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Feeble-Minded”, 1890-1931

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Feeble-Minded”, 1890-1931 INSTITUTIONALIZING EUGENICS: CUSTODY, CLASS, GENDER AND EDUCATION IN NOVA SCOTIA’S RESPONSE TO THE “FEEBLE-MINDED”, 1890-1931 A Thesis Submitted to the College Graduate Studies and Research In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy In the Department of History University of Saskatchewan By Leslie Elaine Baker © Leslie E. Baker, February 2015. All Rights Reserved. Permission to use In presenting this dissertation in partial fulfillment of the requirements for a Doctoral degree from the University of Saskatchewan, I agree that the Libraries of this University may make it freely available for inspection. I further agree that permission for copying of this dissertation in any manner, in whole or in part, for scholarly purposes may be granted by the professor or professors who supervised my dissertation work or, in their absence, by the Head of the Department or the Dean of the College in which my dissertation work was done. It is understood that any copying or publication or use of this dissertation or parts thereof for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. It is also understood that due recognition shall be given to me and to the University of Saskatchewan in any scholarly use which may be made of any material in my dissertation. Requests for permission to copy or to make other use of material in this thesis whole or in part should be addressed to: Head of the Department of History Room 522, Arts Building 9 Campus Drive University of Saskatchewan Saskatoon, Saskatchewan S7N 5A5 Canada i Abstract Between 1890 and 1927 hundreds of Nova Scotian children and adults were identified as either feeble-minded or mentally deficient through investigations conducted by physicians and philanthropists in the province. The earliest of these studies were not commissioned by the provincial government but instead reflected the middle-class internalization of the eugenic discourse. Reformers, drawn often from medical, religious, educational, and philanthropic vocations, sought with ever-increasing alacrity to respond to perceived social problems, such as poverty, prostitution, venereal disease, and alcoholism, with a scientific solution. The scientific solution that they embraced was eugenics. Eugenic ideology and programs rose to popularity in Europe and North America at the end of the nineteenth and beginning of the twentieth century. Driven by social anxiety and the medicalization of reproduction, eugenic theory expressed the concerns of the middle classes that those they deemed less fit on the basis of socio-economic class, education or heredity, were reproducing at a higher rate than the ‘desirable’ segments of the population. The application of eugenic theory was shaped by cultural assumptions about gender, class and race which resulted in the same principles finding different expression in different areas across the globe. This dissertation seeks to understand how local circumstances shaped the Nova Scotian understanding of eugenics and its application. It examines the manner in which Nova Scotian physicians and philanthropists, with strong ties to both New England and Britain, participated in the transnational eugenic discourse through both professional and popular publications and organizations. Overall it argues that the expression of eugenics in Nova Scotia culminated in legislation that enforced the inspection, segregation and institutionalization of individuals who were assessed as feeble-minded. In doing so it also calls attention to the need to recognize outcomes other than sexual sterilization as legitimate expressions of eugenic policy. Subsequently the influential role played by regional circumstances in shaping what was considered an acceptable eugenic outcome as well as how eugenic policy was sought and implemented is examined. In investigating what reformers understood to be eugenic, and conversely what they considered dysgenic, a complex discourse surrounding the health of populations and reliant on ideas of gender, race, and class is revealed. ii Acknowledgements My amazing supervisor Erika Dyck deserves more thanks for seeing me to this point than I can ever express. Her willingness to take on a runaway grad student and her unending support and seemingly bottomless faith have combined to give me opportunities that I never dreamed of. Her guidance and inspiration have nourished my inner academic and played a vital role in shaping the person that I have become as a result of this process. My committee members, Lesley Biggs, Mark Meyers, and Linda McMullin, have been a great source of support and encouragement and I thank each of them for the time that they have invested as well as their contagious enthusiasm for my project and their sharp editorial eyes. Mark Meyers and Gordon DesBrisay oversaw my minor comprehensive fields and each helped to shape the way in which I approached my research and my topic. Many of the analytical tools that I have used to create this dissertation were honed in their offices. Thanks also goes to James Moran, my external examiner, who brought so much enthusiasm and many fantastic suggestions to the final stage of the project. I also owe a debt of gratitude to SSHRC as this project was generously funded through one of their doctoral fellowships. When I made the decision to move to Saskatchewan to pursue my PhD I took one of the biggest risks of my life. That first year was full of challenges, both in terms of academics and of life itself. Dwayne Oxner, my partner, held it together for me when I thought my world was falling apart and suffered the isolation from his own life and the chaos of raising two small boys stoically. My parents, Joyda and Lloyd Digdon were supportive from the start as they pulled a Uhaul across the country accompanied by their dog Zorsha and our bunny Carlos. The mental, emotional (and too often financial) support continued for the two years that I lived in Saskatoon (and beyond). That this dissertation exists is evidence of how fortunate I am to have these people in my life who nurture and support my efforts and have always been willing to pick up the slack when I was busy trying to meet a deadline. Other people belong on this list as well. My wonderful children, who are now young men, Josh and Sam Baker have never faltered in their encouragement and faith in me. They have perhaps invested more into this dissertation than anyone as they shared their mother with this third child that was petulant, exhausting, and all too often demanded unjust amounts of my time. Mona and iii Sophie have provided unending support, unconditional love, comfort, and oxytocin. Dwayne’s parents Dale and Darrell have been a fount of support for the last nine years that they have been in my life and it is impossibly heartbreaking that Dale did not live to see the final product. During my time in Saskatoon I was fortunate to have met some of my favourite people, Amy Samson, Liz Scott, and Blaine Wickham especially. My life is richer for knowing them and I count them as happy side-effects of this adventure. Each has supported me, saved my sanity, shared so many laughs, and inspired me. Thank you, all. Finally some thanks goes to the everyday heroes in my life, my dearest friends, Melissa Richards and Korey Craft who have helped me step away, laugh it off, and remember to live. iv Dedication For Lorraine June Digdon 1928-2008 & Dale Ann Oxner 1959-2014 v Table of Contents PERMISSION TO USE ................................................................................................................................................. I ABSTRACT ................................................................................................................................................................. II ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ......................................................................................................................................... III DEDICATION ............................................................................................................................................................. V TABLE OF CONTENTS ........................................................................................................................................... VI LIST OF TABLES..................................................................................................................................................... VII ABBREVIATIONS ................................................................................................................................................... VII INTRODUCTION: EXPANDING EUGENICS ........................................................................................................... 1 CHAPTER ONE: EXPLAINING EUGENICS IN THE REGION ............................................................................ 41 CHAPTER TWO: EMBRACING EUGENICS: PHYSICIANS AND THE NATIONAL DISCOURSE .................. 85 CHAPTER 3: ENVISIONING EUGENICS: THE ROLE OF THE HALIFAX LOCAL COUNCIL OF WOMEN 150 CHAPTER 4: ENABLING EUGENICS: PUBLIC HEALTH AND EUGENIC REFORM IN THE WAKE OF THE HALIFAX EXPLOSION .......................................................................................................................................... 186 CONCLUSION: ENACTING EUGENICS ............................................................................................................. 210 APPENDIX ..............................................................................................................................................................
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