Conflict and the Need for a Theory of Proxy Warfare
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Offensive Against the Syrian City of Manbij May Be the Beginning of a Campaign to Liberate the Area Near the Syrian-Turkish Border from ISIS
June 23, 2016 Offensive against the Syrian City of Manbij May Be the Beginning of a Campaign to Liberate the Area near the Syrian-Turkish Border from ISIS Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) fighters at the western entrance to the city of Manbij (Fars, June 18, 2016). Overview 1. On May 31, 2016, the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), a Kurdish-dominated military alliance supported by the United States, initiated a campaign to liberate the northern Syrian city of Manbij from ISIS. Manbij lies west of the Euphrates, about 35 kilometers (about 22 miles) south of the Syrian-Turkish border. In the three weeks since the offensive began, the SDF forces, which number several thousand, captured the rural regions around Manbij, encircled the city and invaded it. According to reports, on June 19, 2016, an SDF force entered Manbij and occupied one of the key squares at the western entrance to the city. 2. The declared objective of the ground offensive is to occupy Manbij. However, the objective of the entire campaign may be to liberate the cities of Manbij, Jarabulus, Al-Bab and Al-Rai, which lie to the west of the Euphrates and are ISIS strongholds near the Turkish border. For ISIS, the loss of the area is liable to be a severe blow to its logistic links between the outside world and the centers of its control in eastern Syria (Al-Raqqah), Iraq (Mosul). Moreover, the loss of the region will further 112-16 112-16 2 2 weaken ISIS's standing in northern Syria and strengthen the military-political position and image of the Kurdish forces leading the anti-ISIS ground offensive. -
The Biden Administration and the Middle East: Policy Recommendations for a Sustainable Way Forward
THE BIDEN ADMINISTRATION AND THE MIDDLE EAST: POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS FOR A SUSTAINABLE WAY FORWARD THE MIDDLE EAST INSTITUTE MARCH 2021 WWW.MEI.EDU 2 The Biden Administration and the Middle East: Policy Recommendations for a Sustainable Way Forward The Middle East Institute March 2021 3 CONTENTS FOREWORD Iraq 21 Strategic Considerations for Middle East Policy 6 Randa Slim, Senior Fellow and Director of Conflict Paul Salem, President Resolution and Track II Dialogues Program Gerald Feierstein, Senior Vice President Ross Harrison, Senior Fellow and Director of Research Israel 23 Eran Etzion, Non-Resident Scholar POLICY BRIEFS Jordan 26 Dima Toukan, Non-Resident Scholar Countries/Regions Paul Salem, President US General Middle East Interests & Policy Priorities 12 Paul Salem, President Lebanon 28 Christophe Abi-Nassif, Director of Lebanon Program Afghanistan 14 Marvin G. Weinbaum, Director of Afghanistan and Libya 30 Pakistan Program Jonathan M. Winer, Non-Resident Scholar Algeria 15 Morocco 32 Robert Ford, Senior Fellow William Lawrence, Contributor Egypt 16 Pakistan 34 Mirette F. Mabrouk, Senior Fellow and Director of Marvin G. Weinbaum, Director of Afghanistan and Egypt Program Pakistan Program Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) 18 Palestine & the Israeli-Palestinian Peace Process 35 Gerald Feierstein, Senior Vice President Nathan Stock, Non-Resident Scholar Khaled Elgindy, Senior Fellow and Director of Program Horn of Africa & Red Sea Basin 19 on Palestine and Palestinian-Israeli Affairs David Shinn, Non-Resident Scholar Saudi Arabia 37 Iran -
Bipolarity, Proxy Wars, and the Rise of China
We encourage you to e-mail your comments to us at: [email protected]. Bipolarity, Proxy Wars, and the Rise of China Mark O. Yeisley, Lieutenant Colonel, USAF The modern international system in which nation-states compete for survival has historically assumed three primary configurations: uni polarity, in which a single state acts as a hegemon;1 bipolarity, in which two states control the majority of power with weaker states aligning with one or the other; and multipolarity, where three or more nations are powerful enough to act as poles in the system. Since the 1648 Treaties of Westphalia, multipolarity with various great-power states jockeying for supremacy has been the norm. As the fortunes of these states waxed and waned, war typically has been the ultimate result of perceived power im balances among them. While there have been historical instances of bi polarity, each of these was regional rather than global in scope.2 Many scholars argue that the international system has assumed a unipolar orientation since 1991, with the United States the sole remaining “super power.”3 Perhaps more important are predictions of what will follow for international relations. For example, some believe the United States will face no viable challengers in the near term, with unipolarity a stable and long-term likelihood.4 Others see a return to a multipolar environment wherein many nations will possess military and economic might sufficient to be recognized as great-power states.5 Still others foresee a return to bipo larity with the United States and one future great power locked once again in a struggle for primacy.6 This last possibility is increasingly influenced by Brazil, Russia, India, and China (BRIC). -
Us Priorities in the Middle East
US PRIORITIES IN THE MIDDLE EAST GENERAL (RET.) JOSEPH VOTEL DECEMBER 2019 POLICY PAPER 2019-23 CONTENTS * SUMMARY III * INTRODUCTION 1 * US INTERESTS 1 * STRATEGIC APPROACH 4 * AFGHANISTAN, SYRIA, IRAQ, LEBANON, 5 THE GULF & IRAN * CONCLUSION 8 SUMMARY Today the Middle East is as complex as it has ever been. All of the underlying issues that have undermined progress remain present: sectarianism, corruption, disenfranchisement, economic disparity, terrorism, and extraordinary human suffering. But these long-standing issues are now being exacerbated by super-modern communication capabilities and a more youthful and anxious population that serve to amplify the challenges of the region. The region is on edge — and it is in fact a tinder box with few clear paths to stability or de-escalation. The best way forward is to relentlessly pursue clarity in our interests and objectives. This is the best thing we can do to de-escalate tensions, pursue our interests in the region, and support our overall global national security strategy. Cover photo: US military vehicles, part of a joint convoy with the Kurdish People’s Protection Units (YPG), patrol near the town of Al-Muabbadah in Hasakeh Province in northeastern Syria on the border with Turkey, on Nov. 9, 2019. (Photo by DELIL SOULEIMAN/AFP via Getty Images) Above photo: A US military Chinook helicopter lands on a field outside the governor’s palace during a visit by the commander of US and NATO forces in Afghanistan, General Scott Mill- er, and Asadullah Khalid, acting minister of defense of Afghanistan, in Maidan Shar, capital of Wardak Province. -
ON the EFFECTIVE USE of PROXY WARFARE by Andrew Lewis Peek Baltimore, Maryland May 2021 © 2021 Andrew Peek All Rights Reserved
ON THE EFFECTIVE USE OF PROXY WARFARE by Andrew Lewis Peek A dissertation submitted to Johns Hopkins University in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Baltimore, Maryland May 2021 2021 Andrew Peek All rights reserved Abstract This dissertation asks a simple question: how are states most effectively conducting proxy warfare in the modern international system? It answers this question by conducting a comparative study of the sponsorship of proxy forces. It uses process tracing to examine five cases of proxy warfare and predicts that the differentiation in support for each proxy impacts their utility. In particular, it proposes that increasing the principal-agent distance between sponsors and proxies might correlate with strategic effectiveness. That is, the less directly a proxy is supported and controlled by a sponsor, the more effective the proxy becomes. Strategic effectiveness here is conceptualized as consisting of two key parts: a proxy’s operational capability and a sponsor’s plausible deniability. These should be in inverse relation to each other: the greater and more overt a sponsor’s support is to a proxy, the more capable – better armed, better trained – its proxies should be on the battlefield. However, this close support to such proxies should also make the sponsor’s influence less deniable, and thus incur strategic costs against both it and the proxy. These costs primarily consist of external balancing by rival states, the same way such states would balance against conventional aggression. Conversely, the more deniable such support is – the more indirect and less overt – the less balancing occurs. -
Hybrid Warfare Challenges to the Armed Forces: Realities and the Way Ahead
Hybrid Warfare Challenges to the Armed Forces: Realities and the Way Ahead Kunendra Singh Yadav In all fighting, the direct method may be used for joining the battle, but indirect methods will be needed in order to secure victory. —Sun Tzu Introduction With the recent landmark changes in the political landscape of Jammu and Kashmir (J&K), a whole new era has been ushered in. A state which was unfortunately the test-bed of Pakistan’s nefarious agendas for decades, has now been subjected to a bold, exigent and logical step. The dissonance in decision-making has finally given way, laying fresh ground for renewed endeavours. With “Hybrid Warfare Challenges to the Armed Forces: Realities and Way Ahead” being the subject of scrutiny, a certain degree of factual clarity needs to be brought in right away. Three fundamental queries need to be answered at the outset. First, is the term hybrid war a relatively recent construct? The answer is a definite no. The phenomenon is actually as old as the history of warfare itself. Chanakya,1 around 300 BC, propagated the use of sama (conciliation), dama (economic gratification), danda (use of force) Major Kunendra Singh Yadav is serving officer of the Indian Army. His areas of interest include Hybrid Warfare, Strategy and Operational Art. 122 CLAWS Journal l Winter 2019 HYBRID WARFARE CHALLENGES TO THE ARMED FORCES and bheda (dissension) i.e., all resources at the disposal of the king (in today’s context—comprehensive national power) to achieve the intended outcome. Second, are we adequately equipped to deal with the current and upcoming challenges posed by this warfare? The answer is yes. -
Monitoring Trends in Global Combat: a New Dataset of Battle Deathsz
European Journal of Population (2005) 21: 145–166 Ó Springer 2005 DOI 10.1007/s10680-005-6851-6 Monitoring Trends in Global Combat: A New Dataset of Battle Deathsz BETHANY LACINA1,2,* and NILS PETTER GLEDITSCH2,3 1Stanford University, Palo Alto, CA, U.S.A.; 2Centre for the Study of Civil War (CSCW), International Peace Research Institute Oslo (PRIO), Hausmanns gate 7, NO-0186 Oslo, Norway; 3Norwegian University of Science and Technology, Trondheim, Norway (*Author for correspondence, e-mail: [email protected]) Received 26 February 2004; accepted in final form 22 June 2004 Lacina, B. and N. P. Gleditsch, 2005, Monitoring Trends in Global Combat: A New Dataset of Battle Deaths, European Journal of Population, 21: 145–166. Abstract. Both academic publications and public media often make inappropriate use of incommensurate conflict statistics, creating misleading impressions about patterns in global warfare. This article clarifies the distinction between combatant deaths, battle deaths, and war deaths. A new dataset of battle deaths in armed conflict is presented for the period 1946–2002. Global battle deaths have been decreasing over most of this period, mainly due to a decline in interstate and internationalised civil armed conflict. It is far more difficult to accurately assess the number of war deaths in conflicts both past and present. But there are compelling reasons to believe that there is a need for increased attention to non-battle causes of mortality, especially displacement and disease in conflict studies. Therefore, it is demographers, public health specialists, and epidemiologists who can best describe the true human cost of many recent armed conflicts and assess the actions necessary to reduce that toll. -
Changing the Character of Proxy Warfare and Its Consequences for Geopolitical Relationships
https://securityandefence.pl/ Changing the character of proxy warfare and its consequences for geopolitical relationships Zoran Ivanov [email protected] https://orcid.org/0000-0002-8486-648X TOBB Economics and Technology University, Sogutozu Caddesi No: 43, Sogutozu, Ankara 06560 Turkey Abstract The main purpose of the article is to examine the causal relationship between key elements of the geostrategic environment (i.e. po- litical, military, and technological) and the changes in the characteristics of proxy force. Qualitative data analysis is used to identify the geopolitical environment conditions, actors, and their relationship. The causal analysis between key elements of the geopolitical environment, such as politics, military, and technological, therefore influences how proxy forces change character. The findings imply that the contemporary geopolitical environment is changing the character of the proxies. They can be used as multipurpose forces depending on the desired strategic outcome. The results advocate that proxies have a global reach beyond the traditional battlefield. These capabilities allow proxies to be used in a wide range of political, economic, and military activities, especially in peacetime, and, therefore, influencing, changing, and damaging the state’s mutual relationships. Despite differences between several theoretical perspec- tives of security theories, many concur on the low desirability of proxy force. The changing characteristics of proxy war allow state and non-state actors to wage war with a minimal use of force, or none at all, beyond the traditional battlefield. Political violence dem- onstrated through proxy force to fulfil foreign policy goals has become even more violent. In such action, disregarding the sustainable strategic goal can easily damage the state’s international relations and threaten international and regional stability. -
The Chad–Sudan Proxy War and the 'Darfurization' of Chad: Myths and Reality
12 The Chad–Sudan Proxy War and the ‘Darfurization’ of Chad: Myths and Reality By Jérôme Tubiana Copyright The Small Arms Survey Published in Switzerland by the Small Arms Survey The Small Arms Survey is an independent research project located at the Grad- uate Institute of International Studies in Geneva, Switzerland. It serves as the © Small Arms Survey, Graduate Institute of International Studies, Geneva 2008 principal source of public information on all aspects of small arms and as a First published in April 2008 resource centre for governments, policy-makers, researchers, and activists. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a Established in 1999, the project is supported by the Swiss Federal Department retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior of Foreign Affairs, and by contributions from the Governments of Belgium, permission in writing of the Small Arms Survey, or as expressly permitted by Canada, Finland, France, the Netherlands, Norway, Sweden, and the UK. The law, or under terms agreed with the appropriate reprographics rights organi- Survey is also grateful for past and current project-specific support received zation. Enquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the above should from Australia, Denmark, and New Zealand. Further funding has been pro- be sent to the Publications Manager, Small Arms Survey, at the address below. vided by the United Nations Development Programme, the United Nations Institute for Disarmament Research, the Geneva International Academic Net- Small Arms Survey work, and the Geneva International Centre for Humanitarian Demining. The Graduate Institute of International Studies Small Arms Survey collaborates with research institutes and NGOs in many 47 Avenue Blanc, 1202 Geneva, Switzerland countries, including Brazil, Canada, Georgia, Germany, India, Israel, Jordan, Copyedited by Emily Walmsley Norway, the Russian Federation, South Africa, Sri Lanka, Sudan, Sweden, Thailand, the United Kingdom, and the United States. -
The Turkish War on Afrin Jeopardizes Progress Made Since the Liberation of Raqqa April 2018
Viewpoints No. 125 The Turkish War on Afrin Jeopardizes Progress Made Since the Liberation of Raqqa April 2018 Amy Austin Holmes Middle East Fellow Wilson Center Turkey’s assault on Afrin represents a three-fold threat to the civilian population, the model of local self-governance, and the campaign to defeat the Islamic State. None of this is in the interest of the United States. ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ The Turkish operation in Afrin is not just another battle in a small corner of Syria, but represents a new stage in the Syrian civil war and anti-ISIS campaign. President Erdoğan’s two-month battle to capture Afrin signals that Turkey will no longer act through proxies, but is willing to intervene directly on Syrian territory to crush the Kurdish YPG forces and the experiment in self-rule they are defending.i Emboldened after claiming victory in Afrin, and enabled by Russia, Erdoğan is threatening further incursions into Syria and Iraq. Erdoğan has demanded that American troops withdraw from Manbij, so that he can attack the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) who are stationed in the area, and who have been our most reliable partners in the anti-ISIS coalition. If Erdoğan is not deterred, much of the progress made since the liberation of Raqqa could be in jeopardy. The Afrin intervention has already displaced at least 150,000 people. Many of them are Kurds, Yezidis, or Christians who established local government councils in the absence of the regime over the past five years. Even if imperfect, the self-administration is an embryonic form of democracy that includes women and minorities while promoting religious tolerance and linguistic diversity. -
A Structural-Relational Analysis of Party Dynamics in Proxy Wars
A structural-relational analysis of party dynamics in proxy wars Article Accepted Version Rauta, V. (2018) A structural-relational analysis of party dynamics in proxy wars. International Relations, 32 (4). pp. 449-467. ISSN 1741-2862 doi: https://doi.org/10.1177/0047117818802436 Available at http://centaur.reading.ac.uk/79835/ It is advisable to refer to the publisher’s version if you intend to cite from the work. See Guidance on citing . To link to this article DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0047117818802436 Publisher: Sage All outputs in CentAUR are protected by Intellectual Property Rights law, including copyright law. Copyright and IPR is retained by the creators or other copyright holders. Terms and conditions for use of this material are defined in the End User Agreement . www.reading.ac.uk/centaur CentAUR Central Archive at the University of Reading Reading’s research outputs online A Structural-Relational Analysis of Party Dynamics in Proxy Wars Abstract Proxy wars are still under-represented in conflict research and a key cause for this is the lack of conceptual and terminological care. This article seeks to demonstrate that minimizing terminological diffusion increases overall analytical stability by maximising conceptual rigor. The argument opens with a discussion on the terminological ambivalence resulting from the haphazard employment of labels referencing the parties involved in proxy wars. Here, the article introduces an analytical framework with a two-fold aim: to reduce label heterogeneity, and to argue in favour of understanding proxy war dynamics as overlapping dyads between a Beneficiary, a Proxy, and a Target. This is then applied to the issues of defining and theorising party dynamics in proxy wars. -
The Case of the Saudi-Iranian Rivalry Pauline Crepy Edited by Cassandra Moschella and Madeleine Northfeld
FLUX: International Relations Review Proxy Warfare’s Impact on Sectarianization: The Case of the Saudi-Iranian Rivalry Pauline Crepy edited by Cassandra Moschella and Madeleine Northfeld 22 23 FLUX: International Relations Review Cover art: Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates have committed a school the region or makes inroads with Western powers, it has to come at the expense bus bombing in Yemen in August 2018, killing 40 children. In response, an event of the other” (Robins-Early 2017). of blue backpacks was held in Chicago, IL, to remember the loss of these children. In order to attain such infuence in the region, one wonders what makes the Source: Charles Edward Miller. November 30, 2018, https://fic.kr/p/R9emBy. Middle East susceptible to the strategy of proxy warfare. Within the context of the Saudi-Iranian rivalry, the power of religious identity has occupied a central role Tis article was submitted to POLI 360: War and Peace. in the permeability of neighboring states to indirect warfare. In efect, the rivals recognize the possibility for political gain in the confict between the Sunnis Abstract and Shi’as and capitalize on pre-existing sectarian tensions to gain regional Te Saudi Arabian and Iranian rivalry has torn the Middle East apart, dominance. To better understand the prevalence of proxy warfare in the Middle aggravating the region’s struggles concerning persistent authoritarianism, East, one must turn to the sectarianization thesis; sectarianization is “an active militia violence, and sectarian tensions. Tis paper explores the impact of proxy process shaped by political actors operating within specifc contexts, pursuing warfare on sectarianization by studying the case of the Saudi-Iranian rivalry in political goals that involve the mobilization of popular sentiments around both Syria and Yemen.