Social Inequality: Theories: Marxism
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Systemic Classism, Systemic Racism: Are Social and Racial Justice Achievable in the United States?
Systemic Classism, Systemic Racism: Are Social and Racial Justice Achievable in the United States? THOMAS KLEVEN† I. INTRODUCTION The thesis of this article is that the United States is systemically a highly classist and racist society, that classism and racism are interrelated and overlapping phenomena, and that the achievement of a non- classist/non-racist society requires a mass movement of working-class people of all ethnicities for social and racial justice for all. By systemic classism/racism I mean that the political and economic institutions of the society are structured and operate to systematically disadvantage working-class people in general, and ethnic minorities in particular, and to systematically advantage a relatively small and largely white upper elite class, and a rather substantial and predominantly white upper middle class. By systemic advantage/disadvantage I mean that the opportunities to succeed in life are unequally distributed along class and racial lines, and that society’s institutions produce and perpetuate this class/race hierarchy. The discussion of race focuses primarily on African Americans and Hispanics, both of whom have been systematically disadvantaged on account of ethnicity.1 As the society’s largest disadvantaged minorities, † Professor of Law, Thurgood Marshall School of Law, Texas Southern University. I would like to thank my colleagues who attended and made helpful comments on an earlier draft of the article presented at a Faculty Quodlibet at the law school in November, 2007. I would especially like to thank Asmara Tekle-Johnson for suggestions on how better to organize the article, and Jon Levy for pointing out errors in and suggesting sources for the historical parts of the article. -
Marxist Paradigm // and Academic Freedom * by DMITRI N
Marxist Paradigm // and Academic Freedom * BY DMITRI N. SHALIN /' THERussian October Revolution dealt a devastating blow to Marxism from which Marxist sociology did not begin to recover until recently. Stalin's "contributions" to Marxist theory and practice had a particularly adverse effect on the fate of Marxism in the West. Whatever hopes were generated by the de-Stalinization campaign in the Soviet Union proved short-lived. By the time Soviet tanks entered Prague and Soviet authorities resumed show trials, few intellectuals in the capitalist West could speak of Soviet Marxism without acute resentment or at least tacit embarrassment. In Mills's words, ". marxism-leninism has become an offi- cial rhetoric with which the authority of a one-party state has been defended, its expedient brutalities obscured, its achievements proclaimed."' Any attempt to revive the Marxist creed under these circumstances must have entailed a denun- ciation of what has come to pass for Marxism in the Soviet Union. Not surprisingly, the Marxist renaissance in the West was marked by the virtually unanimous rejection of Soviet Marxism. The neo-Marxist movement in the West is no monolith. It is supported by social scientists of various denominations who may refer to themselves as radical, humanist, or critical sociologists. What draws them together is: (I) a Marxist-activist image of sociology as a practical enterprise and an explicit commitment to rational remodeling of society and human C. W. Mills, The Marxists (New York: Dell, 1962). p. 22. 362 SOCIAL RESEARCH emancipation; (2) readiness to move beyond Marx and to dispense with those of his propositions that failed the histori- cal test; and (3) a critical attitude toward "official Marxism" as practiced by Soviet-style communists. -
Base, Superstructure, and Dialectical Totality 43 Seán Mitchell
Base, superstructure, and dialectical totality 43 Seán Mitchell n recent years it became something of a custom to a prognosis that capitalism no longer faced a viable sys- begin any contemporary discussion of historical temic alternative. materialism with a nod to the briefly dominant ax- Much of this pessimism was in fact shared by Fuku- iom that humanity had reached its veritable termi- yama himself, who was ambivalent if not altogether Inus. Capitalism had triumphed over socialism, Francis gloomy about the new world order he heralded, warn- Fukuyama insisted, and the ‘end of history’ was upon ing that ‘the end of history will be a very sad time’ when us. Fukuyama’s bold declaration of historical finality ‘worldwide ideological struggle…will be replaced by could be read in hindsight as little more than neoliberal economic calculation, the endless solving of technical triumphalism, proffered in 1989 as philosophical sus- problems, environmental concerns, and the satisfac- tenance to a U.S. elite then looking forward to carving tion of sophisticated consumer demands.’4 Few on the out a ‘new American century’ in the years ahead. The left were moved by this morose vision of the future, but political trajectory of the author of The End of History too many adopted a kind of inverted pessimism from and the Last Man would arguably confirm that apprais- Fukuyama: if the ‘history of all hitherto existing society al, with Fukuyama collaborating for much of the 1990s is the history of class struggle’, and the working class with an assortment of neo-cons who rose to prominence had been definitively defeated in that epic battle, then around the presidency of George W. -
Chapter 8: Social Stratification
UNIT 3 238 SOCIAL INEQUALITY Chapter 8 Social Stratification Chapter 9 Inequalities of Race and Ethnicity Chapter 10 Inequalities of Gender and Age Enrichment Readings Chapter 8 – Elliot Liebow “The Lives of Homeless Women,” page 272 Chapter 9 – Patricia Williams “The Skin Color Tax,” page 306 Chapter 10 – Lois Gould “The Story of Baby X,” page 342 239 CHAPTER 8 SocialSocial StratificationStratification 240 U S Your Sections I Sociological N Imagination 1. Dimensions of G Stratification ane Smith, aged forty and reeling from 2. Explanations of a bitter divorce, was discouraged. A se- Stratification Jrious back injury meant she could no longer work at her nursing aide job. 3. Social Classes in America Without a high school diploma, she found that no one was willing to hire her. 4. Poverty in America Reluctantly, she applied for welfare and was enrolled in a program designed to develop 5. Social Mobility job skills. She completed an eighteen-month course and was hired by an engineering firm. After two years, Jane has moved up in Learning Objectives the company and now thinks of herself as an intelligent, capable person. A different type of welfare story involves After reading this chapter, you will be able to Mary, the “welfare queen.” Many politicians have used her as a typical example of how ❖ explain the relationship between stratifica- the social welfare system is abused. Mary tion and social class. managed to register for government aid ❖ compare and contrast the three dimensions under dozens of assumed names and col- of stratification. lected thousands of dollars from food ❖ stamps and other federally subsidized pro- state the differences among the three grams. -
The Slavery System
The slavery system It is an extreme form of inequality in which some individuals are owned by others as their property. Slavery is a system of stratification in which one person owns another, as he or she would own property, and exploits the slave’s labor for economic gain. Slaves are one of the lowest categories in any stratification system, as they possess virtually no power or wealth of their own. • It is an extreme form of inequality in which some individuals are owned by others as their property. • The slave owner has full control including using violence over the slave. • L.T Hobhouse defined slave as a man whom law and custom regard as the property of another. • In extreme cases he is wholly without rights. He is in lower condition as compared with freemen. • The slaves have no political rights he does not choose his government, he does not attend the public councils. Socially he is despised. • He is compelled to work. • The slavery system has existed sporadically at many times and places but there are two major examples of slavery - societies of the ancient world based upon slavery (Greek and Roman) and southern states of USA in the 18th and 19th centuries. • According to H.J Nieboer the basis of slavery is always economic because with it emerged a kind of aristocracy which lived upon slave labour. Slavery is a system under which people are treated as property to be bought and sold, and are forced to work. Slaves can be held against their will from the time of their capture, purchase, or birth; and can also be deprived of the right to leave, to refuse to work, or to demand compensation. -
Heleieth I. B. Saffioti. Women in Class Society
Women in Class Society by Heleith I. B. Saffioti Women in Class Society by Heleith I. B. Saffioti Review by: Barbara Celarent American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 119, No. 6 (May 2014), pp. 1821-1827 Published by: The University of Chicago Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1086/677208 . Accessed: 12/09/2014 18:48 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. The University of Chicago Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to American Journal of Sociology. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 128.135.12.127 on Fri, 12 Sep 2014 18:48:41 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Book Reviews describes the writings he studies as examples of the “deviance memoir genre,” with many a tall tale, much lying and self-vindication along the lines of once I was lost, now I am found and do good works. He takes the key supposed facts in a story and examines how the author rhetorically exculpates him- or herself. The fact that a distinguished historian like the late Eric Hobsbawm does not deal with the gossip Goode alleges about his private life means his memoir is of little interest and merely confirms his typically Marxist re- luctance to face up to the real issues of life, as opposed to fascism, the Ho- locaust, and the Jewish experience. -
Marxist Sociology Michael A
Marquette University e-Publications@Marquette Social and Cultural Sciences Faculty Research and Social and Cultural Sciences, Department of Publications 1-1-2011 Marxist Sociology Michael A. McCarthy Marquette University, [email protected] Jeff aM nza New York University Published version. "Marxist Sociology," in Oxford Bibliographies Online: Sociology. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011. DOI. © 2011 Oxford University Press. Used with permission. Michael McCarthy was affiliated with the New York University at the time of publication. Marxist Sociology By: Michael McCarthy and Jeff Manza Introduction Karl Marx (b. 1818–d. 1883) and his lifelong collaborator Friedrich Engels (b. 1820–d. 1895) developed a body of thought that would inspire major social movements, initiate revolutionary social change across the globe, and provide the foundation for many socialist or communist governments. More recently, Marxism’s political influence has waned, with most of the formerly communist regimes undergoing significant change. It is important, however, to separate out Marxism as a system of ideas in the social sciences from Marxism as a political ideology and the foundation for revolutionary social movements and as a governing philosophy. Marxist ideas have influenced many fields of thought and indeed have played a particularly important role in the development of the discipline of sociology. Classical sociological theorists such as Émile Durkheim (b. 1858–d. 1917) and Max Weber (b. 1864–d. 1920), for example, developed their theories of society in conversation with the works of Karl Marx. However, as it evolved in the United States and western Europe in the middle parts of the 20th century, sociology’s dialogue with Marxian propositions declined. -
SOCIAL STRATIFICATION and POLITICAL Behavrori an EMPHASIS \T,PON STRUCTURAL 11YNAMICS
SOCIAL STRATIFICATION AND POLITICAL BEHAVrORI AN EMPHASIS \T,PON STRUCTURAL 11YNAMICS by Christopher Bates Doob A.B., Oberlin College, 1962 A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Oberlin College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in the Department of Sociology 1964 ~-,-\t ii I," - ~ <" . , Preface There are a number of people whose assistance has made this project possible. Without their aid I literally would have been unable to complete this thesis and obtain my degree. xy" profoundest acknowledgment goes to Dr. Kiyoshi Ikeda, whose knowledge of theory and methodology literally shaped this project. The influence of Professors Richard R. xy"ers, George E. Simpson, .J. Milton Yinger, and Donald P. Warwick is also evident at various points through- out this work. Mr. Thomas Bauer, Dr. Leonard Doob, Miss Nancy Durham, and Miss .June Wright have given valuable assistance at different stages of the process. Christopher B. Doob Oberlin College June 1964 09\,~O\A4 'i::l "\ ~ S iii Table of Contents Page Preface 11 r. Introduction The Problem 1 An Historical Approach to the Dynamics of Social Stratification 2 Broad Sociological Propositions Concerning Social Mobility 3 Empirical Studies 4 Status Crystallization 6 Static Structural Variables in This Study 7 Some Observations on Voting Behavior 11 The Hypotheses 12 II. Methodology The Sample 17 The Major Independent Variables 18 Intermediate Variables 25 The Dependent Variables 26 A Concluding Note 28 III. Description of the Findings The Relationship of Mobility, Class, and Intermediate Variables to Liberalism-Conservatism 30 The Intermediate Variables 31 Status Crystallization, Class, and Liberalism Conservatism • iv III. -
'Intersectionality, Simmel and the Dialectical Critique of Society'
From interacting systems to a system of divisions ANGOR UNIVERSITY Stoetzler, Marcel European Journal of Social Theory DOI: 10.1177/1368431016647970 PRIFYSGOL BANGOR / B Published: 01/11/2017 Peer reviewed version Cyswllt i'r cyhoeddiad / Link to publication Dyfyniad o'r fersiwn a gyhoeddwyd / Citation for published version (APA): Stoetzler, M. (2017). From interacting systems to a system of divisions: The concept of society and the ‘mutual constitution’ of intersecting social divisions. European Journal of Social Theory, 20(4), 455-472. https://doi.org/10.1177/1368431016647970 Hawliau Cyffredinol / General rights Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the public portal are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. • Users may download and print one copy of any publication from the public portal for the purpose of private study or research. • You may not further distribute the material or use it for any profit-making activity or commercial gain • You may freely distribute the URL identifying the publication in the public portal ? Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact us providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. 30. Sep. 2021 From interacting systems to a system of divisions: the concept of society and the ‘mutual constitution’ of intersecting social divisions Abstract: This article examines a fundamental theoretical aspect of the discourse on ‘intersectionality’ in feminist and anti-racist social theory, namely the question whether intersecting social divisions including those of sex, gender, race, class and sexuality are interacting but independent entities with autonomous ontological bases or whether they are different dimensions of the same social system that lack separate social ontologies and constitute each other. -
The Lower Class and the Future of Inequality. INSTITUTION Bryn Mawr Coll., Pa.; Swarthmore Coll., Pa
DOCUMENT RESUME ED 057 390 CG 006 817 AUTHOR Van Til, Sally Bould; Van Till Jon TITLE The Lower Class and the Future of Inequality. INSTITUTION Bryn Mawr Coll., Pa.; Swarthmore Coll., Pa. PUB DATE Aug 71 NOTE 22p.; Paper presented at Meetings of American Sociological Association, Denver, Colo., August 30 - September 2, 1971 EDRS PRICE MF-$0.65 HC-$3.29 DESCRIPTORS Cultural Disadvantagement; Cultural Environment; *Cultural Factors; Economic Disadvantagement: *Economic Factors; *Equal Opportunities (Jobs); *Lower Class; Policy; Policy Formation; Public Policy; Social Class; *Social Factors; Social Influences; Subculture ABSTRACT Two common perspectives regarding lower-class behavior are examined. The authors find little empirical support either for the "culture of poverty" position, with its singular emphasis on retained and transmitted cultural modes, or for the "blocked opportunity" or "situational" hypothesis. Recent evidence is adduced which shows a 3rd perspective, adaptive drift, to be the most adequate conceptualization. In this perspective, the poor are able to drift between lower-class and mainstream cultural ways because they are marginal to society, and are treated as less than full members of it. The policy implications of all 3'positions are extrapolated. The adaptive drift model is viewed as most clearly related to policies aimed at reducing inequalities by guaranteeing basic rights to the market, to governmental services, and to the control of institutions. (TL) THE LOWER CLASS AND THE FUTURE OF INEQUALITY Sally Bould Van Til Bryn Mawr College and Jon Van Til Swarthmore College U.S. DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH. EDUCATION & WELFARE OFFICE OF EDUCA"-^". THIS DOCUMENT H, DUCED EXACTLY AS I RCi THE PERSON OR ORGANILAHON ORIG- INATING IT. -
The Great Middle Class Revolution: Our Long March Toward a Professionalized Society Melvyn L
Kennesaw State University DigitalCommons@Kennesaw State University KSU Press Legacy Project 1-2006 The Great Middle Class Revolution: Our Long March Toward a Professionalized Society Melvyn L. Fein Kennesaw State University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.kennesaw.edu/ksupresslegacy Part of the Social Psychology and Interaction Commons, and the Work, Economy and Organizations Commons Recommended Citation Fein, Melvyn L., "The Great Middle Class Revolution: Our Long March Toward a Professionalized Society" (2006). KSU Press Legacy Project. 5. http://digitalcommons.kennesaw.edu/ksupresslegacy/5 This Book is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@Kennesaw State University. It has been accepted for inclusion in KSU Press Legacy Project by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@Kennesaw State University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE GREAT MIDDLE-CLASS REVOLUTION Our Long March Toward A Professionalized Society THE GREAT MIDDLE-CLASS REVOLUTION Our Long March Toward A Professionalized Society Melvyn L. Fein 2005 Copyright © 2005 Kennesaw State University Press All rights reserved. No part of this book may be used or reproduced in any manner without prior written consent of the publisher. Kennesaw State University Press Kennesaw State University Bldg. 27, Ste. 220, MB# 2701 1000 Chastain Road Kennesaw, GA 30144 Betty L. Seigel, President of the University Lendley Black, Vice President for Academic Affairs Laura Dabundo, Editor & Director of the Press Shirley Parker-Cordell, Sr. Administrative Specialist Holly S. Miller, Cover Design Mark Anthony, Editorial & Production Assistant Jeremiah Byars, Michelle Hinson, Margo Lakin-Lapage, and Brenda Wilson, Editorial Assistants Back cover photo by Jim Bolt Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Fein, Melvyn L. -
Theory of History in Which the Proletariat Inevitably End up the Dominant Order; This Has Proven Historically to Be False
9/24/07 Marxism • Marxism is many different kinds of theories at once: • theory of history in which the proletariat inevitably end up the dominant order; this has proven historically to be false. • a critique of capitalism. This body of theory can be relevant to literature, but we’re not going to get into it explicitly. Barry and Richter give some sense of this; for the midterm, I’ll have you learn some terms so that you’ll be at least somewhat conversant with this kind of thinking if you run into it again. • a sort-of-literary theory. I say “sort of” because what Marx and others theorize is larger than literature: “consciousness and its expressions,” which would include not only literature but all of the arts, religion, politics, law, and so on. This is the part of Marxist theory we’re going to center on, because it raises a really huge problem for post-NC Theory in general, or least for all political theories (and we know that, as Barry says, “politics is pervasive” in post-NC theory, so ALL Theory is political according to this view). • Starting point: 410: “In the social production…determines their consciousness.” Some things to point out: • base/superstructure. “Relations of production”--economic system, more or less. At the most fundamental level, people have to survive, and the way we do that as a species is to produce stuff. But we don’t do that on our own; we do it as part of some kind of economic system that we are born into.