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Marxist Paradigm // and Academic Freedom * by DMITRI N Marxist Paradigm // and Academic Freedom * BY DMITRI N. SHALIN /' THERussian October Revolution dealt a devastating blow to Marxism from which Marxist sociology did not begin to recover until recently. Stalin's "contributions" to Marxist theory and practice had a particularly adverse effect on the fate of Marxism in the West. Whatever hopes were generated by the de-Stalinization campaign in the Soviet Union proved short-lived. By the time Soviet tanks entered Prague and Soviet authorities resumed show trials, few intellectuals in the capitalist West could speak of Soviet Marxism without acute resentment or at least tacit embarrassment. In Mills's words, ". marxism-leninism has become an offi- cial rhetoric with which the authority of a one-party state has been defended, its expedient brutalities obscured, its achievements proclaimed."' Any attempt to revive the Marxist creed under these circumstances must have entailed a denun- ciation of what has come to pass for Marxism in the Soviet Union. Not surprisingly, the Marxist renaissance in the West was marked by the virtually unanimous rejection of Soviet Marxism. The neo-Marxist movement in the West is no monolith. It is supported by social scientists of various denominations who may refer to themselves as radical, humanist, or critical sociologists. What draws them together is: (I) a Marxist-activist image of sociology as a practical enterprise and an explicit commitment to rational remodeling of society and human C. W. Mills, The Marxists (New York: Dell, 1962). p. 22. 362 SOCIAL RESEARCH emancipation; (2) readiness to move beyond Marx and to dispense with those of his propositions that failed the histori- cal test; and (3) a critical attitude toward "official Marxism" as practiced by Soviet-style communists. Only a decade ago, the prospects for the academic legitima- tion of Marxism seemed negligible to its proponents. Among others, Ehrlich, Colfax, Horton, and Nicolaus cited various political and organizational obstacles hampering the conver- sion of Marxism into an academic endeav~r.~Despite the gloomy forecasts, Marxist sociology did not go underground. In the 'seventies, the academic legitimation of Marxism in the United States proceeded at an accelerated pace: Marxist sociology departments appeared in the universities; radical and humanist sociologists consolidated their efforts organ- izationally; a Marxist section was established under the aus- pices of the ASA; dissertations fostering Marxist tradition were successfully defended; some thirty journals devoted to the Marxist cause were available to scholars in the United States by the end of the 1970s. Prejudices against Marxist scholars still run high in the United States. Some incidents where Marxists are reported to be treated unfairly are genuine cases of discrimination. How- ever, the very nature of complaints about hiring practices, promotional hazards, tenure and salary considerations sounded by Marxist scholars suggest that they move in the mainstream of academic life. Many of these complaints can be heard from scholars working in other, newly established, nonmainstream sociological traditions. Reviewing the recent progress of neo-Marxist sociology in the United States, Flacks and Turkel reported "the growing acceptance of Marxism within the discipline and as a feature of graduate training" and expressed a cautious optimism that this trend is becoming irre~ersible.~ In J. D. Colfax and J. L. Roach, eds., Radical Sociology (New York: Basic Books, 1971). Q. Flacks and G. Turkel, "Radical Sociology: The Emergence of Neo-Marxian Perspectives in U.S. Sociology," Annual Review of Sociology 4 (1978): 193-238, at p. 234. ACADEMIC FREEDOM 363 It is hard to avoid a sense of irony as one follows the progress of Marxist sociology in the West. Despite the Marx- ists' claim to the contrary, academic bourgeois sociology managed to accommodate Marxism within its confines. Marx- ist sociologists can now enjoy the fruits of academic freedom. They occupy better positions and have greater resources in their fight with academic bourgeois sociology than ever be- fore. Are they ready to go on until their paradigm is recognized as the only humane and rationaliway of doing sociology? Most sociologists would discard such a possibility. Skeptics may even argue that the Marxist revival is actually a degener- ation of Marxism or the newest trick designed by the old foes to emasculate Marxism under the guise of its academic legiti- mation. The last argument, favored by Soviet Marxists, has a strong functionalist flavor. Whatever truth one is ready to accord to this interpretation, it cannot answer many important questions posed by the ascent of academic Marxism in the West. Flacks and Turkel, in their comprehensive review of neo- Marxist sociology in the United States, repeatedly use the expressions "a definite Marxist paradigm," "the neo-Marxist paradigm," "the original Marxist ~aradigm."~The authors do not make a direct reference to Kuhn's The Structure of Scientific Revolutions. But the parallel between their usage and Kuhn's theory of scientific paradigms is not accidental. One wonders how far Flacks and Turkel are ready to go in their (re)vision of Marxist sociology as a set of exemplary studies and unques- tioned presuppositions which provide a paradigm for normal science that keeps functioning "as long as the paradigm itself is taken for granted."5 Should we interpret the above state- ments to the effect that the present-day Marxists accept paradigm pluralism as a sound policy for sociological research ' Ibid. T. Kuhn, The Structu~-eof Scientific Rmolutiont (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1970). p. 145. 364 SOCIAL RESEARCH and thereby acknowledge a scientific value for non-Marxist socioiogies? The question is not only rhetoric. For Marx apparently saw his theory as the one and only paradigm for doing authentic social science, incompatible with bourgeois sociology. The question is also far from academic. For in the countries where Marxism emerged as a dominant sociological paradigm, non-Marxist sociologies and sociologists all but disappeared. Here we come to the central issue of this paper. The ques- tion with which this paper is concerned is: "Is the Marxist paradigm compatible with academic freedom?" I propose the following plan for the discussion. First, I will review the state of academic freedom in one communist state-the Soviet Union. Then I will try to show how practical experience gained by communist countries feeds back to the Marxist paradigm. Next, I will attempt to show that Soviet experience has some relevance to academic Marxism in the West. And finally, I will share some thoughts about the con- troversy over value-partisanship and value-neutrality as strate- gies for sociological research. I have some first-hand experience of doing sociology in the Soviet Uni~n.~Yet my knowledge as an "eyewitness" is inevi- tably of limited value and should be treated critically. I did not poll Soviet sociologists' opinion about the state of academic freedom in the Soviet Union. My account need not be shared either by my Soviet or by my Western colleagues. I hope, however, that this analysis will help to stimulate a much- needed discussion involving each side. To the extent that this objective is met, I would consider this endeavor useful. The Ethos of Ideology Academic freedom is commonly understood in the West as "the freedom of the teacher or research worker in higher 6 I received my doctoral (Kandidat Nauk) degree from the USSR Academy of Science Institute of Sociological Research and worked in this Institute on several research projects until I emigrated to the United States in 1976. ACADEMIC FREEDOM 365 institutions of learning to investigate and discuss the problems of his science and to express his conclusions . without inter- ference from political and ecclesiastical authority . ."' Marx- ists view this definition as ideological camouflage. In capitalist society, they argue, the scholar is bound to serve class interests. He is paid by academic institutions as long as he helps to fortify the institutions of capitalist society. In Horton's graphic words, the scholar "is hired to do the political job of apology; therein lie the limits to his academic freedom . ."8 This is a negative image of academic freedom. The question is whether this notion has any positive meaning for a Marxist scholar, or if the term is meaningful for him only as a descrip- tion of an ideological distortion of reality under capitalism. Put differently, does it make sense to speak of academic free- dom in communist society? Soviet Marxists apparently give a negative answer to this question. The very category of academic freedom is absent from the official Soviet vocabulary. The recently published edition of the Great Soviet Encyclopedia does not have an entry under this heading. Neither does the previous edition, pub- lished in 1949. The first and the last time academic freedom was spelled out by an authoritative Soviet source was in 1927, when the first edition of the Great Soviet Encyclopedia informed its reader that the term signifies "freedom of learning and teaching (autonomy) guaranteed by the statutes of the Higher Learning Institutions" and refers specifically to "the privileges which were granted to the universities in the We~t."~Given the absence of a direct reference to academic freedom in the Soviet Union and the failure to specify its meaning in the later publications, one can assume that the category is a misnomer, insofar as the Soviet Union is concerned. Much of what we know about Marxist social science supports this impression. ' A. 0.Lovejoy, "Academic Freedom," in Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences (New York: Macmillan, 1930), 1:384-388, at p. 384. J. Horton, "The Fetishism of Sociology," in Colfax and Roach, Radical Socioloay, p. 182. "The Great Swiet Encyclopedia (Moskva: Izdatelstvo Bolshaia Sovetskaia Entsik- lopedia, 1972). p. 769. 366 SOCIAL RESEARCH The social scientist is seen in Soviet society as a partisan scholar who willingly binds himself to the working class and caters to its interests as stipulated by the Communist Party.
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