Abraham's Command
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Offensive Against the Syrian City of Manbij May Be the Beginning of a Campaign to Liberate the Area Near the Syrian-Turkish Border from ISIS
June 23, 2016 Offensive against the Syrian City of Manbij May Be the Beginning of a Campaign to Liberate the Area near the Syrian-Turkish Border from ISIS Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) fighters at the western entrance to the city of Manbij (Fars, June 18, 2016). Overview 1. On May 31, 2016, the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), a Kurdish-dominated military alliance supported by the United States, initiated a campaign to liberate the northern Syrian city of Manbij from ISIS. Manbij lies west of the Euphrates, about 35 kilometers (about 22 miles) south of the Syrian-Turkish border. In the three weeks since the offensive began, the SDF forces, which number several thousand, captured the rural regions around Manbij, encircled the city and invaded it. According to reports, on June 19, 2016, an SDF force entered Manbij and occupied one of the key squares at the western entrance to the city. 2. The declared objective of the ground offensive is to occupy Manbij. However, the objective of the entire campaign may be to liberate the cities of Manbij, Jarabulus, Al-Bab and Al-Rai, which lie to the west of the Euphrates and are ISIS strongholds near the Turkish border. For ISIS, the loss of the area is liable to be a severe blow to its logistic links between the outside world and the centers of its control in eastern Syria (Al-Raqqah), Iraq (Mosul). Moreover, the loss of the region will further 112-16 112-16 2 2 weaken ISIS's standing in northern Syria and strengthen the military-political position and image of the Kurdish forces leading the anti-ISIS ground offensive. -
The Biden Administration and the Middle East: Policy Recommendations for a Sustainable Way Forward
THE BIDEN ADMINISTRATION AND THE MIDDLE EAST: POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS FOR A SUSTAINABLE WAY FORWARD THE MIDDLE EAST INSTITUTE MARCH 2021 WWW.MEI.EDU 2 The Biden Administration and the Middle East: Policy Recommendations for a Sustainable Way Forward The Middle East Institute March 2021 3 CONTENTS FOREWORD Iraq 21 Strategic Considerations for Middle East Policy 6 Randa Slim, Senior Fellow and Director of Conflict Paul Salem, President Resolution and Track II Dialogues Program Gerald Feierstein, Senior Vice President Ross Harrison, Senior Fellow and Director of Research Israel 23 Eran Etzion, Non-Resident Scholar POLICY BRIEFS Jordan 26 Dima Toukan, Non-Resident Scholar Countries/Regions Paul Salem, President US General Middle East Interests & Policy Priorities 12 Paul Salem, President Lebanon 28 Christophe Abi-Nassif, Director of Lebanon Program Afghanistan 14 Marvin G. Weinbaum, Director of Afghanistan and Libya 30 Pakistan Program Jonathan M. Winer, Non-Resident Scholar Algeria 15 Morocco 32 Robert Ford, Senior Fellow William Lawrence, Contributor Egypt 16 Pakistan 34 Mirette F. Mabrouk, Senior Fellow and Director of Marvin G. Weinbaum, Director of Afghanistan and Egypt Program Pakistan Program Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) 18 Palestine & the Israeli-Palestinian Peace Process 35 Gerald Feierstein, Senior Vice President Nathan Stock, Non-Resident Scholar Khaled Elgindy, Senior Fellow and Director of Program Horn of Africa & Red Sea Basin 19 on Palestine and Palestinian-Israeli Affairs David Shinn, Non-Resident Scholar Saudi Arabia 37 Iran -
Us Priorities in the Middle East
US PRIORITIES IN THE MIDDLE EAST GENERAL (RET.) JOSEPH VOTEL DECEMBER 2019 POLICY PAPER 2019-23 CONTENTS * SUMMARY III * INTRODUCTION 1 * US INTERESTS 1 * STRATEGIC APPROACH 4 * AFGHANISTAN, SYRIA, IRAQ, LEBANON, 5 THE GULF & IRAN * CONCLUSION 8 SUMMARY Today the Middle East is as complex as it has ever been. All of the underlying issues that have undermined progress remain present: sectarianism, corruption, disenfranchisement, economic disparity, terrorism, and extraordinary human suffering. But these long-standing issues are now being exacerbated by super-modern communication capabilities and a more youthful and anxious population that serve to amplify the challenges of the region. The region is on edge — and it is in fact a tinder box with few clear paths to stability or de-escalation. The best way forward is to relentlessly pursue clarity in our interests and objectives. This is the best thing we can do to de-escalate tensions, pursue our interests in the region, and support our overall global national security strategy. Cover photo: US military vehicles, part of a joint convoy with the Kurdish People’s Protection Units (YPG), patrol near the town of Al-Muabbadah in Hasakeh Province in northeastern Syria on the border with Turkey, on Nov. 9, 2019. (Photo by DELIL SOULEIMAN/AFP via Getty Images) Above photo: A US military Chinook helicopter lands on a field outside the governor’s palace during a visit by the commander of US and NATO forces in Afghanistan, General Scott Mill- er, and Asadullah Khalid, acting minister of defense of Afghanistan, in Maidan Shar, capital of Wardak Province. -
Trump's Generals
STRATEGIC STUDIES QUARTERLY - PERSPECTIVE Trump’s Generals: A Natural Experiment in Civil-Military Relations JAMES JOYNER Abstract President Donald Trump’s filling of numerous top policy positions with active and retired officers he called “my generals” generated fears of mili- tarization of foreign policy, loss of civilian control of the military, and politicization of the military—yet also hope that they might restrain his worst impulses. Because the generals were all gone by the halfway mark of his administration, we have a natural experiment that allows us to com- pare a Trump presidency with and without retired generals serving as “adults in the room.” None of the dire predictions turned out to be quite true. While Trump repeatedly flirted with civil- military crises, they were not significantly amplified or deterred by the presence of retired generals in key roles. Further, the pattern continued in the second half of the ad- ministration when “true” civilians filled these billets. Whether longer-term damage was done, however, remains unresolved. ***** he presidency of Donald Trump served as a natural experiment, testing many of the long- debated precepts of the civil-military relations (CMR) literature. His postelection interviewing of Tmore than a half dozen recently retired four- star officers for senior posts in his administration unleashed a torrent of columns pointing to the dangers of further militarization of US foreign policy and damage to the military as a nonpartisan institution. At the same time, many argued that these men were uniquely qualified to rein in Trump’s worst pro- clivities. With Trump’s tenure over, we can begin to evaluate these claims. -
The Turkish War on Afrin Jeopardizes Progress Made Since the Liberation of Raqqa April 2018
Viewpoints No. 125 The Turkish War on Afrin Jeopardizes Progress Made Since the Liberation of Raqqa April 2018 Amy Austin Holmes Middle East Fellow Wilson Center Turkey’s assault on Afrin represents a three-fold threat to the civilian population, the model of local self-governance, and the campaign to defeat the Islamic State. None of this is in the interest of the United States. ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ The Turkish operation in Afrin is not just another battle in a small corner of Syria, but represents a new stage in the Syrian civil war and anti-ISIS campaign. President Erdoğan’s two-month battle to capture Afrin signals that Turkey will no longer act through proxies, but is willing to intervene directly on Syrian territory to crush the Kurdish YPG forces and the experiment in self-rule they are defending.i Emboldened after claiming victory in Afrin, and enabled by Russia, Erdoğan is threatening further incursions into Syria and Iraq. Erdoğan has demanded that American troops withdraw from Manbij, so that he can attack the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) who are stationed in the area, and who have been our most reliable partners in the anti-ISIS coalition. If Erdoğan is not deterred, much of the progress made since the liberation of Raqqa could be in jeopardy. The Afrin intervention has already displaced at least 150,000 people. Many of them are Kurds, Yezidis, or Christians who established local government councils in the absence of the regime over the past five years. Even if imperfect, the self-administration is an embryonic form of democracy that includes women and minorities while promoting religious tolerance and linguistic diversity. -
Desert Fox: Key Official US and British Statements And
CSIS__________________________________________ Center for Strategic and International Studies 1800 K Street N.W. Washington, DC 20006 Phone: (202) 775-3270 Fax: (202) 466-4740 Internet: CSIS.ORG Desert Fox: Key Official US and British Statements and Press Conferences Anthony H. Cordesman Co-Director CSIS Middle East Studies Program January 31, 1998 Desert Fox: Official Briefs and Interviews 2/3/99 Page 2 Table of Contents. 27 JANUARY, 1999 U.S. COUNTERS IRAQ’S INCREASED AGGRESSION ............................................................... 4 26 JANUARY, 1999 DOD PRESS BRIEFING - 1:50 P.M. (EST)............................................................................ 5 26 JANUARY, 1999 PENTAGON CONFIRMS STRIKE IN IRAQI NEIGHBORHOOD....................................................11 25 JANUARY, 1999: OPERATION SOUTHERN WATCH UPDATE PRESENTER: GENERAL ANTHONY C. ZINNI, CINC, CENTCOM...................................................................................................................................................13 19 JANUARY, 1999 PATRIOTS TO DEPLOY TO TURKEY.....................................................................................19 12 JANUARY, 1999: ZINNI SAYS SADDAM SHAKEN, DESPERATE ......................................................................20 11 JANUARY 1999 U.S. SENDS MORE PLANES TO PERSIAN GULF.....................................................................22 10 JANUARY, 1999: STRIKE FOUR: IRAQ’S AT IT AGAIN.................................................................................24 -
Lead Inspector General for Operation Freedom's Sentinel April 1, 2021
OFS REPORT TO CONGRESS FRONT MATTER OPERATION FREEDOM’S SENTINEL LEAD INSPECTOR GENERAL REPORT TO THE UNITED STATES CONGRESS APRIL 1, 2021–JUNE 30, 2021 FRONT MATTER ABOUT THIS REPORT A 2013 amendment to the Inspector General Act established the Lead Inspector General (Lead IG) framework for oversight of overseas contingency operations and requires that the Lead IG submit quarterly reports to Congress on each active operation. The Chair of the Council of Inspectors General for Integrity and Efficiency designated the DoD Inspector General (IG) as the Lead IG for Operation Freedom’s Sentinel (OFS). The DoS IG is the Associate IG for the operation. The USAID IG participates in oversight of the operation. The Offices of Inspector General (OIG) of the DoD, the DoS, and USAID are referred to in this report as the Lead IG agencies. Other partner agencies also contribute to oversight of OFS. The Lead IG agencies collectively carry out the Lead IG statutory responsibilities to: • Develop a joint strategic plan to conduct comprehensive oversight of the operation. • Ensure independent and effective oversight of programs and operations of the U.S. Government in support of the operation through either joint or individual audits, inspections, investigations, and evaluations. • Report quarterly to Congress and the public on the operation and activities of the Lead IG agencies. METHODOLOGY To produce this quarterly report, the Lead IG agencies submit requests for information to the DoD, the DoS, USAID, and other Federal agencies about OFS and related programs. The Lead IG agencies also gather data and information from other sources, including official documents, congressional testimony, policy research organizations, press conferences, think tanks, and media reports. -
Fall 2017 Campaigning
Campaigning The Journal of the Joint Forces Staff College Featured Essays Globally Integrated Countering Threat Operations: Transforming Networks: A Standard Lines the JTF Core of Effort Model U.S. Needs to “Get Smart” Transregional Capstone vs Russia Exercise Trains for Tomorrow’s Fight “That All May Labor As One” Fall 2017 Campaigning Fall 2017 https://jdeis.js.mil/jdeis/index.jsp?pindex=69 http://jfsc.ndu.edu/ Commandant RDML Jeffrey Ruth, USN Dean of Faculty and Academic Programs Dr. Amie Lonas Director, Joint Advanced Director, Joint and Combined Warfighting School Warfighting School CAPT Miguel Peko, USN CAPT Paul Crump, USN Director, Joint Command, Director, Joint Continuing Control and Information and Distance Education Operations School School COL Rolf Watts, USA COL Ernest Parker, USA Editor Dr. Daniel H. McCauley Editorial Board: Assistant Professor William S. Marlowe Dr. Kenneth P. Pisel Dr. Frederick R. Kienle Cover image: JCWS Seminar 14 Students 17-04, 2017. Photo by Daniel McCauley. Campaigning Fall 2017 i In this issue of Campaigning: Editor’s Corner…………………………………………………………………………….iii Dr. Daniel H. McCauley Features Globally Integrated Operations: Transforming the JTF Core…………...………………1 Col Camille Nichols, COL Robert Paddock, LTC (P) Jasper Jeffers, and Lt Col Sean Monteiro Countering Threat Networks: A Standard Lines of Effort Model……………………...13 Col Chris Goodyear, COL Brian Greata, LTC Timothy Payment, and Col Martin Wetterauer U.S. Needs to “Get Smart” vs Russia.……………………………….……………………27 CDR David P. Wolynski, LTC John R. Cuva, Maj Ryan A. Reynolds, and MAJ Anthony P. Newman Transregional Capstone Exercise Trains for Tomorrow’s Fight…….…………………37 LCDR William Buell, Maj Erin Dorrance, and MAJ Bob West Commentary Developing an Operational Approach for the Transition from War to Peace through Stabilization, Reconstruction, and Development: Understanding Critical Aspects of the Environment…………………………..……….46 Associate Professor Tom Snukis Polarity Management in International Relations….……………………………………50 Dr. -
Caldwell on Bailey and Immerman, 'Understanding the US
H-Diplo Caldwell on Bailey and Immerman, 'Understanding the U.S. Wars in Iraq and Afghanistan' and Hooker Jr. and Collins, 'Lessons Encountered: Learning from the Long War' Review published on Saturday, July 16, 2016 Beth Bailey, Richard H. Immerman, eds. Understanding the U.S. Wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. New York: New York University Press, 2015. 368 pp. $30.00 (paper), ISBN 978-1-4798-2690-2; $89.00 (cloth), ISBN 978-1-4798-7143-8.Richard D. Hooker Jr., Joseph J. Collins, eds. Lessons Encountered: Learning from the Long War. Washington, DC: National Defense University Press, 2015. Maps. 488 pp. $32.98 (paper), ISBN 978-1-329-62849-6. Reviewed by Dan E. Caldwell (Pepperdine University)Published on H-Diplo (July, 2016) Commissioned by Seth Offenbach Although hundreds of articles and books concerning the war on terror and the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq have now been published, relatively few authors have focused on the interaction of these conflicts.[1] With different foci and audiences, the two edited books in this review are significant additions to the relatively sparse existing literature. While the contributors focus on the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, they differentiate between the two wars' purposes, intents, and outcomes. Indeed, the contributors to both generally agree with Richard Haass that the war in Afghanistan was "a war of necessity" and the war in Iraq was "a war of choice" (War of Necessity, War of Choice: A Memoir of Two Iraq Wars [2010]). Retired military leaders were particularly critical of the Iraq war. Former Central Command (CENTCOM) general Anthony Zinni called the Iraq war "the wrong war at the wrong time with the wrong strategy."[2] The former head of the National Security Agency, General William Odom, was even more scathingly critical; he said that "the invasion of Iraq may well turn out to be the greatest strategic disaster in American history" (quoted by Michael Reynolds in Understanding the U.S. -
The Micromanagement Myth and Mission Command: Making the Case for Oversight of Military Operations by Christopher J
STRATEGIC PERSPECTIVES 33 The Micromanagement Myth and Mission Command: Making the Case for Oversight of Military Operations by Christopher J. Lamb Center for Strategic Research Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University The Institute for National Strategic Studies (INSS) is National Defense University’s (NDU’s) dedicated research arm. INSS includes the Center for Strategic Research, Center for the Study of Chinese Military Affairs, and Center for the Study of Weapons of Mass Destruction. The military and civilian analysts and staff who comprise INSS and its subcomponents execute their mission by conducting research and analysis, publishing, and participating in conferences, policy support, and outreach. The mission of INSS is to conduct strategic studies for the Secretary of Defense, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and the unified combatant commands in support of the academic programs at NDU and to perform outreach to other U.S. Government agencies and the broader national security community. Cover: General William Westmoreland luncheon meeting with President Lyndon B. Johnson, The White House, April 6, 1968 (Yoichi Okamoto/ Courtesy LBJ Presidential Library/C9391-17A) The Micromanagement Myth and Mission Command The Micromanagement Myth and Mission Command: Making the Case for Oversight of Military Operations By Christopher J. Lamb Institute for National Strategic Studies Strategic Perspectives, No. 33 Series Editor: Thomas F. Lynch III National Defense University Press Washington, D.C. August 2020 Opinions, conclusions, and recommendations expressed or implied within are solely those of the contributors and do not necessarily represent the views of the State Department, Defense Department, or any other agency of the Federal Government. -
Iraq Study Group Consultations
CENTER FOR THE STUDY OF THE PRESIDENCY IRAQ STUDY GROUP Iraq Study Group Consultations (* denotes meeting took place in Iraq) Iraqi Officials and Representatives * Jalal Talabani - President * Tareq al-Hashemi - Vice President * Adil Abd al-Mahdi - Vice President * Nouri Kamal al-Maliki - Prime Minister * Salaam al-Zawbai - Deputy Prime Minister * Barham Salih - Deputy Prime Minister * Mahmoud al-Mashhadani - Speaker of the Parliament * Mowaffak al-Rubaie - National Security Advisor * Jawad Kadem al-Bolani - Minister of Interior * Abdul Qader Al-Obeidi - Minister of Defense * Hoshyar Zebari - Minister of Foreign Affairs * Bayan Jabr - Minister of Finance * Hussein al-Shahristani - Minster of Oil * Karim Waheed - Minister of Electricity * Akram al-Hakim - Minister of State for National Reconciliation Affairs * Mithal al-Alusi - Member, High Commission on National Reconciliation * Ayad Jamal al-Din - Member, High Commission on National Reconciliation * Ali Khalifa al-Duleimi - Member, High Commission on National Reconciliation * Sami al-Ma'ajoon - Member, High Commission on National Reconciliation * Muhammad Ahmed Mahmoud - Member, Commission on National Reconciliation * Wijdan Mikhael - Member, High Commission on National Reconciliation Lt. General Nasir Abadi - Deputy Chief of Staff of the Iraqi Joint Forces * Adnan al-Dulaimi - Head of the Tawafuq list Ali Allawi - Former Minister of Finance * Sheik Najeh al-Fetlawi - representative of Muqtada al-Sadr * Abd al-Aziz al-Hakim - Shia Coalition Leader * Sheik Maher al-Hamraa - Ayat Allah -
Moving Israel to CENTCOM: Another Step Into the Light by Assaf Orion, Mark Montgomery
MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 3425 Moving Israel to CENTCOM: Another Step Into the Light by Assaf Orion, Mark Montgomery Jan 28, 2021 Also available in Arabic / Farsi ABOUT THE AUTHORS Assaf Orion Assaf Orion, a retired Israeli brigadier general and defense strategist whose broad research scope ranges from relations with China to Israel’s regional political-military strategy and policy, is the Liz and Mony Rueven International Fellow with The Washington Institute. Mark Montgomery Rear Admiral Mark Montgomery, U.S. Navy (Ret.), is a senior fellow at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies. Brief Analysis The new command shift, which is rooted in years of growing collaboration away from the limelight, promises to facilitate bilateral and regional security cooperation and burden sharing, while the IDF-EUCOM-CENTCOM experience sets the stage for the next frontier: U.S.-Israeli military dialogue on the China- Iran partnership. n January 15, the Pentagon reported a change in the Unified Command Plan shifting Israel from U.S. O European Command (EUCOM) to U.S. Central Command (CENTCOM). In announcing the new areas of responsibility, the Defense Department pointed to the recent Abraham Accords between Israel and various Arab states as “a strategic opportunity...to align key U.S. partners against shared threats in the Middle East.” That same day, the Wall Street Journal characterized the decision as President Trump’s last-minute bid to shape the regional agenda for the Biden administration and spur Arab-Israeli cooperation against Iran. It also described the step as a departure from decades of U.S. military command structure reflecting historical acrimony between Israel and some of the Pentagon’s Arab allies, while emphasizing that pro-Israel groups have long advocated for the shift.