Analysis of Inequality Via Social Stratification
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Systemic Classism, Systemic Racism: Are Social and Racial Justice Achievable in the United States?
Systemic Classism, Systemic Racism: Are Social and Racial Justice Achievable in the United States? THOMAS KLEVEN† I. INTRODUCTION The thesis of this article is that the United States is systemically a highly classist and racist society, that classism and racism are interrelated and overlapping phenomena, and that the achievement of a non- classist/non-racist society requires a mass movement of working-class people of all ethnicities for social and racial justice for all. By systemic classism/racism I mean that the political and economic institutions of the society are structured and operate to systematically disadvantage working-class people in general, and ethnic minorities in particular, and to systematically advantage a relatively small and largely white upper elite class, and a rather substantial and predominantly white upper middle class. By systemic advantage/disadvantage I mean that the opportunities to succeed in life are unequally distributed along class and racial lines, and that society’s institutions produce and perpetuate this class/race hierarchy. The discussion of race focuses primarily on African Americans and Hispanics, both of whom have been systematically disadvantaged on account of ethnicity.1 As the society’s largest disadvantaged minorities, † Professor of Law, Thurgood Marshall School of Law, Texas Southern University. I would like to thank my colleagues who attended and made helpful comments on an earlier draft of the article presented at a Faculty Quodlibet at the law school in November, 2007. I would especially like to thank Asmara Tekle-Johnson for suggestions on how better to organize the article, and Jon Levy for pointing out errors in and suggesting sources for the historical parts of the article. -
Growing Detroit's African-American Middle
v GROWING DETROIT’S AFRICAN-AMERICAN MIDDLE CLASS THE OPPORTUNITY FOR A PROSPEROUS DETROIT GROWING DETROIT’S AFRICAN-AMERICAN MIDDLE CLASS THE OPPORTUNITY FOR A PROSPEROUS DETROIT Photography Tafari Stevenson-Howard 1st Printing: February 2019 GROWING DETROIT’S AFRICAN-AMERICAN MIDDLE CLASS THE OPPORTUNITY FOR A PROSPEROUS DETROIT 4 FOREWORD Foreword There’s a simple, universal concept concerning economic, social and educational growth that must be front of mind in planning about enlarging the black middle class: Authentic development and growth require deliberate investment. If we want to see more black people enter the middle class, we must invest in endeavors and interventions that lead to better- paying jobs, affordable housing, efficient transportation and effective schools. Though these amenities will attract middle- class people back to Detroit, the focus on development must be directed at uplifting a greater percentage of current residents so that they have the necessary tools to enter the middle class. Meaning, growing the black middle class in Detroit should not result from pushing low-income people out of the city. One may think a strategy to attract people back into to the city should take priority. White and middle-class flight significantly influenced the concentrations of families who make less than $50,000 in the suburbs (30 percent) and in Detroit (75 percent), according to findings in Detroit Future City’s “139 Square Miles” report. Bringing suburbanites back into the city would alter these percentages, and we most certainly want conditions that are attractive to all middle- class families. However, we also don’t want to return to the realities where the devaluing of low-income and black people hastened the flight to the suburbs. -
Chapter 8: Social Stratification
UNIT 3 238 SOCIAL INEQUALITY Chapter 8 Social Stratification Chapter 9 Inequalities of Race and Ethnicity Chapter 10 Inequalities of Gender and Age Enrichment Readings Chapter 8 – Elliot Liebow “The Lives of Homeless Women,” page 272 Chapter 9 – Patricia Williams “The Skin Color Tax,” page 306 Chapter 10 – Lois Gould “The Story of Baby X,” page 342 239 CHAPTER 8 SocialSocial StratificationStratification 240 U S Your Sections I Sociological N Imagination 1. Dimensions of G Stratification ane Smith, aged forty and reeling from 2. Explanations of a bitter divorce, was discouraged. A se- Stratification Jrious back injury meant she could no longer work at her nursing aide job. 3. Social Classes in America Without a high school diploma, she found that no one was willing to hire her. 4. Poverty in America Reluctantly, she applied for welfare and was enrolled in a program designed to develop 5. Social Mobility job skills. She completed an eighteen-month course and was hired by an engineering firm. After two years, Jane has moved up in Learning Objectives the company and now thinks of herself as an intelligent, capable person. A different type of welfare story involves After reading this chapter, you will be able to Mary, the “welfare queen.” Many politicians have used her as a typical example of how ❖ explain the relationship between stratifica- the social welfare system is abused. Mary tion and social class. managed to register for government aid ❖ compare and contrast the three dimensions under dozens of assumed names and col- of stratification. lected thousands of dollars from food ❖ stamps and other federally subsidized pro- state the differences among the three grams. -
Social Inequalities―Empirical Focus Gunnar Otte, Mara Boehle, and Katharinakunißen
Social Inequalities―Empirical Focus Gunnar Otte, Mara Boehle, and KatharinaKunißen Abstract: Social inequalities constituteone of the largest research fieldsofsociology in the German-speakingcountries.This field has been successfullyinstitutionalized and internationalized in recent decades. Today, it rests on arich data infrastructure and alarge bodyofcumulativeresearch. The article traces this advancement in terms of shifting theoretical paradigms,methodological innovations, and the establishment of the current data infrastructure. It particularlyhighlights recent developments in four coreareas of inequality research: educational inequality and returns on educa- tion; employment and the labor market; income, wealth, and poverty;and social mobility. Keywords: Social inequality,social stratification, social change, data infrastructure, Germany 1Introduction Ever since sociologyemergedasascientific endeavorinthe eraofindustrialization (the “social question”), social inequalities have been at the heart of the discipline. In the German-speakingcountries,asinmanyothers, inequality research is one of the largest and most advanced fields of sociology. Forthis and other reasons,reviewing the publication output since the turn of the millennium is anything but an easy task. First,inequality research is constituted of, or is related to, several subfields of re- search, such as education, work/labor,social policy, health/aging, demography, the life course, family, migration/ethnicity,and gender. The demarcation of the field is thereforeblurry and -
Social Grade a Classification Tool Bite Sized Thought Piece 2009 There Are Several Demographic Classification Systems Used in Market Research
Social Grade A Classification Tool Bite Sized Thought Piece 2009 There are several demographic classification systems used in market research. A well established system, as well as the most widely known and used, is that of social grading, derived from the British National Readership Survey (NRS). Whilst everyone in the industry is familiar with the term social grade and its six groups A, B, C1, C2, D and E, what is less well known is how social grade is defined and how it can be used as a powerful discriminator. Social grade in its current form has been used on the NRS since the 1960s and has provided a valuable insight into changes in the occupational make-up of Britain over time. Ipsos MediaCT has a long association with the NRS and has been the research contractor since 1977. Looking at the last 50 years of NRS data, and taking those classified as AB (higher and intermediate managerial, administrative or professional occupations) as an example, the proportion has increased from 12% to 27%. Social Grade of CIE, 1968-2008 % AB % C1 % C2DE 52 45 65 62 59 29 28 23 22 22 27 12 16 18 21 1968 1978 1988 1998 2008 Source: NRS Social Grade of Chief Income Earner Social % Description Grade population A High managerial, administrative or professional 4 B Intermediate managerial, administrative or professional 23 Supervisory, clerical and junior managerial, C1 29 administrative or professional C2 Skilled manual workers 21 D Semi and unskilled manual workers 15 State pensioners, casual or lowest grade workers, E 8 unemployed with state benefits only Source: NRS 2008 (unweighted sample 37,359, estimated population 15+ (000s) 49,077 How is Social Grade defined? Social grade is a classification system based on occupation and it enables a household and all its members to be classified according to the occupation of the Chief Income Earner (CIE). -
Social-Property Relations, Class-Conflict and The
Historical Materialism 19.4 (2011) 129–168 brill.nl/hima Social-Property Relations, Class-Conflict and the Origins of the US Civil War: Towards a New Social Interpretation* Charles Post City University of New York [email protected] Abstract The origins of the US Civil War have long been a central topic of debate among historians, both Marxist and non-Marxist. John Ashworth’s Slavery, Capitalism, and Politics in the Antebellum Republic is a major Marxian contribution to a social interpretation of the US Civil War. However, Ashworth’s claim that the War was the result of sharpening political and ideological – but not social and economic – contradictions and conflicts between slavery and capitalism rests on problematic claims about the rôle of slave-resistance in the dynamics of plantation-slavery, the attitude of Northern manufacturers, artisans, professionals and farmers toward wage-labour, and economic restructuring in the 1840s and 1850s. An alternative social explanation of the US Civil War, rooted in an analysis of the specific path to capitalist social-property relations in the US, locates the War in the growing contradiction between the social requirements of the expanded reproduction of slavery and capitalism in the two decades before the War. Keywords origins of capitalism, US Civil War, bourgeois revolutions, plantation-slavery, agrarian petty- commodity production, independent-household production, merchant-capital, industrial capital The Civil War in the United States has been a major topic of historical debate for almost over 150 years. Three factors have fuelled scholarly fascination with the causes and consequences of the War. First, the Civil War ‘cuts a bloody gash across the whole record’ of ‘the American . -
Social Inequality and Social Stratification in US Society Uses a Historical and Conceptual Framework to Explain Social Stratification and Social Inequality
SOCIAL INEQUALITY AND SOCIAL STRATIFICATION IN US SOCIETY Social Inequality and Social Stratification in US Society uses a historical and conceptual framework to explain social stratification and social inequality. The historical scope gives context to each issue discussed and allows the reader to understand how each topic has evolved over the course of American history. The author uses qualitative data to help explain socioeconomic issues and connect related topics. Each chapter examines major concepts, so readers can see how an individual’s success in stratified settings often relies heavily on their access to valued resources—types of capital which involve finances, schooling, social networking, and cultural competence. Analyzing the impact of capital types throughout the text helps map out the prospects for individuals, families, and also classes to maintain or alter their position in social- stratification systems. Christopher B. Doob is Professor Emeritus of Sociology at Southern Connecticut State University. His published works include Sociology: An Introduction, 6th Edition (Harcourt Press 1999); Social Inequality and Social Stratification in US Society (Routledge 2012); Race, Ethnicity, and the Urban American Mainstream (Pearson 2004); Racism: An American Cauldron, 3rd Edition (Pearson 1998), the second edition of which received a Myers Center Award for the Study of Human Rights; and Great Expectations: The Sociol- ogy of Survival and Success in Team Sports (Routledge 2018). In addition, he has been active in his community, serving as coordinator for the Southern Connecticut State University’s Urban Initiatives, which established math tutor- ing classes for inner-city children. He has also participated in the struggle for welfare rights and been a long- time volunteer in two local adult- education programs. -
Inside the Middle Class
Inside the Middle Class: Bad Times Hit the Good Life FOR RELEASE WEDNESDAY APRIL 9, 2008 12:00PM EDT Paul Taylor, Project Director Rich Morin, Senior Editor D'Vera Cohn, Senior Writer Richard Fry, Senior Researcher Rakesh Kochhar, Senior Researcher April Clark, Research Associate MEDIA INQUIRIES CONTACT: Pew Research Center 202 419 4372 http://pewresearch.org ii Table of Contents Foreword…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………...3 Executive Summary……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………5 Overview……………………………………… ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………7 Section One – A Self-Portrait 1. The Middle Class Defines Itself ………………………………………………………………………………………………….…………………..28 2. The Middle Class Squeeze………………………………………………………………………………………………………….……………..…….36 3. Middle Class Finances ……………………………………………………………………………………………….…………….……………………..47 4. Middle Class Priorities and Values………………………………………………………………………………………….……………………….53 5. Middle Class Jobs ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….………………………….65 6. Middle Class Politics…………………………………………………………………………………………………………….……………………………71 About the Pew Social and Demographic Trends Project ……………………………………………………….…………………………….78 Questionnaire and topline …………………………………………………………………………………………………….………………………………..79 Section Two – A Statistical Portrait 7. Middle Income Demography, 1970-2006…………………………………………………………………………………………………………110 8. Trends in Income, Expenditures, Wealth and Debt………………………………………..…………………………………………….140 Section Two Appendix ……………………………………………………….…………………………………………………………………………………..163 -
The Slavery System
The slavery system It is an extreme form of inequality in which some individuals are owned by others as their property. Slavery is a system of stratification in which one person owns another, as he or she would own property, and exploits the slave’s labor for economic gain. Slaves are one of the lowest categories in any stratification system, as they possess virtually no power or wealth of their own. • It is an extreme form of inequality in which some individuals are owned by others as their property. • The slave owner has full control including using violence over the slave. • L.T Hobhouse defined slave as a man whom law and custom regard as the property of another. • In extreme cases he is wholly without rights. He is in lower condition as compared with freemen. • The slaves have no political rights he does not choose his government, he does not attend the public councils. Socially he is despised. • He is compelled to work. • The slavery system has existed sporadically at many times and places but there are two major examples of slavery - societies of the ancient world based upon slavery (Greek and Roman) and southern states of USA in the 18th and 19th centuries. • According to H.J Nieboer the basis of slavery is always economic because with it emerged a kind of aristocracy which lived upon slave labour. Slavery is a system under which people are treated as property to be bought and sold, and are forced to work. Slaves can be held against their will from the time of their capture, purchase, or birth; and can also be deprived of the right to leave, to refuse to work, or to demand compensation. -
Philadelphia and the Southern Elite: Class, Kinship, and Culture in Antebellum America
PHILADELPHIA AND THE SOUTHERN ELITE: CLASS, KINSHIP, AND CULTURE IN ANTEBELLUM AMERICA BY DANIEL KILBRIDE A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 1997 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS In seeing this dissertation to completion I have accumulated a host of debts and obligation it is now my privilege to acknowledge. In Philadelphia I must thank the staff of the American Philosophical Society library for patiently walking out box after box of Society archives and miscellaneous manuscripts. In particular I must thank Beth Carroll- Horrocks and Rita Dockery in the manuscript room. Roy Goodman in the Library’s reference room provided invaluable assistance in tracking down secondary material and biographical information. Roy is also a matchless authority on college football nicknames. From the Society’s historian, Whitfield Bell, Jr., I received encouragement, suggestions, and great leads. At the Library Company of Philadelphia, Jim Green and Phil Lapansky deserve special thanks for the suggestions and support. Most of the research for this study took place in southern archives where the region’s traditions of hospitality still live on. The staff of the Mississippi Department of Archives and History provided cheerful assistance in my first stages of manuscript research. The staffs of the Filson Club Historical Library in Louisville and the Special Collections room at the Medical College of Virginia in Richmond were also accommodating. Special thanks go out to the men and women at the three repositories at which the bulk of my research was conducted: the Special Collections Library at Duke University, the Southern Historical Collection of the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, and the Virginia Historical Society. -
Patterns of Middle and Upper Class Homicide Edward Green
Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology Volume 70 Article 4 Issue 2 Summer Summer 1979 Patterns of Middle and Upper Class Homicide Edward Green Russell P. Wakefield Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/jclc Part of the Criminal Law Commons, Criminology Commons, and the Criminology and Criminal Justice Commons Recommended Citation Edward Green, Russell P. Wakefield, Patterns of Middle and Upper Class Homicide, 70 J. Crim. L. & Criminology 172 (1979) This Criminology is brought to you for free and open access by Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology by an authorized editor of Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. 9901-4169/79/7002-0172S02.00/0 THE JOURNAL OF CRIMINAL LAW & CRIMINOLOGY Vol. 70, No. 2 Copyright © 1979 by Northwestern University School of Law Printedin U.S.A. PATTERNS OF MIDDLE AND UPPER CLASS HOMICIDE EDWARD GREEN* AND RUSSELL P. WAKEFIELD" INTRODUCTION 1. Black males from 15 to 30 years of age kill more frequently than any other racial age-sex cate- The study of crime has traditionally focused gory. upon the conventional criminal behavior patterns 2. As many as 64% of offenders and 47% of victims of the lower classes. Not until Sutherland's seminal have prior criminal records. work on white-collar crime did researchers improve 3. From one-half to two-thirds of homicides are the representativeness of the subject matter of crim- unpremeditated crimes of passion arising out of inology by studying the crimes of the rich as well altercations over matters which, from a middle as those of the poor.' This development shows that class perspective, hardly warrant so extreme a predatory crime is not exclusively, necessarily, or response. -
Heleieth I. B. Saffioti. Women in Class Society
Women in Class Society by Heleith I. B. Saffioti Women in Class Society by Heleith I. B. Saffioti Review by: Barbara Celarent American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 119, No. 6 (May 2014), pp. 1821-1827 Published by: The University of Chicago Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1086/677208 . Accessed: 12/09/2014 18:48 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. The University of Chicago Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to American Journal of Sociology. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 128.135.12.127 on Fri, 12 Sep 2014 18:48:41 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Book Reviews describes the writings he studies as examples of the “deviance memoir genre,” with many a tall tale, much lying and self-vindication along the lines of once I was lost, now I am found and do good works. He takes the key supposed facts in a story and examines how the author rhetorically exculpates him- or herself. The fact that a distinguished historian like the late Eric Hobsbawm does not deal with the gossip Goode alleges about his private life means his memoir is of little interest and merely confirms his typically Marxist re- luctance to face up to the real issues of life, as opposed to fascism, the Ho- locaust, and the Jewish experience.