Social Class, Life Events and Poverty Risks in Comparative European Perspective
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Chapter 8: Social Stratification
UNIT 3 238 SOCIAL INEQUALITY Chapter 8 Social Stratification Chapter 9 Inequalities of Race and Ethnicity Chapter 10 Inequalities of Gender and Age Enrichment Readings Chapter 8 – Elliot Liebow “The Lives of Homeless Women,” page 272 Chapter 9 – Patricia Williams “The Skin Color Tax,” page 306 Chapter 10 – Lois Gould “The Story of Baby X,” page 342 239 CHAPTER 8 SocialSocial StratificationStratification 240 U S Your Sections I Sociological N Imagination 1. Dimensions of G Stratification ane Smith, aged forty and reeling from 2. Explanations of a bitter divorce, was discouraged. A se- Stratification Jrious back injury meant she could no longer work at her nursing aide job. 3. Social Classes in America Without a high school diploma, she found that no one was willing to hire her. 4. Poverty in America Reluctantly, she applied for welfare and was enrolled in a program designed to develop 5. Social Mobility job skills. She completed an eighteen-month course and was hired by an engineering firm. After two years, Jane has moved up in Learning Objectives the company and now thinks of herself as an intelligent, capable person. A different type of welfare story involves After reading this chapter, you will be able to Mary, the “welfare queen.” Many politicians have used her as a typical example of how ❖ explain the relationship between stratifica- the social welfare system is abused. Mary tion and social class. managed to register for government aid ❖ compare and contrast the three dimensions under dozens of assumed names and col- of stratification. lected thousands of dollars from food ❖ stamps and other federally subsidized pro- state the differences among the three grams. -
Social-Property Relations, Class-Conflict and The
Historical Materialism 19.4 (2011) 129–168 brill.nl/hima Social-Property Relations, Class-Conflict and the Origins of the US Civil War: Towards a New Social Interpretation* Charles Post City University of New York [email protected] Abstract The origins of the US Civil War have long been a central topic of debate among historians, both Marxist and non-Marxist. John Ashworth’s Slavery, Capitalism, and Politics in the Antebellum Republic is a major Marxian contribution to a social interpretation of the US Civil War. However, Ashworth’s claim that the War was the result of sharpening political and ideological – but not social and economic – contradictions and conflicts between slavery and capitalism rests on problematic claims about the rôle of slave-resistance in the dynamics of plantation-slavery, the attitude of Northern manufacturers, artisans, professionals and farmers toward wage-labour, and economic restructuring in the 1840s and 1850s. An alternative social explanation of the US Civil War, rooted in an analysis of the specific path to capitalist social-property relations in the US, locates the War in the growing contradiction between the social requirements of the expanded reproduction of slavery and capitalism in the two decades before the War. Keywords origins of capitalism, US Civil War, bourgeois revolutions, plantation-slavery, agrarian petty- commodity production, independent-household production, merchant-capital, industrial capital The Civil War in the United States has been a major topic of historical debate for almost over 150 years. Three factors have fuelled scholarly fascination with the causes and consequences of the War. First, the Civil War ‘cuts a bloody gash across the whole record’ of ‘the American . -
The Slavery System
The slavery system It is an extreme form of inequality in which some individuals are owned by others as their property. Slavery is a system of stratification in which one person owns another, as he or she would own property, and exploits the slave’s labor for economic gain. Slaves are one of the lowest categories in any stratification system, as they possess virtually no power or wealth of their own. • It is an extreme form of inequality in which some individuals are owned by others as their property. • The slave owner has full control including using violence over the slave. • L.T Hobhouse defined slave as a man whom law and custom regard as the property of another. • In extreme cases he is wholly without rights. He is in lower condition as compared with freemen. • The slaves have no political rights he does not choose his government, he does not attend the public councils. Socially he is despised. • He is compelled to work. • The slavery system has existed sporadically at many times and places but there are two major examples of slavery - societies of the ancient world based upon slavery (Greek and Roman) and southern states of USA in the 18th and 19th centuries. • According to H.J Nieboer the basis of slavery is always economic because with it emerged a kind of aristocracy which lived upon slave labour. Slavery is a system under which people are treated as property to be bought and sold, and are forced to work. Slaves can be held against their will from the time of their capture, purchase, or birth; and can also be deprived of the right to leave, to refuse to work, or to demand compensation. -
SOCIAL STRATIFICATION and POLITICAL Behavrori an EMPHASIS \T,PON STRUCTURAL 11YNAMICS
SOCIAL STRATIFICATION AND POLITICAL BEHAVrORI AN EMPHASIS \T,PON STRUCTURAL 11YNAMICS by Christopher Bates Doob A.B., Oberlin College, 1962 A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Oberlin College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in the Department of Sociology 1964 ~-,-\t ii I," - ~ <" . , Preface There are a number of people whose assistance has made this project possible. Without their aid I literally would have been unable to complete this thesis and obtain my degree. xy" profoundest acknowledgment goes to Dr. Kiyoshi Ikeda, whose knowledge of theory and methodology literally shaped this project. The influence of Professors Richard R. xy"ers, George E. Simpson, .J. Milton Yinger, and Donald P. Warwick is also evident at various points through- out this work. Mr. Thomas Bauer, Dr. Leonard Doob, Miss Nancy Durham, and Miss .June Wright have given valuable assistance at different stages of the process. Christopher B. Doob Oberlin College June 1964 09\,~O\A4 'i::l "\ ~ S iii Table of Contents Page Preface 11 r. Introduction The Problem 1 An Historical Approach to the Dynamics of Social Stratification 2 Broad Sociological Propositions Concerning Social Mobility 3 Empirical Studies 4 Status Crystallization 6 Static Structural Variables in This Study 7 Some Observations on Voting Behavior 11 The Hypotheses 12 II. Methodology The Sample 17 The Major Independent Variables 18 Intermediate Variables 25 The Dependent Variables 26 A Concluding Note 28 III. Description of the Findings The Relationship of Mobility, Class, and Intermediate Variables to Liberalism-Conservatism 30 The Intermediate Variables 31 Status Crystallization, Class, and Liberalism Conservatism • iv III. -
Social Capital in India: Networks, Organizations, and Confidence
Social Capital in India: Networks, Organizations, and Confidence Reeve Vanneman, Sonalde Desai, and James Noon University of Maryland ABSTRACT Using original data from a newly collected nationally representative survey for 40,000 households in India, we examine associations of various dimensions of social capital with each other and with contextual and individual determinants. We focus on three measures of social capital: a positional generator of social networks, a count of memberships in formal organizations, and a subjective index of confidence in institutions. All three scales show good internal reliabilities. Associations among the three are quite low however suggesting that, in India at least, there seems to be little generalization from one type of social capital to another. Further analysis reveals that all three scales reveal strong geographic patterning across India, but the social networks measure also shows strong relationships with social position within communities. Network contacts are more extensive for high caste, wealthy, and well-educated households. Similar household status associations are much weaker for confidence in institutions and for membership in organizations. These more formal, institutionalized dimensions of social capital depend more on the presence of institutions in the local area, while the more informal measures of social networks reflects also an individual’s position within the community. Prepared for the Annual Meeting of the American Sociological Association, Montreal, August 11-14, 2006. Contact: Reeve Vanneman ([email protected]). Please do not quote or cite until a final version is complete. The data are still preliminary, and the results will change somewhat once fully cleaned data are available. These results are based on the India Human Development Survey, 2005. -
Social Position and Fairness Views
Social Position and Fairness Views Kristoffer Balle Hvidberg Claus Thustrup Kreiner CEBI, University of Copenhagen CEBI, University of Copenhagen Stefanie Stantcheva Harvard University November 2020 MOTIVATION Long-standing topics in Social Sciences Social status and fairness of inequality Political Econ Theory and Optimal Tax Theory Relative income and income positions important for fairness considerations and the design of tax and redistribution policy 2 42 RESEARCH QUESTIONS 1: How well do people know social positions of themselves and others? 2: To what extent do their views on (un)fairness of inequality depend on their social position? 3: How do they view fairness of inequality within different reference groups and are they better or less informed about inequality and social position where it matters the most? 3 42 UNIQUE METHODOLOGY Link Subjective & Objective Info for Large, Representative Sample of the Danish Population • Subjective: Survey & information experiment, elicitating perceptions about income positions and fairness views • Objective: Admin records with detailed info about income (on tax return), income positions, income histories, shocks (unemployment, disability, health, promotion), reference groups Conceptually: • Income: Gross income as reported on tax return and verifiable via admin data • Social position: percentile position in income distribution within your cohort (not within population) • Position within reference groups: percentile position in income distribution within cohort + same gender, education, sector, municipality, (+ neighbors, co-workers, former schoolmates, family). • Impact analysis: Effects of shocks to social position on fairness views 4 42 Social position within cohort neutralizes life-cycle effects 1000 P50 P95 800 600 400 Within cohort income (1000 DKK) 200 0 0 20 40 60 80 100 Age 5 42 SURVEY OUTLINE 1. -
The Problem of Social Class Under Socialism Author(S): Sharon Zukin Source: Theory and Society, Vol
The Problem of Social Class under Socialism Author(s): Sharon Zukin Source: Theory and Society, Vol. 6, No. 3 (Nov., 1978), pp. 391-427 Published by: Springer Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/656759 Accessed: 24-06-2015 21:55 UTC REFERENCES Linked references are available on JSTOR for this article: http://www.jstor.org/stable/656759?seq=1&cid=pdf-reference#references_tab_contents You may need to log in to JSTOR to access the linked references. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/ info/about/policies/terms.jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Springer is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Theory and Society. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 132.236.27.111 on Wed, 24 Jun 2015 21:55:45 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 391 THE PROBLEM OF SOCIAL CLASS UNDER SOCIALISM SHARON ZUKIN Posing the problem of social class under socialismimplies that the concept of class can be removed from the historical context of capitalist society and applied to societies which either do not know or do not claim to know the classicalcapitalist mode of production. Overthe past fifty years, the obstacles to such an analysis have often led to political recriminationsand termino- logical culs-de-sac. -
Social Identity Map: a Reflexivity Tool for Practicing Explicit Positionality In
Article International Journal of Qualitative Methods Volume 18: 1–12 ª The Author(s) 2019 Social Identity Map: A Reflexivity Tool Article reuse guidelines: sagepub.com/journals-permissions for Practicing Explicit Positionality DOI: 10.1177/1609406919870075 in Critical Qualitative Research journals.sagepub.com/home/ijq Danielle Jacobson1 and Nida Mustafa1 Abstract The way that we as researchers view and interpret our social worlds is impacted by where, when, and how we are socially located and in what society. The position from which we see the world around us impacts our research interests, how we approach the research and participants, the questions we ask, and how we interpret the data. In this article, we argue that it is not a straightforward or easy task to conceptualize and practice positionality. We have developed a Social Identity Map that researchers can use to explicitly identify and reflect on their social identity to address the difficulty that many novice critical qualitative researchers experience when trying to conceptualize their social identities and positionality. The Social Identity Map is not meant to be used as a rigid tool but rather as a flexible starting point to guide researchers to reflect and be reflexive about their social location. The map involves three tiers: the identification of social identities (Tier 1), how these positions impact our life (Tier 2), and details that may be tied to the particularities of our social identity (Tier 3). With the use of this map as a guide, we aim for researchers to be able to better identify and understand their social locations and how they may pose challenges and aspects of ease within the qualitative research process. -
Latin American Middle Classes: the Distance Between Perception and Reality
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Lora, Eduardo; Fajardo, Deisy Johanna Working Paper Latin American Middle Classes: The Distance between Perception and Reality IDB Working Paper Series, No. IDB-WP-275 Provided in Cooperation with: Inter-American Development Bank (IDB), Washington, DC Suggested Citation: Lora, Eduardo; Fajardo, Deisy Johanna (2011) : Latin American Middle Classes: The Distance between Perception and Reality, IDB Working Paper Series, No. IDB- WP-275, Inter-American Development Bank (IDB), Washington, DC This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/88953 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen -
10 Social Class and Styles of Living
10 Social Class and Styles of Living The concept of social class is crucial to the analysis of society and human behaviour and therefore to any explanation of the existence and scale of poverty. Historically, the concept has played a prominent part in political and sociological theory. In cruder senses, it also plays a prominent part in public discussion of political and social events. It is recognized to be a more complex stratifying factor than, say, age or sex, and emphasis is variously given in its definition and exposition to economic position, power, social status or prestige and culture. In the survey reported in this book, we tried to obtain both objective and subjective indicators of class membership in analysing the distribution of resources. This chapter gives some account of these indicators and the results of using ‘class’ in different senses, as an analytic variable. We developed a number of operational classifications, which are discussed below. They are: 1. Individual unprompted self-assignation. 2. Individual prompted self-assignation. 3. The Registrar General’s five-fold occupational classification. 4. A sociological eight-fold classification. 5. The combined occupational class of husband and wife. 6. The combined occupational class of husband, wife, husband’s father and wife’s father. The Problem of Measurement The state’s acknowledgement of the existence of ‘social class’ might be said to date from the Census of 1911, when the Registrar General sought to grade occupations according to ‘social position’ into eight classes. These were reduced from 1921 to five classes.1 The criteria were arbitrary, and the classification has been frequently criticized. -
Class, Status, Poverty, and Capital: a Guide to Social Stratification in Career Counseling
Portland State University PDXScholar Counselor Education Faculty Publications and Presentations Counselor Education 7-2013 Class, Status, Poverty, and Capital: A Guide to Social Stratification in Career Counseling Tina M. Anctil Peterman Portland State University, [email protected] Brian Hutchison University of Missouri - St Louis Carol Klose Smith University of Iowa Follow this and additional works at: https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/coun_fac Part of the Student Counseling and Personnel Services Commons Let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Citation Details Anctil Peterman, Tina M.; Hutchison, Brian; and Smith, Carol Klose, "Class, Status, Poverty, and Capital: A Guide to Social Stratification in Career Counseling" (2013). Counselor Education Faculty Publications and Presentations. 16. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/coun_fac/16 This Presentation is brought to you for free and open access. It has been accepted for inclusion in Counselor Education Faculty Publications and Presentations by an authorized administrator of PDXScholar. Please contact us if we can make this document more accessible: [email protected]. Class, Status, Poverty, And Capital: A Guide To Social Stratification In Career Counseling Tina Anctil, Ph.D., Portland State University Brian Hutchison, Ph.D., University of Missouri--St . Louis Carol Klose Smith, Ph.D., University of Iowa Nation Career Development Association: Boston, MA Social Class Mad Libs I grew up in a _________ class neighborhood. I knew this because the important adults in my life worked such jobs as __________, ___________, and ___________. I knew growing up that there were people from other classes. One time I remember is when ___________. This made me realize that my class and their class afforded us different outlooks and opportunities. -
Under a Middle-Class Gaze
Chapter 5 Under a Middle-Class Gaze 5.1 Governing Inequality Capitalism harms human beings through neglect, rather than through terror. Compared to the personal will of the dictator, the structural vio- lence of the market “forces” appears benign. Those individuals or groups excluded from capitalism’s dreamworlds appear themselves to blame. The fate of the poor is social ostracism. Their gulag is the ghetto. buck-morss, 2002: 188 An important aspect of the neoliberal transformation of society is the recruitment of civil society to serve its objectives. Foucault has pointed to the central role of the new homo oeconomicus in this, a figure thought of in terms of the individual as an “entrepreneur of oneself”, maximiz- ing himself or herself as “human capital” in competition with all other individuals […] this process not only adds to the general insecuritization which the neoliberal government of conduct promotes, but it is also de- structive of social bonds and the conditions for social cohesion. This poses a severe problem for the neoliberal state, which it attempts to resolve by reconstituting racism and through war. lazzarato, 2009: 111 These two citations above disclose different structures and dimensions of in- equality, exclusion, coercion, and exploitation met in capitalist states. Susan Buck-Morss’ citation demonstrates the limits of the kind of “freedom” associ- ated with capitalism and the regimes of exclusion it creates, particularly in the absence of welfare institutions. Exclusion occurs organically, and its violence is much more abstract than the one potentially exercised by a dictator. For this reason, it can be normalised easier.