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Patterns of Middle and Upper Class Homicide Edward Green Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology Volume 70 Article 4 Issue 2 Summer Summer 1979 Patterns of Middle and Upper Class Homicide Edward Green Russell P. Wakefield Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/jclc Part of the Criminal Law Commons, Criminology Commons, and the Criminology and Criminal Justice Commons Recommended Citation Edward Green, Russell P. Wakefield, Patterns of Middle and Upper Class Homicide, 70 J. Crim. L. & Criminology 172 (1979) This Criminology is brought to you for free and open access by Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology by an authorized editor of Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. 9901-4169/79/7002-0172S02.00/0 THE JOURNAL OF CRIMINAL LAW & CRIMINOLOGY Vol. 70, No. 2 Copyright © 1979 by Northwestern University School of Law Printedin U.S.A. PATTERNS OF MIDDLE AND UPPER CLASS HOMICIDE EDWARD GREEN* AND RUSSELL P. WAKEFIELD" INTRODUCTION 1. Black males from 15 to 30 years of age kill more frequently than any other racial age-sex cate- The study of crime has traditionally focused gory. upon the conventional criminal behavior patterns 2. As many as 64% of offenders and 47% of victims of the lower classes. Not until Sutherland's seminal have prior criminal records. work on white-collar crime did researchers improve 3. From one-half to two-thirds of homicides are the representativeness of the subject matter of crim- unpremeditated crimes of passion arising out of inology by studying the crimes of the rich as well altercations over matters which, from a middle as those of the poor.' This development shows that class perspective, hardly warrant so extreme a predatory crime is not exclusively, necessarily, or response. Robbery, the next most frequent in- even primarily a product of lower class character teractional context, accounts for 8 to 19% of homicides. structure. It also proves that social class differences 4. The victim provoked the attack upon himself in the conditions of life give rise to different kinds by an overt act of aggression in from 22 to 38% of opportunities and methods for criminal gain. of the cases. The investigation reported here initiates a similar 5. Almost one-half of the killings of married effort in the area of criminal homicide. Because it women are perpetrated by their husbands and, occurs rarely, middle or upper-class homicide has when a man is killed by a woman, the offender largely eluded systematic analysis. Nevertheless, is most likely to be his wife. information on the circumstances of its occurrence 6. Homicide followed by suicide accounts for 2 to is essential to the development of a comprehensive 9% of the cases and it usually involves members theory of homicide. This study, therefore, explores of the same family. 7. Firearms are most commonly the instrument of how patterns of criminal homicide in the middle death, followed in order of frequency by pierc- and upper-class differ from those of the lower-class. ing instruments and beating with fists, feet, or The research literature displays relatively con- a bludgeon of some sort. sistent findings regarding the circumstances of 8. Homicide is alcohol-related in 40 to 65% of criminal homicide. The characteristics of offenders Cases. and their victims, the motives of the killers, the 9. The incidence of homicide reaches its peak from patterns of interaction between the offender and 8:00 P.M. Friday to 12:00 midnight Saturday. victim, the methods and techniques employed, and 10. The place of occurrence of homicide is almost the accompanying temporal and spatial patterns evenly divided between incidents taking place all tend to remain somewhat constant. Collectively in the home of the victim or the offender and those occurring outside the home. summarized, the leading American studies2 show that: The data on which the above findings are based consist of cases involving almost entirely persons of * Professor of Sociology, Eastern Michigan University; lower socio-economic status. Very few studies have B.A. 1948, M.A. 1949, Ph.D. 1959, Sociology, University focussed on middle or upper status levels. Wolfgang of Pennsylvania. ** Lecturer, Sociology, Eastern Michigan University; B.A. 1975, M.A. 1976, Sociology, Eastern Michigan Uni- versity. PSYCHOPATHOLOGY 296 (1941); Frankel, One Thousand 'E. SUTHERLAND, WHITE COLLAR CRIME (1961). Murderers, 29 J. CRIM. L. & C. 672 (1939) [hereinafter 2 R. BENSING & H. SCHROEDER, HOMICIDE IN AN URBAN cited as Frankel]; Harlan, Five-hundred Homicides, 40 J. COMMUNITY (1960); L. CURTIS, CRIMINAL VIOLENCE (1974) CRIM. L. & C. 736 (1950) [hereinafter cited as Harlan]: [hereinafter cited as Curtis]; M. WOLFGANG, PATrERNS IN Pokorny, A Comparison of Homicides in Two Cities, 56 J. CRIMINAL HOMICIDE (1958) [hereinafter cited as Wolf- CRIM. L.C. & P.S. 479 (1965) [hereinafter cited as Po- gang]; Block, Homicide in Chicago: A Nine-year Study (1965- komy]; Schmid, A Study of Homicides in Seattle, 1914 to 1973), 66 J. CRIM. L. & C. 496 (1975) [hereinafter cited 1924, 4 Soc. FORCES 745 (1926) [hereinafter cited as as Block]. Block & Zimring, Homicide in Chicago, 1965- Schmid]; Voss & Hepburn, Patternsin CriminalHomicide in 1970, 10J. RESEARCH IN CRIME & DELINQUENCY 1 (1973); Chicago, 59 J. CRIM. L.C. & P.S. 499 (1968) [hereinafter Cassidy, Personality Study of 200 Murderers, 2 J. CRIM. cited as Voss & Hepburn]. 72 19791 PA7TERNS OF HOMICIDE estimated that nearly all of the offenders in his with a much wider demographic base. In the ab- Philadelphia study of homicide covering the five- sence of any official national or regional compila- year period 1948-1952 were of lower socio-eco- tions containing the requisite information, we were 3 nomic status. Similar assessments appeared in compelled to use newspaper accounts. 4 studies by Brearley, Frankel, 5 and Harlan.? It is Accordingly, the study focused on 119 cases of thus unlikely that the more recent studies by Po- criminal homicide, reported in the New York Times 7 0 korny, Voss and Hepburn,' Curtis, 9 and Block',' during the sample period from 1955 through 1975, differ in regard to social class distribution. where the offender met the criterion of middle or This study advances the general hypothesis that upper class status. The cases used involved 121 the patterns of criminal homicide delineated in the offenders and 191 victims. The procedure for se- existing research literature do not apply to the lecting the cases entailed examining the accounts middle and upper levels of American society. This of all cases of homicide given in the New York Times position is consistent with a large body of sociolog- Index under the title "murder" (as it related to the ical theory and research which holds that the var- charge, not necessarily to the conviction) for each ious social classes comprise selective culture group- state of the United States. Those cases which de- ings differing profoundly in attitudes, values, and scribed the occupation of the killer in terms of one patterns of social behavior. of the following categories were included in the sample: METHOD a. professional, The design of the analysis follows that employed b. industrialist, 2 by Wolfgang's study of criminal homicide1 and c. self-employed businessman, replicated by Pokorny, 3 Voss and Hepburti," and d. craftsman, Curtis.15 The results will be compared with the e. executive-sales, corresponding findings of these researchers and f. farm owner, other major studies. The chi-square test of signifi- g. manager, and cance with probability level of .05 or less has been h. spouses or offspring of persons in above catego- used to ascertain the probability that any differ- ries. ence between the cases of this study and those of The occupational distribution of the offenders the comparison studies in the distribution of a included fifty-four professionals, of whom fourteen particular variable is a product of chance variation. were physicians, eighteen self-employed business- A major methodological problem was the pro- men, and eighteen sales executives. There were no curement of a sufficiently large number of cases for offenders in the "farm owner" category. The re- purposes of analysis. We found exceptionally few mainder were distributed among the other cate- instances of homicide committed by affluent indi- gories. viduals in the official records of individual com- Although social class embodies many dimensions munities and even of all the communities within a other than occupation, it is based fundamentally 17 given state.'6 We therefore sought a data source on the division of labor. Occupation is one of the best indicators of social class membership.' 8 The 3 WOLFGANG, supra note 2, at 7. importance of occupation in the ranking of the 4 H. BREARLEY, HOMICIDE IN THE UNITED STATES 146 individual by self and others and its high correla- (1932). tion with other criteria of social status make it the 5 Frankel, supra note 2, at 683-84. 6 Harlan, supra note 2, at 738-39. most valid measure of social class position. The 7 Pokorny, note 2 supra. exceptional dependability with which it was re- 8 Voss & Hepburn, note 2 supra. 9 CuR~is, note 2 supra. 10Block, note 2 supra. prosecutors of all 83 counties in the state of Michigan 1 T. LASSWELL, CLIAS AND STRATUM (1965); Lenski, inquiring of any instances of homicide committed by Status Crystallization:A Non-vertical Dimension of Social Status persons in the stipulated occupational categories over a 19 A. S. R. 405 (1966); E. BERGEL, SOCIAL SxRATIFCAON three-year period. Replies received from thirty-two coun- (1962). ties yielded only one case. 12 WOLFGANG, note 2 supra. 17W. L. WARNER, M. MEEKER, & K. EELLs, SOCIAL 13 Pokorny, note 2 supra.
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