses (1990 – 2006) by an authorized administrator of UNI ScholarWorks. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Using Space to Describe Space: American Sign Language and the Sapir-Whorf Hypothesis Cindee Calton University of Northern Iowa Undergraduate Research April 2005 Faculty Advisor, Dr. Cynthia Dunn - - - -- - Abstract My study sought to combine two topics that have recently generated much interest among anthropologists. One of these topics is American Sign Language, the other is linguistic relativity. Although both topics have been a part of the literature for some time, neither has been studied extensively until the recent past. Both present exciting new horizons for understanding culture, particularly language and culture. The first of these two topics is the study of American Sign Language. The reason for its previous absence from the literature has to do with unfortunate prejudice which, for a long time, kept ASL from being recognized as a legitimate language. -
The Language of Humor: Navajo Ruth E. Cisneros, Joey Alexanian, Jalon
The Language of Humor: Navajo Ruth E. Cisneros, Joey Alexanian, Jalon Begay, Megan Goldberg University of New Mexico 1. Introduction We all laugh at jokes, exchange humorous stories for entertainment and information, tease one another, and trade clever insults for amusement on a daily basis. Scientists have told us that laughing is good for our health. But what makes something funny? Prior definitions of humor, like this one by Victor Raskin (1985), have categorized humor as a universal human trait: "responding to humor is part of human behavior, ability or competence, other parts of which comprise such important social and psychological manifestations of homo sapiens as language, morality, logic, faith, etc. Just as all of those, humor may be described as partly natural and partly acquired" (Raskin 1985: 2). The purpose and end result of humor, much like that of language, is the externalization of human thought and conceptualization. This externalization carries multiple meanings, partly as an outlet to express certain emotions, partly as a social device, and partly as an exercise of the intellect. The active engagement of this human ability allows some to earn their livelihood from a career in making jokes. Thus, there is the possibility in a culture to broadcast one’s own personal opinion and world view in a series of jokes. Chafe explains that this is an intrinsic attribute of Homo sapiens; it is "The essence of human understanding: the ability to interpret particular experiences as manifestations of lager encompassing systems" (1994: 9). Humor acts to level the field, allowing people who identify with each other to create social groups. -
Chapter 1 Navajo and the Athabaskan Languages
Chapter 1 Navajo and the Athabaskan Languages The Navajo language belongs to the Athabaskan/Dene language group. The Athabaskan language family stretches across Alaska and northwest Canada, with branches on the coast of California, Oregon, and Washington, and in the Southwest of the United States. Most Navajo people live in the southwestern parts of the United States in Arizona, New Mexico and Utah. The Apaches in Arizona and New Mexico also belong to the Southern Athabaskans. The Navajo population today is approximately 300,000. The Navajo Nation covers approximately 25,500 square miles, about the size of West Virginia. 1. The Status of Navajo In 1951, Reichard recorded that Navajo was spoken by some 60,000 persons two-thirds of whom do not and perhaps never will speak English. We are at point where the opposite is true or worse. Estimates about the current number of speakers vary substantially, from 80,000 to 150,000 speakers. The Navajo language has a larger speech community than any other indigenous language in the United States, yet the language is in far greater danger than most linguists realize. Most Navajo men and women over the age of 50 speak Navajo fluently. Navajos in their thirties and forties have varying degrees of fluency. Some can understand the language fairly well but are not able to produce it accurately. There are fluent speakers who are in their twenties, but more know only a few common phrases. The vast majority of Navajos under age 20 speak only English. This decline has been well documented. Platero (2000) documents a sharp decline in the percentage of Navajo pre-school age children who speak Navajo, from 80% in his 1974 study, to about 45% in 1992. -
Article Title
Dennis L. Malone and Isara Choosri Stabilizing Indigenous Languages 1 Symposium Report Stabilizing Indigenous Languages Dennis L. Malone and Isara Choosri* A note from Pat Kelley, SIL International Literacy Coordinator Few of our field practitioners are strategically located for attending some of the conferences around the world that may be related to the work we do in literacy. Also, in many cases, especially if no paper is being presented, there may be limited funds available for transportation. Yet there is much to be learned from such conferences: for example, vocabulary and new terminology, current trends, what’s “out there” in the prominent theory and practice of related fields applicable to our work, current research, issues defined by the “voices” for literacy, etc. For that reason, when our SIL literacy personnel and national colleagues do attend or present at a conference, on occasion we’ll include a “Conference Report” … so that our field personnel may glean information from them. When possible, contact details will be provided in order to request additional information. These reports will reflect the growing trend in the Literacy domain for copresenting and coauthoring, which hopefully will continue as we determine to see capacity building in this area among our national colleagues. Dennis Malone (SIL International in Bangkok, Thailand), and Isara Choosri (Institute of Language and Culture for Rural Development at Mahidol University at Salaya, Thailand) coauthor this report of the Ninth Annual Symposium on Stabilizing Indigenous • Dennis Malone ([email protected]) is an International Literacy Consultant, serving with his wife Susan in the Asia Area. He is involved in minority language education projects in the Asia Area and also serves as a guest lecturer at the ILCRD. -
Arizona Tewa Kwa Speech As a Mantfestation of Linguistic Ideologyi
Pragmatics2:3.297 -309 InternationalPragmatics Association ARIZONA TEWA KWA SPEECH AS A MANTFESTATIONOF LINGUISTIC IDEOLOGYI Paul V. Kroskriw 1.Introduction "Whathave you learned about the ceremonies?" Back in the Summer of.7973,when I firstbegan research on Arizona Tewa, I was often asked such questionsby a variety of villagers.I found this strange,even disconcerting,since the questionspersisted after I explainedmy researchinterest as residing in the language "itself', or in "just the language,not the culture".My academicadvisors and a scholarlytradition encouraged meto attributethis responseto a combination of secrecyand suspicionregarding such culturallysensitive topics as ceremonial language.Yet despite my careful attempts to disclaimany researchinterest in kiva speech (te'e hi:li) and to carefully distinguish betweenit and the more mundane speech of everyday Arizona Tewa life, I still experiencedthese periodic questionings.Did thesequestions betray a native confusion of thelanguage of the kiva with that of the home and plaza? Was there a connection betweenthese forms of discoursethat was apparent to most Tewa villagersyet hidden fromme? In the past few years, after almost two decadesof undertaking various studiesof fuizonaTewa grammar, sociolinguistic variation, languagecontact, traditional nanatives,code-switching, and chanted announcements,an underlying pattern of languageuse has gradually emerged which, via the documentary method of interpretationhas allowed me to attribute a new meaning to these early intenogations.2The disparatelinguistic and discoursepractices, I contend, display a commonpattern of influencefrom te'e hi:li "kiva speech".The more explicit rules for languageuse in ritual performance provide local models for the generation and anluationof more mundanespeech forms and verbal practices. I Acknowledgements.I would like to thank Kathryn Woolard for her commentson an earlier rcnionof thisarticle which was presentedas part of the 1991American Anthropological Association rymposium,"language ldeologies: Practice and Theory'. -
Language Communities in the Village of Tewa
Language & Communication 38 (2014) 8–17 Contents lists available at ScienceDirect Language & Communication journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/langcom Borders traversed, boundaries erected: Creating discursive identities and language communities in the Village of Tewa Paul V. Kroskrity* University of California, Los Angeles, Department of Anthropology, 341 Haines Hall-Box 951553, Los Angeles, CA 90095-1553, United States abstract Keywords: Today the Village of Tewa, First Mesa of the Hopi Reservation in Northern Arizona expe- Language Endangerment riences unprecedented linguistic diversity and change due to language shift to English. Linguistic Revitalization Despite a wide range of speaker fluency, the now emblematic Tewa language that their Languages as Emblems of Identity ancestors transported from the Rio Grande Valley almost 325 years ago, is widely valorized Language Ideologies within the community. However Language factions have emerged andtheir debates and Speech/Language Community Tewa contestations focus on legitimate language learning and the proper maintenance of their emblematic language. Boundary creation and crossing are featuresof discourses that rationalize possible forms of language revitalization and construct communities across temporal barriers. The theoretical implications of these discourseson both local and theoretical notions of language/speech community are explored. Ó 2014 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. 1. Introduction As in many communities faced with language endangerment, discourses of language and identity have been multiplied and magnified by contemporary transformations in the Village of Tewa. But this is a community wherein language and group identity have an especially long and rich history of linkage in actual practice and in indigenous metalinguistic commentary. Today the Arizona Tewas number around seven hundred individuals who reside on and near the Village of Tewa on First Mesa of the Hopi Reservation in NE Arizona. -
MIXED CODES, BILINGUALISM, and LANGUAGE MAINTENANCE DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requi
BILINGUAL NAVAJO: MIXED CODES, BILINGUALISM, AND LANGUAGE MAINTENANCE DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Charlotte C. Schaengold, M.A. ***** The Ohio State University 2004 Dissertation Committee: Approved by Professor Brian Joseph, Advisor Professor Donald Winford ________________________ Professor Keith Johnson Advisor Linguistics Graduate Program ABSTRACT Many American Indian Languages today are spoken by fewer than one hundred people, yet Navajo is still spoken by over 100,000 people and has maintained regional as well as formal and informal dialects. However, the language is changing. While the Navajo population is gradually shifting from Navajo toward English, the “tip” in the shift has not yet occurred, and enormous efforts are being made in Navajoland to slow the language’s decline. One symptom in this process of shift is the fact that many young people on the Reservation now speak a non-standard variety of Navajo called “Bilingual Navajo.” This non-standard variety of Navajo is the linguistic result of the contact between speakers of English and speakers of Navajo. Similar to Michif, as described by Bakker and Papen (1988, 1994, 1997) and Media Lengua, as described by Muysken (1994, 1997, 2000), Bilingual Navajo has the structure of an American Indian language with parts of its lexicon from a European language. “Bilingual mixed languages” are defined by Winford (2003) as languages created in a bilingual speech community with the grammar of one language and the lexicon of another. My intention is to place Bilingual Navajo into the historical and theoretical framework of the bilingual mixed language, and to explain how ii this language can be used in the Navajo speech community to help maintain the Navajo language. -
8. Classifiers
158 II. Morphology 8. Classifiers 1. Introduction 2. Classifiers and classifier categories 3. Classifier verbs 4. Classifiers in signs other than classifier verbs 5. The acquisition of classifiers in sign languages 6. Classifiers in spoken and sign languages: a comparison 7. Conclusion 8. Literature Abstract Classifiers (currently also called ‘depicting handshapes’), are observed in almost all sign languages studied to date and form a well-researched topic in sign language linguistics. Yet, these elements are still subject to much debate with respect to a variety of matters. Several different categories of classifiers have been posited on the basis of their semantics and the linguistic context in which they occur. The function(s) of classifiers are not fully clear yet. Similarly, there are differing opinions regarding their structure and the structure of the signs in which they appear. Partly as a result of comparison to classifiers in spoken languages, the term ‘classifier’ itself is under debate. In contrast to these disagreements, most studies on the acquisition of classifier constructions seem to consent that these are difficult to master for Deaf children. This article presents and discusses all these issues from the viewpoint that classifiers are linguistic elements. 1. Introduction This chapter is about classifiers in sign languages and the structures in which they occur. Classifiers are reported to occur in almost all sign languages researched to date (a notable exception is Adamorobe Sign Language (AdaSL) as reported by Nyst (2007)). Classifiers are generally considered to be morphemes with a non-specific meaning, which are expressed by particular configurations of the manual articulator (or: hands) and which represent entities by denoting salient characteristics. -
Telepoem Booth® Santa Fe
Telepoem Booth® Santa Fe by © Elizabeth Hellstern, 2019 funded through the City of Santa Fe Arts Commission This Telepoem Booth® is fully ADA Compliant The directory is printed in 18 pt. font. Feel free to adjust the phone volume on the volume control button. The full text of poems is available in this directory and online at telepoembooth.com/directories. Online PDF Telepoem Booth® directories compatible with vision-impaired translation devices are also available at telepoembooth.com/directories. Instructions: This phone is NOT WIRED for making outside calls. Emergency calls are not possible on this telephone. This phone provides free access to poetry recordings. 1. Locate a Telepoem number in the Telepoem Book. 2. Pick up the hand-set. 3. Dial ENTIRE TELEPOEM NUMBER (including area code.) 4. Repeat number dialing for entire Telepoem number. 5. Listen to the poem. (Adjust volume as necessary on volume control button at top left of phone.) 6. Hang up the phone when done. For more information, visit TelepoemBooth.com or facebook.com/ TelepoemBooth. For other directories of poems available to dial in this booth, visit telepoembooth.com/directories. © All poems used with permission. (Poems are only available to listen to in Telepoem Booths.) 4 Aylward-Bower Telepoem Booth® TELEPOEM BOOTH® POETS Aylward, Susan A susanaylward.wordpress.com The Black and the Light (1:30)...................................(505) 295-2522 B I Am From (2:22)........................................................(505) 295-4263 Seasons (:31).............................................................(505) -
The Case of Navajo
Language Documentation and Description ISSN 1740-6234 ___________________________________________ This article appears in: Language Documentation and Description, vol 6. Editor: Peter K. Austin Language management for endangered languages: the case of Navajo BERNARD SPOLSKY Cite this article: Bernard Spolsky (2009). Language management for endangered languages: the case of Navajo. In Peter K. Austin (ed.) Language Documentation and Description, vol 6. London: SOAS. pp. 117-131 Link to this article: http://www.elpublishing.org/PID/073 This electronic version first published: July 2014 __________________________________________________ This article is published under a Creative Commons License CC-BY-NC (Attribution-NonCommercial). The licence permits users to use, reproduce, disseminate or display the article provided that the author is attributed as the original creator and that the reuse is restricted to non-commercial purposes i.e. research or educational use. See http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ ______________________________________________________ EL Publishing For more EL Publishing articles and services: Website: http://www.elpublishing.org Terms of use: http://www.elpublishing.org/terms Submissions: http://www.elpublishing.org/submissions Language management for endangered languages: the case of Navajo Bernard Spolsky 1. Introduction In this paper I outline an approach to building a theory of language management and its application to endangered languages. As I see it, language management is one of the three interconnected components of language policy (see Sallabank, this volume): the other two are language practices and language beliefs. To clarify how this works, I will illustrate the model with the case of Navajo, which is the second largest Native American tribe (after Cherokee) in the United States but whose language is not unreasonably considered to be endangered (Lee and McLaughlin 2001). -
Curriculum and Resources for First Nations Language Programs in BC First Nations Schools
Curriculum and Resources for First Nations Language Programs in BC First Nations Schools Resource Directory Curriculum and Resources for First Nations Language Programs in BC First Nations Schools Resource Directory: Table of Contents and Section Descriptions 1. Linguistic Resources Academic linguistics articles, reference materials, and online language resources for each BC First Nations language. 2. Language-Specific Resources Practical teaching resources and curriculum identified for each BC First Nations language. 3. Adaptable Resources General curriculum and teaching resources which can be adapted for teaching BC First Nations languages: books, curriculum documents, online and multimedia resources. Includes copies of many documents in PDF format. 4. Language Revitalization Resources This section includes general resources on language revitalization, as well as resources on awakening languages, teaching methods for language revitalization, materials and activities for language teaching, assessing the state of a language, envisioning and planning a language program, teacher training, curriculum design, language acquisition, and the role of technology in language revitalization. 5. Language Teaching Journals A list of journals relevant to teachers of BC First Nations languages. 6. Further Education This section highlights opportunities for further education, training, certification, and professional development. It includes a list of conferences and workshops relevant to BC First Nations language teachers, and a spreadsheet of post‐ secondary programs relevant to Aboriginal Education and Teacher Training - in BC, across Canada, in the USA, and around the world. 7. Funding This section includes a list of funding sources for Indigenous language revitalization programs, as well as a list of scholarships and bursaries available for Aboriginal students and students in the field of Education, in BC, across Canada, and at specific institutions. -
Elizabeth Bogal-Allbritten, "Domains and Interaction of Plurality in Navajo"
Domains and Interaction of Plurality in Navajo Elizabeth Bogal-Allbritten LING 720 December 9, 2010 Roadmap: §1: Pluractionality as pluralization of event arguments (Lasersohn 1995) §2: Crash course in Navajo (Athabaskan); loci of verbal plurality marking • Number-marking verb stems §3: Hi- seriative prefix: time as a parameter §4: Conclusions • Future puzzle: Da- plural number prefix: pluralizer of events or entities? 1.0 Introduction (1) V-PA(E) ⇔ ∀e,e’ ∈ E [P(e) ∧ ¬ f(e) f(e’)] ∧ |(E)| > n a b c d (adapt. Lasersohn 1995: 256) a: Pluractionality markers (PA) encode existence of multiple events (sum: E), not the plurality of the verb’s arguments. The cardinality of this plural event exceeds n, which is determined contextually or on a language-by-language basis (Lasersohn 1995: 241). b: P is a variable ranging over properties of events. P is used instead of V because pluractional markers can encode both repeated and repetitive action. o Repeated action: “multiple events of the type denoted by the verb” . P = V o Repetitive action: “multiple [subevents] of a different type, but which sum up to form a single token of the event type corresponding to the verb.” (Lasersohn 1995: 244) . P is fixed lexically. The availability of a repetitive reading of the pluractional marker is a line along with languages can vary. c: Events e, e’ within X do not overlap (). Events are distinguished by a parameter f. o Events can be distributed to “different times, locations, or participants” (Lasersohn 1995: 251). 1 • Given the different settings theoretically available to the pluractional marker – both cross-linguistically and within a single language – it is not surprise that pluractional morphology gives rise to a large number of interpretations, across languages and within languages.