Social Inequality and Social Stratification in US Society Uses a Historical and Conceptual Framework to Explain Social Stratification and Social Inequality

So c i a l In e q u a l i t y a n d So c i a l Stratification i n US So c i e t y

Social Inequality and Social Stratification in US Society uses a historical and conceptual framework to explain social stratification and social inequality. The historical scope gives context to each issue discussed and allows the reader to understand how each topic has evolved over the course of American history. The author uses qualitative data to help explain socioeconomic issues and connect related topics. Each chapter examines major concepts, so readers can see how an individual’s success in stratified settings often relies heavily on their access to valued resources—types of capital which involve finances, schooling, social networking, and cultural competence. Analyzing the impact of capital types throughout the text helps map out the prospects for individuals, families, and also classes to maintain or alter their position in social-stratification systems.

Christopher B. Doob is Professor Emeritus of Sociology at Southern Connecticut State University. His published works include Sociology: An Introduction, 6th Edition (Harcourt Press 1999); Social Inequality and Social Stratification in US Society (Routledge 2012); Race, Ethnicity, and the Urban American Mainstream (Pearson 2004); Racism: An American Cauldron, 3rd Edition (Pearson 1998), the second edition of which received a Myers Center Award for the Study of Human Rights; and Great Expectations: The Sociol- ogy of Survival and Success in Team Sports (Routledge 2018). In addition, he has been active in his community, serving as coordinator for the Southern Connecticut State University’s Urban Initiatives, which established math tutoring classes for inner-city children. He has also participated in the struggle for welfare rights and been a long-time volunteer in two local adult-education programs.

So c i a l In e q u a l i t y a n d So c i a l Stratification i n US So c i e t y Second Edition

Christopher B. Doob Second edition published 2019 by Routledge 52 Vanderbilt Avenue, New York, NY 10017 and by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon, OX14 4RN

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First edition published by Pearson 2012

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Doob, Christopher Bates, author. Title: Social inequality and social stratification in U.S. society / Christopher B. Doob. Description: Second Edition. | New York : Routledge, 2019. | Revised edition of the author’s Social inequality and social stratification in US society, c2013. | Includes bibliographical references and index. | Identifiers: LCCN 2019003534 (print) | LCCN 2019005391 (ebook) | ISBN 9780429279331 (Master Ebook) | ISBN 9780367233297 (hardback) | ISBN 9780367233426 (pbk.) | ISBN 9780429279331 (ebk) Subjects: LCSH: Equality–United States. | Social stratification–United States. Classification: LCC HM821 (ebook) | LCC HM821 .D66 2019 (print) | DDC 305.800973–dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2019003534

ISBN: 978-0-367-23329-7 (hbk) ISBN: 978-0-367-23342-6 (pbk) ISBN: 978-0-429-27933-1 (ebk)

Typeset in Garamond by Wearset Ltd, Boldon, Tyne and Wear CONTENTS

Preface x

Part 1 The Foundation of Social Stratification and Social Inequality 1

Chapter 1 THE ROAD TO SOCIAL INEQUALITY: A CONCEPTUAL INTRODUCTION 3 The Rise of the Global Economy 5 The Conceptual Skeleton: Social Reproduction and the Impact of Capital Types 13 Forms of Capital 16 Social Reproduction and Schooling 18 Conclusion 22

Chapter 2 IN MARX’S WAKE: THEORIES OF SOCIAL STRATIFICATION AND SOCIAL INEQUALITY 30 The Davis-Moore Theory of Social Stratification 31 Marxist Theory of Capitalism and Social Stratification 33 The Economic Structure of Marxist Theory 33 Marx’s Capitalist Class System 34 Marx on Revolution and Its Aftermath 35 Commentary 36 The Marxist Impact Illustrated: Two Social-Stratification Theories 38 Weber’s Theory of Class, Status, and Party 39 Piketty’s Theory on Wealth and Inequality in Capitalism 43 The Power-Elite Theories 46 Mills’s Power-Elite Perspective 47 Domhoff ’s Theory of the Upper-Class-Centered Corporate Community 49 Dye’s Theory of the Institutional Elite 51 Conclusion 54

v vi Contents

Chapter 3 REPEAT PERFORMANCE: GLOBALIZATION THROUGH TIME AND SPACE 60 The Rise and Fall of World Systems 60 Conditions in the Development of World Systems 63 Social Stratification and Social Inequality in the Global Setting 68 The Global Spectrum: From the Very Rich to the Very Poor 73 Three Semiperipheral Locations 75 Unions against Sweatshops 79 Squatter Communities: A Global Surge 83 Conclusion 87

Chapter 4 FOUNDATION FOR SOCIAL INEQUALITY: CONCEPTS AND STRUCTURES 95 On Your Own: Social Class, Ideology, and Social Mobility 96 Social Class in the United States 96 The American Ideology 100 Fixation on Social Mobility: Where Is the American Dream? 106 The Invisible Empire and Its Calculus of Control 108 The Elite Policy-Making Process 109 The Burgeoning Business of Lobbying 112 Campaign Giving 115 The Power of the Press 116 Public Policy 121 Conclusion 130

Part 2 Class, Race, and Gender 141

Chapter 5 HEADING THE HIERARCHY: UPPER CLASS OR SUPERCLASS? 143 Getting Rich: From the High Seas to Hi Tech 144 The Early Years 144 From the Robber Baron Era to 1970 146 The Globalization Phase 148 The Old Rich Versus the New Rich 150 Contents vii

Born to the Upper Class 153 Wealthy Families 153 Schooling for the Rich 154 Elite Social Clubs 160 Managing Upper-Class Wealth and Income 161 The American Corporate Leadership 163 The Superclass and the Power Elite 166 Conclusion 169

Chapter 6 THE BADLY BESIEGED MIDDLE CLASS 177 The Emergence of the Middle Class 178 Industry’s Impact on the Middle Class 178 The Two Middle Classes 182 Income and Jobs 182 Families and Education 189 The Ecology of Class 190 Establishment of the Middle-Class Life 192 Childhood 192 Schooling 194 Networking: It’s Who You Know 198 The Lean, Mean Middle-Class Work Machine 201 Middle-Class Workforce Changes Involving Downsizing, Outsourcing, and Temp Work 203 The Middle-Class Struggle with Reemployment 207 The Middle Class’s Slippery Slope for Making Ends Meet 209 Conclusion 211

Chapter 7 WORKING CLASS: ESTRANGED FROM ENTITLEMENT 222 Working-Class History 223 The Union Response 226 An Overview of the Working Class 233 Working-Class Development 235 Childrearing 235 Schooling 238 Community Ties 241 viii Contents

Working-Class Employment: Can the Dream Survive? 244 Working-Class Jobs Today 246 Blue-Collar Temp Work: An Expanding Reality 248 Blue-Collar Workers’ Challenges 251 Conclusion 255

Chapter 8 AMERICAN POVERTY: THE DREAM TURNED NIGHTMARE 264 The American Poor through the Centuries 266 Governmental Efforts to Reduce Poverty 268 Who Is Poor? 271 The Pain of Family Poverty 277 Poor Children’s Child Care and Schooling 280 Child Care in Poverty Areas 281 Poor Children’s Education 282 Tracking in Poverty Districts 284 High-Stakes Testing and Other Destructive Trends in Poor Schools 286 Low-Income Communities and Their Social Capital 293 Poor People’s Work 299 The Prospects of Low-Income Employment 300 Battling on Up? 302 The Welfare Reform Era 305 Running the TANF Gauntlet 305 Conclusion 309

Chapter 9 RACISM: A PERSISTENT AMERICAN PRESENCE 323 Passage to Racism 328 Who’s White and Who’s Not 335 Modern Racial Isolation and Oppression 338 The Varied Impact of Race on Families 341 The Influence of Race on Peer and Friendship Patterns 347 Minorities’ Frequent Preference for Racially Homogeneous Friends and the Case of Biracial People’s Friends 350 Race, Schooling, and Academic Success 353 Direct Effects 353 Impact of Stereotype Threat 356 Contents ix

Collision of Mass Media and Race 358 Racial Minorities’ Participation 359 The Media Ingredients in a Lethal Cocktail 362 Work and Racial Inequality: Contributing Factors 363 Disadvantaged Context: Minority-Group Members’ Unrelenting Battle against Poverty 365 Stereotype Fallout and the Employment Process 369 Conclusion 373

Chapter 10 WOMEN’S OPPRESSION: SEXISM AND INTERSECTIONALITY 387 A History of Second-Class Citizenry 389 The Persistence of Sexism 394 The Family Impact 394 The Influence of Peers 397 Schools and the Gendered Hidden Curriculum 399 The Representation of Females in the Mass Media 402 Women in the Modern Work World 407 Sexism and Intersectionality: Prospects of a Double Negative 414 Intersectionality: Black and Hispanic Women 417 Intersectionality: Lesbians’ Challenge for Equality 424 Intersectionality: Poor Immigrant Women 427 Conclusion 432

Part 3 Addressing Inequalities 447

Chapter 11 SOCIAL INEQUALITY: BESIEGING THE BEAST 449 Contemplating Strategies for Change 450 Critical Arenas 454 The Schooling Revolution 455 The Revitalization of the Economy 459 Another Way 465 Conclusion 467

Glossary 473 Index 479 PREFACE

Throughout this text I have used several broad sources of information to provide abun- dant and hopefully provocative detail about social inequality and social stratification in our society. These sources feature: • Historical information: Whether the topic is a social class, women, or racial minorities, it seems informative to include historical material. Significant subjects such as the way wealthy individuals deal with the government or the middle class’s treatment of the poor or the working class are not patterns that materialized full blown in the twenty-first century. The history of such patterns reveals important clues about why their significance persists. It is comparable to participating in a full conversation about a topic instead of just receiving an abrupt summary. In Chapters 3 and 5–10, an opening section examines major historical events that provide the foundation for current trends. For students the material can be both interesting and instructive. • Quantitative and qualitative data: To augment the steady flow of quantitative information that forms the foundation for analysis of most topics throughout the text, the qualitative sources help reveal the inner workings that accompany people’s struggles with the socioeconomic order. Such investigations can provide detailed insight into the struggles that various deprived groups face in seeking equality in a social setting where conditions make it difficult or impossible to be successful. • A consistent conceptual skeleton: Individuals’ success in stratified settings often relies heavily on their access to valued resources—types of capital which involve finances, schooling, social networking, and cultural competence. Analyzing illustrations of capital types throughout the text helps map out the prospects for individuals, families, and social classes to maintain or alter their position in social- stratification systems. A steady flow of additional concepts also develop an informed understanding of social inequality in the United States. Finally the second edition has provided extensive recent information on the modern contexts of social inequality, especially important updates about the poor, racial minorities, women, and the upper class. The text divides into three parts. The opening part contains four foundational chapters, namely an introduction, one about theory emphasizing the centrality of a conflict perspective, another that examines social inequality in a global context, and a fourth that analyzes the conceptual and structural elements underlying social inequality. The following six chapters provide portraits of the four major social classes as well as analyses of how race and gender link to inequalities in the United States. The last chapter offers commentary about attempts to reduce social inequality. At the end of each chapter, I have included a list of significant concepts which are highlighted in the previous pages and included in the end-of-book glossary; discussion topics; and possible research papers. Clearly there is extensive material here. My inten- tion is simply to give instructors a range of choices for involving their students. x Preface xi

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I am grateful to Samantha Barbaro for her procuring my project and to Erik Zimmerman for his capable assistance through the editorial process. During production Sally Quinn was an insightful, through copy editor, and Olivia Hatt and Phillippa Clubbs made important contributions. Once again, Teresa Carballal has proved a gifted reader and critic.

PART 1 The Foundation of Social Stratification and Social Inequality

CHAPTER 1 The Road to Social Inequality: A Conceptual Introduction

Our society has been changing—changing in ways that have been vast, sometimes imperceptible but relentless. Writer George Packer has referred to “the unwinding,” where such prominent structures as factories, farms, public schools, unions, and churches have often either disappeared or lost much of the supportive role they played in people’s lives. Furthermore, in such activities as politics or banking traditional restraints have become less operative. Meanwhile as those people-serving structures and practices have declined, major corporations have expanded their influence, becoming even larger and more powerful and increasingly enriching a select few but financially and often psychologically undermining most Americans’ lives (Packer 2013, 3–4). While the United States has always featured inequality, the presence of strong structures in the past often made life for less affluent people more secure than it has become. Consider a comparison between a contemporary son and his father from the previous generation. In the summer of 2013, Adam Hudson got a job in retail, the most common site for workers without college degrees. At Walmart he became a hardware associate, stocking shelves, setting up displays, and assisting customers and earning $8.25 an hour. Until then he had a low opinion of people using food stamps. “I’d always considered people who use food stamps as just taking advantage of the government,” Hudson said, because they “weren’t working hard enough to be able to afford for themselves” (Clark 2014). At Walmart, however, he saw hard-working colleagues who still needed the program. Then one day he returned home and learned that his fiancée who was pregnant was hungry with no food available. After considering the options available to them, “[i]t dawned on us that we can’t afford to feed ourselves and make sure all of our bills are paid and have a car with gas to get to work every day” (Clark 2014). Shortly afterwards Hudson enrolled in the food stamp program. In comparison, Jim Hudson, Adam’s father, had never been on food stamps. In 1991, like his son, the senior Hudson had no college degree and was starting a family.

3 4 Part 1 • The Foundation of Social Stratification and Social Inequality

At that time it was manufacturing not retail that provided plentiful jobs, and Jim Hudson signed on with General Motors, the largest employer in the country. He built TrailBlazers for $9.35 an hour, which in inflation-adjusted 2014 dollars would be nearly twice what his son makes. It is doubtful that at that time any GM employees qualified for food stamps. Adam Hudson said that he would love a job in the plant where his father worked, but it closed down in 2008 (Clark 2014). The preceding material suggests that as part of the recent unwinding trend, working-class people’s economic prospects have declined. Discussion of that trend carries through the book, but perhaps an even more enduring conclusion is the following: that select groups—higher-class members, whites, and males—have had better opportunities and therefore more extensive rewards than lower-class people, racial and ethnic minorities, and women. This text’s mission is to examine the processes that have produced and sustained those inequalities. Besides a multitude of quantitative studies and statistics extensively updated from the previous edition, the upcoming chapters contain both historical and qualitative sources, broadening and deepening the reader’s grasp of the topics at hand. In addition, the relentless use of certain concepts—such as social reproduction and four types of capital, which are introduced in this chapter—help to structure a coherent overall organization and to reveal “the fine print” of American social inequality and social stratification. At this juncture it is necessary to introduce the book’s most fundamental concepts. Sociologists recognize the prevalence of social inequality, a setting in which individuals, families, or members of larger structures like neighborhoods or cities vary in access to such valued resources as wealth, income, education, jobs, influential and helpful individuals and groups, and health care. Sometimes people’s inequalities can change—for instance, a segment of working-class individuals might obtain a substantial pay boost, raising their wages as well as their ranking among the nations’ earners. Like the members of all classes, however, their location in the class structure, which is a prominent type of social stratification, generally remains fairly stable when compared to the previous generation’s income, wealth, job prestige, and educational level. All societies display social stratification, a deeply embedded hierarchy providing different groups varied rewards, resources, and privileges and establishing structures, practices, and relationships that both determine and legitimate those outcomes. Most people within a given society consider that its social-stratification system represents the natural order of things. As a rule the people at the top of the system have better resources and opportunities than those who are less affluent or powerful (Beeghley 2008; DeAngelis 2015; Oxfam Briefing Paper 2016). This text examines social-class, racial, and gender stratification. Within the American social-class system, middle-class individuals’ chances for advanced education and high- paying jobs have been better than working-class people’s opportunities. A persistent suspi- cion expressed throughout the text is that growing economic inequality between affluent members of the upper and upper-middle class, and people in other social classes is a pre- cursor of a stratification system featuring a smaller middle class and concomitantly a larger working class. All in all, systems of social-class, racial, and gender stratification provide the conceptual foundations for analyzing trends in social inequalities. Chapter 1 • The Road to Social Inequality: A Conceptual Introduction 5

Another central concept is ideology, which is the complex of values and beliefs that support a society’s social-stratification systems and their distribution of wealth, income, and power. The American ideology, which emphasizes the centrality of individual achievement, equal opportunity, and the importance of hard work, receives politicians’, business leaders’, and media spokespeople’s frequent endorsement, but the actual workings producing social inequalities and social stratification tend to remain unexamined—the fine print hidden behind the ideology’s bold public claims. Asthe world’s wealthiest nation, one might expect that the United States would spend more on its impoverished members, resulting in less social inequality than in other developed nations. Such an assumption, however, overlooks the powerful influence of the country’s ideology, which both lionizes individuals fixated on the pursuit of wealth and criti- cizes, even demonizes, the less successful, particularly the poor. The potency of the American ideology seems revealed throughout the text, which provides various measures to show that among developed nations the United States has some of the highest levels of social inequality. The upcoming section describes the development of the global economy and its impact on the American workforce. Then discussion focuses on certain central concepts, social reproduction and forms of capital, which analyze the process providing some people better opportunities and rewards than others. Finally sociological research comparing working-class and middle-class schooling illustrates these concepts. Much of this chapter, in fact most of this text, focuses on the United States. As a foundation for understanding social inequality in American society, however, it seems useful to lead off with a broader view of major developments since World War II. Then the discussion returns to a decidedly more contemporary analysis.

THE RISE OF THE GLOBAL ECONOMY Globalization is the increasing integration of nations in an age featuring highly reduced costs for communication and transportation along with the lowering of such “artificial barriers” as treaties or tariffs restricting the movement of goods, services, financial capital, and technology across borders (Stiglitz 2002, 9–10). Multinational corporations, many of which are American based, have been driving forces in globalization, demon- strating that the largely unregulated movement of capital, goods, and technology internationally leads to accelerated profit making. Is globalization new? The term is fairly recent, with the verb “globalize” first appearing in the Merriam Webster Dictionary in 1944. However, early efforts toward globalization extend back thousands of years. For instance, in 325 b c e , merchants established overland trade routes connecting the Mediterranean, Persia, India, and central Asia (Ludden 2008). Since the 1970s, however, a greatly expanded globalization process has developed. While globalization involves a variety of issues including education, agriculture, politics, and infrastructure the current emphasis is on the economic dimension, which powerfully impacts social inequality. Globalization has produced certain distinct economic changes. First, many nations once considered underdeveloped have begun producing quality goods. 6 Part 1 • The Foundation of Social Stratification and Social Inequality

Computer-based manufacturing plants located in southeast Asia and Latin America have started to compete favorably with factories in developed countries in western Europe and North America, pressuring American corporate executives to downsize or close their plants. Second, nowadays advanced technology helps coordinate international economic activities. Because of the use of both modern computers and telecom- munications, multinational corporations can decentralize their activities, locating subsidiaries around the world and effectively monitoring their activities from headquar- ters. Finally the global economy has created an international workforce, with both white- and blue-collar jobs susceptible to being shipped overseas. The option to use alternative workers gives corporate executives greater clout when negotiating American employees’ wages and benefits. The global economy has rapidly expanded trade over time, with the wealthier nations leading the way. In 2014 China led the percentage of shares in world trade with 15.5 closely followed by the 28-member European Union (tallying only trade outside the EU) with 15, the United States with 10.7, and Japan with 4.5 (World Trade Organization 2015, 45). At the end of World War II, the international economic picture was distinctly different. Most prominent nations possessed severely damaged economies and infrastruc- tures that made them incapable of effectively providing food, shelter, and other basic necessities to their citizenry. The major exception to this predicament was the United States, which emerged from the war with its economy intact, ready to undertake a massive international business expansion. For nearly 30 years, the United States controlled three-fourths of the world’s invested capital and two-thirds of its industry. The government helped subsidize this dominance, developing a $22 billion foreign aid package to western Europe known as the Marshall Plan. The funding was earmarked for purchasing American agricultural and industrial products and bringing European nations into a global federation headed by the United States—both moves that helped solidify the preeminence of American business. Global economics, however, has seldom been a stable entity. By the middle 1970s, the once war-ravaged nations of western Europe and Japan had recovered and were becoming rising industrial powers. As a result these countries were less inclined to import American industrial and agricultural goods. Meanwhile the profits of US corporations declined in the domestic market, falling from a return on investment of 15.5 percent in the late 1960s to below 10 percent after 1975. Who or what is responsible for the decline? Corporate leaders, politicians, and media spokespeople have criticized various groups for contributing to the American business slowdown: organized labor for pushing too hard for salaries and benefits, thereby making American products too expensive for the competitive market; American workers, whether unionized or not, for being overpaid, complacent, and prone to shoddy production; and increased environmental and health-and-safety legislation for raising business costs. What such corporate leaders and media spokespeople have conveniently ignored is the fact that American business ventures usually focus on short-term profits, largely abandoning such demanding but effective tactics as purchasing updated, more efficient technology, building new plants, engaging in research and development, and seeking Chapter 1 • The Road to Social Inequality: A Conceptual Introduction 7 new markets. In addition, Congress has established many tariffs, protecting domestic American business from outside competition. Shielded from that competition, however, American corporations often operate inefficiently, turning out inferior products, especially in the automotive industry. As the global economy developed, American corporate leaders modified their stance on governmental protection, recognizing that tariffs on foreign products often hurt their business in those countries. If they were going to expand their businesses and be welcomed abroad, they needed to permit foreign investment at home. These leaders lobbied Congress to lower tariffs on foreign imports, and between the 1970s and 2000 a steady decrease occurred (Moffatt 2017; Perrucci and Wysong 2008, 111–13). Sociologist Richard Sennett (2006) designated the global economic system the “new capitalism,” which features certain novel traits. First, with the collapse of the Bretton Woods system of monetary management, national boundaries no longer restrict investors. Now they can seek financial growth anywhere on earth. Banks have been major players, with American, Japanese, and German competitors in the forefront of what can become frantic activity to expand their wealth. In the twenty-first century, such pressure has persisted. Charles O. Prince III, Citigroup’s chief executive, once admitted that he was aware that his aggressive deal-making could get the financial conglomerate into serious trouble, but he felt powerless to pull back, declaring “As long as the music is playing, you’ve got to get up and dance” (Goodman 2010, 4). Second, in this expanding market offering accelerated wealth, corporate leaders and shareholders have often been impatient, fixated on making quick profits. As later examples in the text indicate, a frantic rush for profits—a feeding frenzy—can develop when wealthy business people see a choice prospect of making a lot of money. In this highly charged atmosphere, corporate leaders generally believe that the companies best equipped for profit making are those that are flexible and dynamic; the traditional ideal of a solid, stable firm no longer prevails. To promote a quick-profits corporate agenda, executives become increasingly enamored of downsizing and outsourcing, concepts to be discussed in Chapter 6 (Sennett 2006, 37–44). For decades, largely unheeded by most Americans, some expert observers have indicated that American corporate leaders have acted more like bankers than big-business executives, appearing more interested in buying and selling companies than in the painstaking but invaluable tasks of producing and selling goods and services. This emphasis on short-term profits might enrich executives and shareholders, but it can produce distinct costs, with workers, research in product development, and technological advancement likely to lose out (Semuels 2016). Globalization has changed people’s economic prospects. The payoff for corporate leaders and investors has been impressive. American multinationals are often positioned to pursue any competitive advantage, locating plants to benefit from “low wages, cheaper raw materials, advantageous monetary exchange rates, more sympathetic governments, or proximity to markets” (Perrucci and Wysong 2008, 115). In addition, US multinationals can save billions of dollars in tax payments by using loopholes created by the Internal Revenue Service or by corporate lawyers or accountants to avoid or delay paying billions in tax revenues (Novack 2012). Data indicate that American corporate investment in the global economy has expanded rapidly over time. In 1970 US firms invested $75 billion abroad, with the 8 Part 1 • The Foundation of Social Stratification and Social Inequality

figure rising to $167 billion in 1978. Between 1982 and 2015, that dollar valuegrew steadily, increasing at least 53 percent during every five-year span between 1995 and 2015 ( Jackson 2009; Jenniges and Fetzer 2016; Statista 2017). Figure 1.1 supplies data that display the expanding American corporate investment abroad over a 34-year time span. While globalization provides large corporations huge profits, it has punished many Americans economically. Sociologists Maxine Baca Zinn and D. Stanley Eitzen indicated that starting in the middle 1970s many employees experienced job changes involving declines in earnings, factory employment, and union support (Zinn and Eitzen 2005, 17). It is hardly surprising that data from the General Social Survey comparing workers in two-year combinations—1977 and 1978 with counterparts in 2010 and 2012—indicated that over time perceived job insecurity has increased, with workers who are black, less educated, less well paid, or less skilled expressing greater concern and a growing belief that finding a job comparable to an earlier one would be difficult (Weaver 2015). As the book progresses, these issues are examined, revealing the specific conditions causing many in the labor force to lose out. Of the 3.2 million, long-tenured workers (three or more years on the job) displaced between January 2013 and Decem- ber 2015, 37 percent lost or left their jobs due to a company or plant closing or depar- ture, an additional 3 percent had their position or shift eliminated, and 26 percent had to depart because of insufficient work. An additional 4.2 million individuals who were short-tenured (with less than three years on the job) were displaced during that same time period, producing a total of 7.4 million individuals removed from their positions

3 $s in trillions 2

0 1982 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2015 2017

FIGURE 1.1 American Corporations’ Investment Abroad over Time1 Between 1982 and 2017, corporate investment abroad increased substantially, including a robust increase of 60.7 percent between 2010 and 2017. The 2017 figure of $6.01 trillion is an impressive 28.6 times greater than the 1982 figure of $.21 trillion. Sources: Jenniges and Fetzer (2016), Statista (2017). Note 1. The dollar amounts generally reflect values at the time transactions occurred and not contemporary values. Chapter 1 • The Road to Social Inequality: A Conceptual Introduction 9 over that time period. In January 2016, 66 percent of workers displaced from 2013 to 2015 were reemployed (Bureau of Labor Statistics 2016). The global economy has had a polarizing impact on American income. As Table 1.1 indicates, between 1980 and 2014, the richest 1 percent of the population increased their share of income by 12.1 percent, and the top 25 percent boosted theirs by 12.2 percent. In contrast, the bottom 50 percent has seen their share decline by 6.4 percent (Greenberg 2017; McBride 2012; Prante 2009). Business leaders’ income increases have been particularly impressive. In major US companies, the ratio of the average chief executive officer’s (CEOs) annual income compared to an average worker’s earnings expanded from 28 times as much in 1965 to 58 times more in 1989, then zoomed to 344 times greater in 2000. In 2017 the CEOs of the nation’s 350 largest firms earned on average $18.9 million, largely in stock options, worth 312 times as much as the average worker’s compensation (Mishel and Shieder 2018). Certain events encouraged that outcome. Economist Paul Krugman observed that back in the hardship years, when CEOs scraped by with incomes averaging scarcely two-dozen times greater than workers’ salaries, they felt grossly underpaid. Professors at business schools came to the rescue, arguing that CEOs were being abysmally undervalued, treated like bureaucrats who were compensated the same whether they made money or lost it. To motivate these critical leaders, the professors argued, companies needed to offer them special incentives. Stock options, opportunities to buy one’s company’s shares, which increase in value if the stock rises, are widely considered the most effective enticements to motivate business executives to produce profits and boost stock prices. With such an arrangement, which is seldom available to business leaders in other countries, these executives have benefited immensely, especially those working for companies which

TABLE 1.1 Income Shares of Selected Segments of Tax Payers over Time

Year Top 1% Top 5% Top 25% Bottom 50%

1980 8.5% 21% 56.7% 17.7% 1985 10 22 58 17.3 1990 14 27.6 62.1 15 1995 14.6 28.8 63.4 14.5 2000 20.8 35.3 67.2 13 2005 21.2 35.8 67.5 12.8 2010 18.9 33.8 66.6 11.7 2014 20.6 36 68.9 11.3

The more affluent the segment of tax payers, the greater the likelihood their share of the national income has increased over time. The reverse pattern applies to the bottom 50 per cent, who over 34 years have received a dwindling portion. Sources: Greenberg (2017), McBride (2012), Prante (2009). 10 Part 1 • The Foundation of Social Stratification and Social Inequality

illegally backdate the purchase date to when the stock price was low, permitting executives to buy much more stock in a given transaction than the current price allows. As a result since the early 1990s, the average CEO has become increasingly wealthy even though research indicates that companies’ profits bear little or no statistical relationship to CEOs’ expanded incentives (Krugman 2006). Over time, in fact, American CEOs’ income has borne little relationship to performance, with company executives the beneficiaries of a system that simply produces accel- erating compensation for corporate leaders. Is that an accurate claim? To dismiss it, CEOs’ supporters would need to provide evidence indicating that their achievements justify paying them twice as much in current real terms as in the 1990s and five times more than in the 1970s as well as compensating them better than their equivalents in foreign countries where businesses are equally profitable (Nutting 2014). While CEOs and other affluent Americans have generally done exceptionally well, the overall economic picture in this wealthiest nation indicates greater economic inequality than in other developed nations. The Gini index, which is a measurement of a nation’s statistical distribution of income or wealth inequality, verifies this conclusion: A score of 0 means all residents’ income is equal while a score of 100 signifies that one person possesses the country’s entire income. In 2014 the Gini index measuring family income was 39.4 for the United States and was higher than the scores for other developed nations— those in western Europe and also Australia and New Zealand (Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development 2017). A difficulty with the Gini index is that like the system for rating (football) quarterbacks, its results, while often cited, are complicated to compute and, in fact, the formula is seldom known to those who use the data. Another, more easily understood measure of countries’ economic inequality involves a comparison between the percentage of the national income a wealthy segment and a poor segment obtain. Data collected by the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development and presented in Table 1.2 indicates that in comparing the income between a country’s top 20 percent and bottom 20 percent, the United States displays a larger disparity—8.3 times greater—than 23 other developed nations (Organi- sation for Economic Co-operation and Development 2017). The United States not only produces greater economic inequality than other developed nations but also higher rates of physical and mental illness, lower life expectancy, and higher crime. Historian Tony Judt suggested that the affluence of a country has less impact on its citizens than its social inequality. He indicated that inequality is “corro- sive,” rotting from the inside and taking some time to reveal itself. He added that “in due course competition for status and goods increases” along with “a growing sense of superiority (or inferiority) based on their possessions” and the hardening of “prejudice toward those on the lower rungs of the social ladder.” In addition, “crime spikes and the pathologies of social disadvantage become even more marked” ( Judt 2010, 19). Judt’s is a broad, bold claim, and yet little if anything in this text disputes it. A small group of scholars has attempted to determine if economic inequality might contribute to widespread financial risk and failure. David A. Moss, a well-known economic historian, learned that striking statistical correlations appeared between economic inequality and both bank collapses and financial deregulation, which is a topic in Chapter 4. Specifically, as the Great Depression approached in 1928, the top 10 percent Chapter 1 • The Road to Social Inequality: A Conceptual Introduction 11

TABLE 1.2 Ratio of a Developed Nation’s Richest 20 Percent in Income to Its Poorest 20 Percent

Country Ratio Country Ratio 1. Denmark 3.6 13. Netherlands 4.6 2. Finland 3.7 14. Poland 4.7 3. Belgium 3.9 15. Canada 5.2 4. Norway 3.9 16. Australia 5.7 5. Austria 4.1 17. New Zealand 5.8 6. Sweden 4.1 18. Portugal 5.8 7. Luxembourg 4.2 19. Italy 5.9 8. Germany 4.4 20. Japan 6.1 9. France 4.5 21. United Kingdom 6.1 10. Hungary 4.5 22. Spain 6.6 11. Switzerland 4.6 23. Israel 7.1 12. Ireland 4.6 24. United States 8.3

Like the Gini index, this measurement of social inequality indicates that the United States is a country that displays more economic inequality than do 23 other developed nations. Source: Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (2017). of earners obtained an inordinately high 49.3 percent of all income and the top 1 percent 23.9 percent; in 2007 on the eve of what has become known as the Great Recession, the modern financial crisis of the late 2000s, the respective numbers were eerily close—49.7 and 23.5 percent. The scholars examining this topic have suspected that once again such income dominance might have encouraged wealthy individuals to engage in actions that put the entire financial system at risk. Specifically, it appears that with growing affluence Wall Street leaders feel more empowered, prompting them to push for greater deregulation, which brings a rising danger of increased financial insta- bility (Story 2010). For those toward the other end of the social-stratification ladder, social inequality can produce a chronically painful impact. Barbara Garson wrote about “the electronic sweatshop,” representing “a combination of twentieth-century technology and nineteenth-century scientific management in turning the … [business] of the future into the factory of the past” (Garson 1989, 10). In such settings workers are manipulated but often much more subtly than in early industrial times. Once again, Walmart, with its prominent role in US retail, seems worth considering. Responding in 2016 to complaints about low worker pay, Walmart executives slightly raised salaries for both full-time and part-time employees, but the totals remained below the average for US retail workers. Shortly afterwards the company announced that it would start cutting many individuals’ hours and indicated that they were closing 154 stores, putting over 10,000 staff members out of a job (Lam 2014). 12 Part 1 • The Foundation of Social Stratification and Social Inequality

The company also initiated the Walmart Academy, a training program containing a quarter-million employees. Jesse Rice, a member, was impressed with the company’s “My productivity” tool, which helps “with cross merchandising—to, say, pull buns from the bread shelves and display them next to the hotdogs and hamburger meat in grilling season, but not at Easter when hams get pride of place.” Rice found the training inspir- ing, believing that it would be a critical step toward him becoming a store manager. “I strive for excellence. I want perfection,” Rice said.

I know that’s impossible, but at the same time, we are definitely striving for it. We want the customers to come in and find everything they need. And if they have questions, we want everyone to be there, to be able to help them. (St a f f o r d 2017)

Walmart, however, still appears to qualify for membership in the electronic sweatshop. Participants in Our Walmart (Organization United for Respect at Walmart), who are company employees, provide information indicating that not only is the company’s pay low but that discrimination exists against women and minorities in promotion and that many employees have faced cutbacks in hours making it impossible to pay their bills (Stafford 2017). Not surprisingly the relationship between Our Walmart and company leaders has been adversarial. When executives learned that Our Walmart threatened a strike on one of its highly successful sales days which normally brings in billions in revenue, they did what the organization normally does when facing a big event or an emergency—they created a Delta team, in this instance featuring security, labor-relations, and media personnel. That team hired an intelligence-gathering service from Lockheed Martin and kept an eye on the approximate 100 workers active in recruiting for Our Walmart. The company’s surveillance of the workers’ group entailed gathering over 1,000 emails, play- books, reports, and charts (Berfield 2015). Above all, company leaders have been committed to opposing the formation of a union, which they believe would both under- mine their authority and diminish their profits. At Walmart and other major corporations, anti-worker policies produce distinct consequences. To begin, recognizing that their employers are fixated on the bottom line and consider them dispensable, job holders often display little loyalty. It is a far cry from the so-called “giving/getting compact” that prevailed for about three decades after World War II and involved a company’s commitment to fairly certain lifetime employment along with good pay and benefits in exchange for workers’ unflagging loyalty and commitment (Yankelovich 1981). One business analyst suggested that whereas workers and management previously had a shared fate in a stable marriage, now employees face a lifetime of marriages and divorces, sometimes emerging better and sometimes worse but with the companies possessing the upper hand in deciding when termination occurs (Hacker 2006, 67). In particular, trust throughout an organization no longer prevails. Trust involves both formal situations such as the recognition that the other party in a contract will meet the prescribed standards, and informal trust which develops gradually over time in fairly stable organizations as individuals work with each other in a variety of Chapter 1 • The Road to Social Inequality: A Conceptual Introduction 13 situations including stressful ones. Richard Sennett illustrated the change in informal trust by describing employees’ response to accidents that occurred 30 years apart in two industrial corporations. The earlier situation involved a factory fire, where a circuit of fire hose nozzles broke. The workers knew each other well enough to func- tion as a smooth team, efficiently putting out the fire while ignoring the manager’s unhelpful, even distracting orders. The later accident involved a malfunctioning air- conditioning system, which spewed noxious gases. Many individuals panicked while others wanted to organize but were at a loss how to do it. In a context where organizational unraveling had occurred, people did not know and trust each other well enough to have established a foundation for working together in a stressful situation (Sennett 2006, 63–72). After the second accident, one manager was critical of working arrangements, concluding that the plant was only “superficially organized on paper” (Sennett 2006, 67). Such deficiencies are apparent in a survey involving 25 global markets with opinion data from about 25,000 members of the general public along with a segment of executives. In the North American and western European countries included in the research, the data indicated that only 53 percent of the public had a favorable outlook toward corporations compared to 72 percent in developing nations. Overall, however, major markets in both the developing and developed world were in basic agreement about paying taxes, with 57 percent of the public and, surprisingly, 53 percent of executives indicating that corporate leaders take undue advantage of loopholes to escape paying their fair share. Nearly half of Americans indicated that corporations have too much influence on the future of the US economy, and Millennials, roughly individuals born between 1980 and the middle 1990s, are particularly vehement in fearing and dis- trusting them (Lam 2014; PR Newswire 2014). At this point the focus shifts from the global economy, which provides the setting for modern social inequality, to an examination of concepts for analyzing that subject.

THE CONCEPTUAL SKELETON: SOCIAL REPRODUCTION AND THE IMPACT OF CAPITAL TYPES Do Americans inhabit a social world where large numbers of people are socially mobile, living out a version of the well-known American rags-to-riches story, or do they tend to die in the social classes into which they are born? The focus here is social reproduction, which is the process by which people belonging to certain categories, such as social classes, have differing access to the valuable resources that influence the transmission of inequality from one generation to the next. Social reproduction has occurred throughout history as the opening sections of Chapters 3 through 9 illustrate. Furthermore research on the topic has tended to reach a distinct conclusion—which, according to sociologist Jay MacLeod, “attempts to show how and why the United States can be depicted more accurately as the place where ‘the rich get richer and the poor stay poor’ than as ‘the land of opportunity’ ” (MacLeod 2009, 7–8). In short, these analyses tend to emphasize that the social-stratification system holds most Americans in place, making it fairly likely that they will end up in social-class positions that are similar to their parents’. 14 Part 1 • The Foundation of Social Stratification and Social Inequality

PHOTO 1.1 One of the most prominent resources affecting social reproduction is higher education. A college degree from a reputable college is likely to promote a successful career. Source: g-stockstudio/Shutterstock 208784110.

Researchers have examined social reproduction in various institutional contexts, particularly educational ones. Basil Bernstein’s (1990; 2000) British working-class respondents grew up in homes where they developed speech patterns that put them at distinct disadvantage in schools where middle-class language styles prevailed. In contrast, a study of middle-class British students planning to study abroad indicated that they benefited from privilege—the information and opportunities that arose in the course of private schooling and parental support and involvement in their education. Many of these students readily recognized the advantages they obtained. Richard, who ended up studying in Canada and, almost in spite of himself, ended up becoming the head of marketing at a large beauty chain based in the United Kingdom, explained,

I didn’t make any effort, I didn’t try, I didn’t study, I could not be bothered […] I grew up in a very spoilt environment, so of course, why did I have to do anything, you know? The world was going to come to me. (Wa t e r s a n d Br o o k s 2010)

Social inequality impacts people both objectively and subjectively (Wacquant 1989, 15). An affluent, upper-class individual might have the optimal financial backing to Chapter 1 • The Road to Social Inequality: A Conceptual Introduction 15 subsidize his or her drive for educational and occupational success, but this person might lack the self-confidence and optimistic outlook that a less affluent, working-class person possesses. The first person has the objective advantage and the second one the greater subjective edge. In referring to “habitas,” sociologist Pierre Bourdieu recognized that classes or other categories of people can share subjective outlooks toward social inequality. A habitas is the set of attitudes, behavior, and experiences maintained by the people sharing a distinct social world. The social world can be narrow such as the one inhabited by neighborhood residents or broad such as that which all working-class women share. The concept serves as a connector between the inner consciousness and the limitations or potentials the social world provides, influencing people to act in dis- tinctive ways. The habitas that members of a given social class maintain contributes to social reproduction, usually sustaining the existing structures and cultural standards, including class-based inequalities (Bodovski 2010; Bourdieu 1998, 8; Kusserow 2004, xi; MacLeod 2009, 15; Warin, Moore, and Davies 2016). Some social theorists have emphasized that social reproduction is not inevitable, with “discontinuities, contradictions, and resistance in the … process” (Walford 1986, 183). Social reproduction is a potent reality, but individuals might be able to elude it, for instance low-income candidates applying to a celebrated college. A number of ethnic foundations, corporations, and government agencies provide college grants, which are based on financial need. In particular, two broad types of minority grants exist—those involving cultural heritage and earmarked for African Americans, Hispanics, Native Americans, or Asian Americans and also non-ethnic aid for disabled students or women (College Scholarships.org 2017). For low-income students generally, paying for college is a formidable task. Steps college students can take to limit the cost of loans include working part time, perhaps earning 15 hours a week at $12 an hour; seeking financial aid from various organizations, which can have complicated formulas in use that are unknown to most people; securing a paid summer internship, which can not only contribute to one’s résumé but provide income; and becoming adept at organizing one’s money by developing a budget, avoiding credit-card debt, and graduating on time or, better still, early (Bakke 2013; Wasik 2016). Public colleges and universities can be a specific means of limiting social inequality. For over a century, these schools have maintained the egalitarian practice of providing a fine education for substantial numbers of state residents, including those coming from families with modest or low income. In recent years, however, many of these schools have increasingly favored affluent out-of-state and foreign students whose payments are greater. This trend has been particularly painful for low-income students because since the Great Recession, states have reduced aid to public higher education by 17 percent while raising tuition 33 percent (Saul 2016). Another recent pattern is that college administrators have developed various programs to help their students meet academic and practical demands, supplying a variety of timely services that can empower individuals and help challenge social reproduction. My state university, for example, provides an Office of Study Skill Enrichment, Writing and Tutorial Centers, an Academic Success Center, and Student Disability Services. When such facilities and their personnel are effective, students have an improved chance to 16 Part 1 • The Foundation of Social Stratification and Social Inequality

develop a positive strategy for success, planning their college lives so that they make maximum use of opportunities that can advance them. What key factors contribute to determining people’s location in social-stratification systems and whether or not social reproduction occurs? I introduce four of them.

Forms of Capital Capital refers to resources that people possess or acquire, finding them valuable in various settings. While the concept originally focused on economic resources, other types of capital provide individuals and groups distinct advantages (Spillane, Hallett, and Diamond 2003, 3; Wunder 2015). In fact, the quantity and quality of capital available to different social classes generally replicate their location in the social-class hierarchy, representing a potent thrust toward social reproduction. Four types of capital—financial, cultural, human, and social—have been extensively studied and are interrelated to each other.

Financial capital concerns monetary items such as wages and salaries or purchasable items like computers or autos that can contribute directly or indirectly to obtaining various valued resources representing other types of capital (Amadeo 2017; Bourdieu 1990, 132–33; Boso, Cadogan, and Story 2012; Spillane, Hallett, and Diamond 2003, 4; Young 2004, 59). A direct contribution might be the expensive purchase of four years of tuition, room, and board at an elite private college, which is a type of human capital. On the other hand, an indirect contribution might involve payment for membership in a social club which offers useful contacts (social capital) that can lead to a job offer or promotion. Financial capital is necessary for various purposes, including some that involve life-and-death matters. In the US, health care has become increasingly expensive, and a study of 11 developed nations indicated that Americans were more likely to find that costs prevented them from seeking health care than the citizens in the other 10 nations. The survey found that because of high costs, 33 percent of Americans failed to see a doctor when sick or to fill a prescription compared to a much smaller 7 percent in the United Kingdom and Germany and 8 percent in the Netherlands and Sweden (Fox 2016; Osborn, Squires, Doty, Sarnak, and Schneider 2016). Financial capital can also subsidize a lifestyle that can enable the pursuit of valued cultural capital.

Cultural capital comprises broadly shared outlooks, knowledge, skills, and behavior passed from one generation to the next (Bourdieu 1990, 124–25; Lareau and Weinin- ger 2003, 587–88; MacLeod 2009, 13; Pavic´ and Đukic´ 2016). All adults possess cultural capital, though certain varieties, notably those maintained by higher social classes, are more helpful than others for educational and occupational placement and advancement. Some earlier definitions of the concept indicated that it should focus on such refined interests as art, music, and etiquette, but sociologists Annette Lareau and Elliot B. Weininger observed that Pierre Bourdieu, who created the concept, suggested that cultural capital also incorporates broader capacities such as technical or interpersonal skills (Lareau and Weininger 2003, 580). Using Bourdieu’s Chapter 1 • The Road to Social Inequality: A Conceptual Introduction 17 sense of the concept, Lareau and Weininger indicated that in school systems some parents effectively mobilize their cultural capital—in this instance their experience and knowledge of how to promote desired educational outcomes—to meet with teachers and other school personnel to facilitate their children’s successful movement through the system. Middle-class parents have more appropriate cultural capital for this purpose than their working-class and poor counterparts (Lareau and Weininger 2003, 596–97). Sometimes cultural capital, namely so-called “health cultural capital,” can be lifesaving—for instance when parents have particular knowledge and skills that relates to a child’s medical condition. In a study of 18 parents whose children suffered life- threatening diseases, Nora Biely’s 12-year-old son Ben had severe headaches, dizzi- ness, and vomiting. Nora, a dietician, and her husband, William, a child psychiatrist, knew enough to push for a neurological exam before the hospital staff was ready to provide it. The couple kept telling the medical personnel that the symptoms were serious, and soon William used his medical network to get a neurologist to examine Ben. When that doctor detected a tumor, Nora immediately contacted a neurosurgeon who had operated on her spine the previous year, and he referred the case to an elite physician who specialized in Ben’s type of pediatric tumor. At that point the parents’ health cultural capital once more came into play. The hospital in question was in a

PHOTO 1.2 At dinner family members not only share food but also can offer each other information, ideas, advice, and support—in short, cultural capital. Source: Monkey Business Images/Shutterstock. 18 Part 1 • The Foundation of Social Stratification and Social Inequality

neighboring state, but Nora brought Ben to a nearby medical facility from which he received immediate transport to the site where the operation would occur. Within hours the surgery was performed. Using their health cultural capital optimally, “the Bielys felt that they had gotten Ben to the ‘best’ care available—offering the micro advantage of some comfort and reassurance during a terrifying time” (Gengler 2014, 348). Families’ cultural capital can affect members’ human capital.

Human capital involves the attainment of skills, knowledge, and expertise people acquire to be successful in various valued ways (Brooks 2007; Hansen 2017; Spillane, Hallett, and Diamond 2003, 3; Svendsen and Svendsen 2003, 609; Lin, Wang, Wang, and Jaw 2017). Individuals often receive human capital from schooling and job training. In addition, someone might obtain it from a formal or an informal apprenticeship such as working for a carpenter, plumber, labor leader, corporate official, judge, or some other experienced job holder. A developed nation like the United States strongly emphasizes the importance of schooling, and less-educated employees are often disadvantaged in the job world. Sites for the development of human capital such as colleges and universities can provide social capital, with selected individuals and groups becoming valuable contacts.

Social capital, often called “social networking,” refers to those individuals, networks, groups, and organizations that can assist participants in pursuing valued objectives (Coleman 1988, S98; Ivana 2017, 52–53; Nelson 2016, 252; Sennett 2006, 63). Social capital often interrelates with other capital types. People’s social capital—for instance their relationships with high-status business associates—can help to increase their financial capital, sometimes dramatically. It can also prove useful in other ways. Ben Biely’s parents cited above had the cultural capital to evaluate their child’s serious medical condition, but equally important they possessed the social capital to connect with the requi- site medical personnel (Gengler 2014). Finally some social scientists have made an additional distinction, referring to “political capital” when individuals use social capital in the political realm (Nee and Opper 2010; Robertson 2008). Each of the four capital forms can interact with any other, but one principle about these interrelations stands out: that in line with the prevailing likelihood of social reproduction, a given individual, family, or community often has a relatively consistent quality of capital in the four different areas. Throughout the text these four types of capital are prominent presences, displaying influence in social-class formation and social reproduction. The following study on schooling provides an initial chance to see an illustration of social reproduction, featuring contributions that capital types make to the process.

SOCIAL REPRODUCTION AND SCHOOLING Historically, and even currently, many analysts of American society have described the education system as the great equalizer—the place where all children, regardless of how humble their background, can receive the quality schooling that will make occupational success possible. But is this an accurate observation about American education? Chapter 1 • The Road to Social Inequality: A Conceptual Introduction 19

Such an outlook tends to ignore the role of social class. A social class (or simply a class) is a large category of similarly ranked people located in a hierarchy and distinguished from its other categories by such traits as occupation, education, income, and wealth (Gilbert 2011, 263). Chapter 2 indicates that some sociologists have defined class differently, most notably subdividing a nation’s citizens strictly according to their relationship to the economy. While such classifications have had a major impact on sociological thinking, the present definition is the foundation for modern sociological usage. In this section and in subsequent chapters, it will become apparent that the members of different social classes have varied access to capital sources, affecting their placement in the social-stratification system. To begin, it is hardly surprising that financial capital affects people’s educational opportunities. Middle-class families have more money than those less affluent to spend on schooling, using it for such expenses as private schooling, tutoring, or college payments. As Chapter 7 indicates, insufficient funding is a prominent reason working-class individuals drop out of college. Financial capital also impacts children’s education in another way. Because the American system of public-school funding depends heavily on property tax, children in more affluent residential districts have better schools— smaller classes, better paid and more experienced teachers, and higher quality facilities and supplies (Billingham and Kimelberg 2013; Cordes, Schwartz, Stiefel, and Zabel 2015). Middle-class parents also possess other capital-related advantages that can promote their children’s educational progress. The family of origin provides cultural capital that can affect children’s schooling success. First, parents have a chance to help their offspring learn both to reason and to develop verbal skills. In a study of 88 black and white working- and middle-class children, sociologist Annette Lareau found that middle-class parents were more inclined than their working-class counterparts to reason with their children—not simply to give them orders—and to encourage them to engage in thoughtful conversation. As a result the middle-class students obtained more effective early development of skills that helped them relate to teachers and peers, starting in the early years and carrying to college and beyond (Lareau 2007, 542–43). Second, cultural capital also involves parents’ knowledge about promoting children’s college attendance. While working-class parents possess less developed cultural capital about their children’s college attendance than their middle-class counterparts, some are particularly disadvantaged. In a study of 24 Spanish-speaking, working-class immigrants attending a workshop about helping their children apply for college, the Latina educator in charge described the parents. They are

[v]ery caring, very loving, and very concerned about their children, but pretty much lost in terms of the system.… When you compare them to English- speaking parents who are interested in helping their children who may have the same profile, [nonimmigrant parents] have a little bit more of an edge in that at least they understand somewhat what the educational structure is. So the Latino parents are really disconnected because they don’t understand the system at all. (Fa n n , Ja r s k y , a n d McDo n o u g h 2009, 381) 20 Part 1 • The Foundation of Social Stratification and Social Inequality

In addition, working-class parents tend to develop less educationally related social capital than their middle-class counterparts. In Lareau’s study Ms. Driver, a working-class white woman whose daughter had a serious reading disability, was pleased that school officials were seeking to determine why the girl had difficulty, but she had not contacted school officials to request it. Furthermore Ms. Driver’s cultural capital was limited, providing her no more than a vague grasp of the problem. She noted that her daughter

goes to Special Ed. I think it’s two classes a day … I’m not one hundred percent sure—for her reading. It’s very difficult for her to read what’s on paper. But then—she can remember things. But not everything. It’s like she has a puzzle up there. (La r e a u 2007, 546)

Without clearly understanding the issue, Ms. Driver could hardly assist the teachers in addressing it. In contrast, Ms. Marshall maintained a distinctly different habitas, staying fully informed about her daughter’s school issues and feeling entitled to be an active partici- pant in resolving any difficulties. She was an African American middle-class mother who used her professional skills and experience to supply detailed information that would help teachers effectively address her daughter Stacey’s individualized needs. Discussing a gymnastics instructor, Ms. Marshall told Lareau “And sometimes teachers have to learn how to, you know, meet the needs of the kid. Her style, her immediate style was not accommodating to Stacey” (Lareau 2007, 545). Like their parents the children in the two classes have different experiences developing social capital. Most of the working-class respondents in Thomas Gorman’s study of 80 white working-class and middle-class respondents in a medium-sized northeastern city grew up with the idea that, as one truck driver phrased it, they were “not college material” (Gorman 2000, 702). Such an outlook made it unlikely that they had close contacts and friendships with college-bound classmates. In contrast, middle-class students found themselves with educationally beneficial social capital—immersed in a social network composed of “academically oriented friends” and “caring teachers and administrators” (Gorman 2000, 705). Another investigation reached a similar conclusion, indicating that middle-class parents received considerably more financial support from social networks, particularly those containing selected relatives, than working-class members (Bennett, Lutz, and Jayaram 2014, 14). Social capital influences schooling, and, in turn, this form of valuable human capital influences people’s access to jobs and thus their occupational success and financial capital. About half of Gorman’s working-class subjects regretted either dropping out of high school or not going to college, recognizing that limited schooling greatly restricted their employment possibilities. The remaining working-class respondents, most of whom were skilled laborers, were quite happy with their positions. One electrician indicated that he was pleased with both his pay and job content. He explained, “I don’t want to wear a shirt and tie, … not have stress on me” (Gorman 2000, 710). Once again, however, the middle-class respondents often fared better. As college graduates who frequently had advanced degrees, the majority were content with their high-paying, often satisfying positions. A lawyer Chapter 1 • The Road to Social Inequality: A Conceptual Introduction 21 declared, “Well, I’ve reached my occupational goal. I’m a partner in a fairly good law firm. I guess I’ll continue to practice law and improve my standing in the law firm and improve my abilities as an attorney” (Gorman 2000, 710). Working-class members generally appreciate the utility of a college degree. Sociol- ogist Jennifer M. Silva spent two years interviewing 100 20- and 30-something working- class individuals living in two Massachusetts cities. While Silva’s respondents were convinced that the way to escape dead-end jobs was a college degree, many of them “lack[ed] the skills and knowledge they need[ed] to navigate an increasingly complex, costly, and competitive higher-education system” (Silva 2013). Another way to phrase it is to say that they did not possess middle-class students’ access to the types of capital promoting higher education. Rebecca, a coal miner’s daughter, entered a state university planning to become a teacher, but because her academic preparation was weak, she was on probation within a year. “I struggled. I was all freaked out about writing,” she told the interviewer in a strained voice. The next year it got worse. Rebecca explained,

I ended up plagiarizing my paper, so I can’t go back. And it wasn’t even intentional. I had a disk with notes and pieces from the Internet, you know, all on there to write my paper. And I plugged in a paragraph of somebody else’s words that I didn’t mean to do. A counselor was like, you can probably get out of this if they know all the circumstances, but I was an emotional mess, so I didn’t even go back to see him. (Si l v a 2013)

In particular, unlike many, perhaps even most middle-class students, Rebecca lacked the cultural capital to navigate the educational system and resolve the crisis. The above description has emphasized that a complex of interacting types of capital provides one set of class members better educational and occupational opportunities than the other. Perusing studies on higher education, social scientists Robert Haveman and Timothy Smeeding addressed the impact of such forces on people’s schooling. They suggested that compared to their lower-income, less-educated (working- class) counterparts, affluent, well-educated (middle-class) parents are better equipped to “invest time, money and influence to ensure their children’s academic success from preschool through graduate school” (Haveman and Smeeding 2006, 128). The investment, of course, pays off. In 2015 college graduates earned 56 percent more than high-school graduates, up from 51 percent more in 1999 and the Economic Policy Institute’s largest gap since staff members began compiling these figures in 1973 (Business Report 2017; Rugabar 2017). College degrees, however, do not simply provide financial advantage. In a study the Pew Research Center cited “the rising costofnot going to college,” indicating that “[o]n virtually every measure of economic well-being and career attainment—from personal earnings to job satisfaction to the share employed full time—young college graduates are outperforming their peers with less education” (Pew Research Center 2014). Table 1.3 summarizes the impact that class-based capital types produce on schooling. 22 Part 1 • The Foundation of Social Stratification and Social Inequality

TABLE 1.3 Working- and Middle-Class Uses of Capital in the Pursuit of Schooling

Examples Involving Working- Examples Involving Middle-Class Class Respondents Respondents

Cultural Parents often lacking the knowledge Parents supporting and often guiding their capital to provide useful information children’s education process and emphasizing the importance of schooling, especially college Social Few academically oriented peers or Immersion in school networks enhancing the capital positive teacher contacts that might pursuit of education promote academic success Human Frequent negative memory of school Widespread sense of having received the capital performance and of school itself benefits of education Financial Substantially less income for high- Substantially more income for college grads capital school grads

Sources: Business Report (2017), Gorman (2000), Lareau (2007), Rugabar (2017), Silva (2013).

In sum, the preceding material has supported Jay MacLeod’s claim that social reproduction is prevalent, with Americans more often locked into social-class settings than unrestricted and free in a land of open opportunity. Beyond this general conclusion, the context of class-based living is diversified. The following chapters provide details—information about the various structures, processes, and groups affecting Americans’ class-based outlooks, behavior, and opportunities. What follows is a brief summary of the book’s contents.

Conclusion

The first chapter contains key terms and ideas The second chapter, which involves that provide a foundation for the investigation conflict theories of social inequality, high- of social inequality and social stratification— lights the contributions of such theorists as to begin, definitions and discussion of the Karl Marx, Max Weber, and Thomas Piketty. fundamental terms social inequality, social In addition, a section provides a summary stratification, and ideology; then basic infor- of several power-elite theories, which antici- mation about the development of the modern pate later discussions indicating how global economy and an overview of its wealthy, powerful interests affect major eco- impact; the introduction of the concepts of nomic and political policies. The third social reproduction along with four types of chapter examines social stratification and capital, all of which prove useful in analyzing social inequality in a global context, consid- social inequality; and finally the use of these ering the development of world systems and terms in examining working-class and middle- globalization’s impact on people in devel- class people’s differing educational and occu- oping countries. The fourth chapter dis- pational opportunities. cusses prominent ideological and structural Chapter 1 • The Road to Social Inequality: A Conceptual Introduction 23 factors that have promoted social ine- the nation’s most pressing educational, quality; the power elite’s major activities occupational, and political factors pro- and the three principal areas of public moting social inequality. policy are included. The following four For a moment we might return to chapters examine the major social-class where this chapter began—with the idea categories—the upper class, the middle of traditional structures and practices class, the working class, and the poor. unwinding and social inequality continu- Extensive social research provides infor- ing to expand and thrive and what mate- mation about respondents in different rial in the upcoming chapter considers social classes. Limited information about the power elite’s refusal to alleviate the these investigations, however, has crushing reality of social reproduction, appeared in texts on social inequality— meaning that a vast array of Americans in particular, the fine body of qualitative face systemic restraints inhibiting or studies is noticeably absent. The next simply eliminating their chances to be two chapters examine two critical types successful. Why these unequal outcomes of discrimination—racism and sexism. occur and the consequences in diverse The text finishes with a conclusion, people’s lives seem to be revealing, ever- which analyzes various actual or pro- interesting issues well worth addressing spective initiatives addressing some of in the pages ahead.

Key Terms in the Glossary

Capital 16 Ideology 5 Cultural capital 16 Social capital 18 Financial capital 16 Social class 19 Gini index 10 Social inequality 4 Globalization 5Social reproduction 13 Habitas 15 Social stratification 4 Human capital 18

Discussion Topics

1. What is globalization? What are two 4. Is social reproduction likely to persist in reasons it represents a “new capitalism?” our society? Do you find social reproduc- 2. Discuss who wins and who loses in the tion a troublesome reality? Describe a set modern American economy, providing of conditions that would help eliminate it. information from the chapter and other 5. Indicate whether or not it is accurate to sources. conclude that social reproduction plays a 3. Define the four types of capital examined significant role in people’s access to higher in the chapter, providing clear illustrations education. of each. 24 Part 1 • The Foundation of Social Stratification and Social Inequality

Research Papers

1. Pick an American corporation. Based on your social reproduction applies. Provide detailed research, provide as much detail as possible information about the people influencing the indicating how over time globalization has process—parents, additional relatives, peers, affected the company’s profits, production, and teachers, counselors, work associates, and workers. others. Incorporate types of capital when they 2. From Table 1.2’s list of countries, choose one prove useful. with the greatest and one with the least dispar- 4. Choose two of the types of capital discussed in ity between the richest and the poorest. Then this chapter and write an essay describing how gather information about each country, learn- their influence differs for wealthy, middle- ing what conditions in the two nations income, and poor people. At some point promote their respective outcomes. during the paper, indicate in some detail how 3. Focus on a family or neighborhood you know the two types of capital might interrelate, influ- well, indicating in detail the extent to which encing each other.

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Pluralism 46 Structural-functional theory 31 Power elite 46 Substructure 33 Proletariat 34 Superstructure 33 Reserve army of labor 37 Surplus value 34 Socialism 36 Traditional system of authority 41 Sociological theory 31 Wealth 43

Discussion Topics

1. Indicate why the Davis-Moore theory belongs 4. Evaluate the conclusion that Piketty’s work is in the structural-functional category. Then eval- an update of Marxist theory. uate its conclusions. 5. Compare Mills’s, Domhoff ’s, and Dye’s theo- 2. What are three major points the Marxist theory ries, mentioning all of their basic traits. Does makes? Summarize two important weaknesses Domhoff ’s or Dye’s theory appear to provide a and two strengths. more convincing assessment of the modern 3. Discuss Weber’s social-stratification perspective, power elite? emphasizing its differences from Marxist theory.

Research Papers

1. Find research information that further evalu- points and conclusions, and then—this is a criti- ates Marx’s theory, providing detailed informa- cal part of the assignment, not simply a minor tion that develops the weaknesses and issue—indicate what the study suggests about strengths discussed in the chapter. If one par- the utility of either Weber’s or Marx’s theory. ticular issue stands out and provides sufficient 3. Discuss Piketty’s main points about economic detail, then make it the paper’s focus. inequality. What does the theory suggest about 2. Using a database for academic journals like the occurrence of inequality in the future? JSTOR or SocIndex, locate an article where the Develop the following thesis, which some respondents’ social class is a central issue in the Americans support: “No American power elite study. I suggest choosing a qualitative investiga- exists, except in the feverish minds of some tion since it will sometimes provide detailed deluded academics.” What is the evidence on data about respondents’ outlooks and actions the topic? Information relating to both the plu- including quotes that will prove useful and ralism and power-elite perspectives can prove interesting. Read the article, summarize its major helpful in approaching this assignment.

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Discussion Topics

1. List and describe the four stages in the devel- concept. Make certain to include Walmart in opment of world systems. the discussion. 2. What are three prominent means by which 5. If factory workers in a developing nation plan multinationals have undermined developing to start a union, what basic guidelines should nations’ economies? they keep in mind? 3. Evaluate the following statement: The pat- 6. Comment on this claim: The residents of squat- terns permitting individuals in developing ter communities are simply society’s failures, nations to become billionaires generally fit a namely individuals and families without the Marxist model. fortitude and perseverance to be successful in 4. Define hegemonic despotism and indicate how the work world. Chinese governmental policies illustrate that

Research Papers

1. Is a fourth hegemonic power likely to arise? To local conditions that might have been promot- address this question, analyze the factors that ing the union’s goals. What impact have these have produced hegemonic powers and attempt protests had in both the factory and the locale? to determine if any current evidence related to 3. Pick a squatter community—perhaps Geeta these factors suggests such an outcome. Nagar in India or Rocinha in Brazil or some 2. The text indicates that in 2015 China experi- other one for which extensive information is enced a surge of over 2,800 work stoppages in available. Describe life in this community, pro- factories. Gather material about some of these viding detail about how inclusion in a modern actions, indicating at least one instance of world system affected the development and union involvement, preferably a case concern- maintenance of this squatter community and ing the organization and/or strengthening of also ideas about the most promising means of union efforts. Evaluate the action’s success, improving residents’ prospects for obtaining suggesting whether it made effective use of human and financial capital.

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Discussion Topics

1. Does the six-part scheme for dividing social 5. Discuss the two types of lobbying and indicate classes seem reasonable? Would you alter it in what changes, if any, in the system you would any way? advocate. 2. Do you believe that the American ideology 6. How do deck stacking and spin control promotes social inequality? Explain, making promote social inequality? reference to some of the specific topics to 7. Comment on the strengths and weaknesses of which it applies. the American tax system. 3. In the next several decades are Americans likely to 8. What changes in the federal budget would alter their views about social mobility? Comment, most effectively reduce social inequality? making specific reference to Millennials. 9. Is government regulation a well-organized, 4. Focusing on one of the four types of organiza- citizen-serving activity? Discuss this topic bring- tions that are prominently involved in the elite ing in the subprime mortgage crisis and other policy-making process, discuss why or why regulatory-related issues. not that type of organization is likely to act in the public interest.

Research Papers

1. What has happened to the American rags-to- to power-elite policies. This chapter’s bibliog- riches story? Use studies of social mobility to raphy can provide a start for locating prospec- address the question, and speculate about the tive sources. future. 4. Pick one of the three principal areas of public 2. Produce a paper analyzing the relationship policy—taxation, budgeting, or regulation. between one or more key features of the Research the topic thoroughly. The opening American ideology and the American capitalist section of the paper should summarize current system. conditions. The core should be a hard-headed, 3. A promising way to learn about the “invisible well-documented analysis that describes the government” is to focus on a specific organiza- most effective ways to alleviate contemporary tion which impacts the political process—a inequalities. Keep in mind that power-elite think tank, a foundation, a corporation, or a resistance is inevitable, and thus any proposals policy-making group. Examine such an organi- with a chance of success need to have the zation, indicating how its activities contribute potential of receiving strong public support.

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5. Why did G. William Domhoff describe promi- 7. What are important traits that top corporate nent boarding schools as “the lynchpins in the executives need to possess? Develop this idea: upper-class educational system?” Power-elite members tend to associate and 6. Analyze the role that social clubs play in rich work with individuals sharing similar traits and people’s lives, providing detail on the more outlooks. exclusive types.

Research Papers

1. Write about the old rich versus the new rich, & Social Change and various other sources discussing their different outlooks and priori- including some of those mentioned in the ties and locating outside case-study material chapter. that clearly illustrates the differences between 4. Choose a major CEO and research him/her, the two types of wealthy people. providing detailed information about his/her 2. Evaluate this thesis: Upper-class education rise to the top and style of management. In clearly displays the reality of social reproduc- addition, indicate whether this individual tion. Obtain information from various sources appears to belong to the power elite, provid- extending from preschool programs through ing detail to support the conclusion. college and even postgraduate education. 5. Focus on power-elite policy, choosing any sig- 3. Develop a short paper indicating whether or nificant issue including those cited in the last not interlocking directorates truly contribute to two chapters, and indicate how the superclass coherent power-elite policies. Use G. William input of money and power influences the dif- Domhoff ’s Who Rules America? Power, Politics, ferent types of groups involved in the process.

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Research Papers

1. Focus on middle-class education, starting with under which online communities make posi- sources in this chapter and obtaining others tive contributions. that also illustrate how the four different types 4. Indicate how middle-class work has changed of capital can contribute to effective schooling. over time by examining sources involving 2. Reexamine the brief discussion of the ecology employees’ experiences. Include the concepts downsizing, outsourcing, temp work, and any of class. Besides the topics in the text, think of others that might prove useful. another where this concept applies and write a 5. In the twenty-first century, how does social short analysis of it. reproduction impact the middle class? Address 3. Gather information and data about the func- this question, using the chapter’s section “The tions that social-networking sites can provide Middle Class’s Slippery Slope for Making Ends individuals and groups. Is there a downside? It Meet” as a starting point. Bring in different might also be useful to specify the conditions types of capital when useful.

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Research Papers

1. Starting with material in this chapter, write 3. Analyze the differences in working-class and about the activities and success of trade unions middle-class experience in one the following over time. It might be helpful to follow a par- areas: family life; schooling; or work. Docu- ticular union, tracing its ups and downs ment the conclusions thoroughly, using refer- through the years. ences in Chapter 6 and this chapter as 2. Are modern working-class Americans’ lives foundational sources. consistent with the Marxist theory? Obviously 4. Write about the challenges of doing blue-collar the response is neither yes nor no. Raise temp work or working-class job training. While several, carefully documented points, provid- material in the chapter can provide some ing both support for the theory and criticism sources, it will prove helpful to obtain addi- of it. tional information.

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Research Papers

1. Research the development and meaning of the 4. Develop a paper about racism in the job separate-but-equal standard and assess whether world, bringing in the following concepts— remnants of it continue to exist in modern times. individual racism, institutional racism, stereo- 2. Starting with the text’s discussion of the factors type, and, if possible, color-blind racism. influencing the racial composition of young 5. Examine whether or not racial discrimination people’s peer groups, gather additional informa- in work is likely to remain stable or decline tion. Focus on the racial character of adoles- in the course of the next 20 years and also cents’ peer groups, indicating why one or two in the next 50 years, using the concept factors is (are) more influential than others. stereotype fallout and various ideas in the 3. Discuss the occurrence of racial stereotypes in chapter’s discussion of racial inequality in modern mass media, focusing on either TV, employment. films, or books and magazines.

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5. Drawing on your own and others’ experiences, 9. If you could make one gender-associated comment on the complicated, confusing ado- change in the structures or relations of the lescent world of gender relations. work world, what would it be? Explain. 6. Is the gendered hidden curriculum alive and 10. Provide an illustration of intersectionality, well? Discuss. explaining how the statuses in question affect 7. Pick a prominent medium—regular TV pro- a woman’s or female group’s life chances. 11. What impact does social class have in affecting gramming, commercials, film, children’s books, black women’s and Latinas’ lives? Give specific or whatever—and describe two scenes portray- examples if possible. ing both a traditional and a modern perspec- 12. Discuss lesbians’ discrimination on the job. tive on gender roles. Cite illustrations. 8. Analyze the modern job world, focusing on the 13. Describe poor immigrant women’s intersec- concepts institutional sexism and hegemonic tional statuses, offering concrete examples of masculinity. each of them.

Research Papers

1. Write about “doing gender,” using studies if possible, point out both differences and sim- that focus on some specific age in girls’ ilarities in your two sets of suggestions. development. 4. Drawing heavily from source material, produce 2. Provide a well-documented response to this a report about the female members of a major statement: In the twenty-first century, girls and racial group (including American Indians) and women have the same educational opportuni- discuss the different intersectional impacts, ties as boys and men. specifying their respective influences wherever 3. Focus on two jobs women might choose, possible. varying significantly in pay and prestige. 5. What strikes you as the most interesting or Develop a strategy for success in both posi- compelling variety of intersectionality? Gather tions, documenting the points you make and, data and produce a paper about it.

Note

1. While the research in question includes both lesbians and gays, the current discussion of its content focuses on lesbians since they are the topic in hand.

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Key Terms in the Glossary

Charter school 455 Living wage 462 Codetermination 464 Social-change organization 465

Discussion Topics

1. Is the US two-party system an optimal arrange- 3. What type of social-change organization would ment for the majority of American citizens, or be most appealing to you? Who would be the would another system serve most people better? clients you wanted to serve and what improve- 2. Evaluate the Harlem Children’s Zone, indicat- ments in their lives would you try to ing both its strengths and weaknesses. If you accomplish? had the authority and funds to establish such a 4. If you had the resources to initiate a major program, where would you locate it and what attack on social inequality, what issue(s) would would be your specific goals? you emphasize and why?

Research Papers

1. Gather information about the Harlem Chil- 3. Write a paper that examines and assesses dren’s Zone, comparing its effectiveness to social-change organizations’ capacity to reduce other successful charter schools. social inequality. Cite the activities of a specific 2. Drawing on sources in the chapter but expand- organization, indicating how members can ing them, discuss and evaluate the federal gov- grow and expand as individuals and also refer ernment’s record at and potential for both to productive programs that are distinctly ben- creating jobs and improving workers’ eco- eficial for socially or economically disadvan- nomic welfare. What are several areas where taged clients. the federal government’s contribution could distinctly improve?

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1.5 generation immigrants who reach the new Codetermination the representation of workers host country before the age of 13 and thus have in the governance of the organizations employ- the chance to achieve mastery of its language and ing them to obtain extensive American schooling Color-blind racism whites’ assertion that they are Absolute threshold of poverty a cutoff point living in a world where racial privilege no longer establishing the minimal level of income below exists, but their behavior supports racialized struc- which families are unable to purchase sufficient tures and practices food, clothing, and shelter to maintain themselves in good health Comparable worth the conclusion that the defin- itive means of promoting pay equity is to base pay Apprentice an individual who agrees to work for scales on a combined assessment of the worker’s modest wages for a specified length of time, learn- qualifications and the job’s basic traits, considering ing from his or her employer the range of skills irrelevant whether or not the position is tradition- required in that trade ally associated with a particular sex Authority power derived from a person’s location within an organization or structure Conflict theory a perspective contending that the struggle for wealth, power, and prestige in society Blaming the victim a perspective that focuses on should be the central concern of sociology an individual’s personal deficiencies, downplaying or ignoring such structural influences as the family’s Conspicuous consumption lavish expenditure economic status or its access to quality education on high-priced goods and services in order to Blue-collar ( Job holders) individuals who have flaunt one’s wealth obtained a high-school diploma or less school- Core nation a country that possesses a success- ing and do manual work, normally receiving an ful industrial history, exerts both political and eco- hourly wage nomic influence in the world system, and enjoys a Bourgeoisie the class with ownership of the vari- high standard of living ous means of production Corporate community a number of large busi- Bureaucratic system of authority a structure nesses and banks which form a network for such that systematically administers the tasks controlling mutual benefits as sharing information and devel- an organization’s operation oping economic and political policies Capital resources that people possess or acquire, finding them valuable in various settings Cultural capital broadly shared outlooks, knowledge, skills, and behavior passed from one genera- Capitalism a system in which economic production to the next tion features private ownership in pursuit of profit Charismatic system of authority a system at the Cycle of poverty a circular process in which a core of which is an individual who pursues a mis- set of interrelating large structures, primarily insti- sion driven by a powerful sense of divine purpose tutions, lock individuals and families into a low- and draws followers who are committed to that income condition mission Deck stacking the process of loading most of Charter school a publicly funded school run by the positions in the media companies—the editors, outside organizations, usually nonprofits, beyond managers, and reporters—with unshakably loyal the jurisdiction of local school boards personnel

473 474 Glossary

De facto segregation the separation of racial Foundation a tax-free organization that spends groups resulting from common practice and involv- money on research, education, the arts, and many ing such issues as residential patterns or school other endeavors enrollment Functional literacy the capacity to use basic Deserving poor such people as the aged, infants, skills in reading, math, and the interpretation of and individuals with serious illness or physical documents in work situations disability, who were incapable of work and thus Gender constancy the recognition that being qualified for charitable support and a sympathetic female or male is a permanent part of one’s iden- evaluation tity, serving as the foundation for adult gender Doing gender acting in ways considered appro- roles priate toward members of the designated sex Gini index a measurement of a nation’s statistical Downsizing the deliberate reduction of perma- distribution of income or wealth inequality nent employees in an effort to provide an organi- Glass ceiling distinct but often unseen discrimina- zation more efficient operation and/or cut costs tory barriers women face in seeking to move into Ecology of class the largely unrecognized or high-level positions acknowledged impact that residential or occupa- Globalization the increasing integration of nations tional location has on quality of life in an age featuring highly reduced costs for com- Equality of opportunity a situation where munication and transportation along with the low- people possess broadly similar chances for success ering of such “artificial barriers” as treaties or tariffs in business, politics, and other prized endeavors restricting the movement of goods, services, finan- Ethnicity the classification of people into catego- cial capital, and technology across borders ries with distinct cultural or national traits Habitas the set of attitudes, behavior, and experi- Eugenics movement an initiative founded by ences maintained by the people sharing a distinct prominent intellectuals who claimed that scientists social world could lead an organized effort to ensure “the puri- Hegemonic despotism a condition where fication of the Anglo-Saxon race” modern firms can control operations by threaten- Extended family network an interrelated kin- ing workers with downsizing or even plant closure ship group which plays a role in members’ care, Hegemonic masculinity an established gender particularly children’s health and well-being hierarchy in which masculine qualities, opportuni- False consciousness the proletariat’s inability to ties, and privileges receive greater recognition than perceive that the established economic and politi- feminine ones cal forces inevitably maintain their domination and Hegemony a situation in which one nation has exploitation sufficient power and influence to impose its rules Family office an organization formed when and goals globally in the economic, political, mili- family members pool some of their resources and tary, diplomatic, and even cultural realms hire experts to evaluate investments, charitable Hidden curriculum the important but unofficial activities, and perhaps even political donations messages about values, beliefs, and behavior that Financial capital monetary items such as wages teachers and administrators can implicitly commu- and salaries or purchasable items such as com- nicate to students puters or books that can contribute directly or High-stakes testing a situation in which the out- indirectly to obtaining various valued resources come of a standardized test becomes the sole basis representing other types of capital for determining students’ educational progression Floundering family a household in which the Human capital the attainment of skills, knowl- breadwinner(s) appear(s) to lack the ability to edge, and expertise people acquire to be success- establish financial independence ful in various valued ways Glossary 475

Hypergamy the possession of wealth or power Jim Crow era a period of time ranging from allowing an individual to ignore normal rules and Reconstruction to the 1960s during which laws and restrictions customs mandated a castelike separation of blacks Ideology the complex of values and beliefs that and whites, featuring blacks’ subordination and support a society’s social-stratification systems and oppression their distribution of wealth, income, and power Labor union an organization that legally repre- Income individuals’ earnings obtained through sents the interests of a set of job holders in respect wages, salaries, business profits, stock dividends, to wages, benefits, and working conditions rents, and other means Legitimation individuals’ willing acceptance of Index of dissimilarity the percentage of a par- the dominant ideology and institutions and the ticular racial group that would need to change social inequalities they promote residential location in order to achieve racial even- Liberal capitalism a combination of a democratic ness—to disperse its membership throughout the political system and a capitalist economy, support- city so that census tracts average that group’s per- ing free trade and unrestricted economic competi- centage of inhabitants in the city tion Index of occupational segregation the pro- Lifestyle a particular set of behavioral patterns portion of females (or males) who would need involving social relations, childrearing practices, to change to jobs where their sex is underrepre- language usage, and other activities deriving from sented, thereby producing an occupational struc- members’ consumption patterns ture that is proportionately represented sexually Living wage an hourly rate of pay that would Individual racism a person’s or group’s action ensure meeting a family’s basic material needs that produces racial abuse—for example, verbal or without reliance on public assistance physical mistreatment Lobbying the process by which individuals or Individual sexism a person’s or group’s action groups attempt to influence government officials to that produces abuse against girls or women support legislation or policies sought by their clients, Informal sector jobs and businesses that govern- who can be corporations, professional and trade ment neither monitors nor taxes associations, or consumer and environmental groups Institutional racism the discriminatory racial Lumpenproletariat the portion of the work- practices built into organizations and groups within ing class comprising society’s dregs—swindlers, the political, economic, and educational systems brothel-keepers, beggars, and prostitutes—who are Institutional sexism the discriminatory practices cast out of the revolutionary struggle against women built into organizations and groups Majority group a category of people within within the political, economic, and educational sys- a society who possess distinct physical or cul- tems tural characteristics and maintain superior power, Intergenerational mobility a measure of social wealth, and other valued resources mobility comparing a child’s and a parent’s class Means of production the factories, farms, and location businesses, where goods and services are devel- Interlocking directorate a formal connection oped and dispersed between two major corporations which develops Media framing the process of packaging informa- when an officer from one company serves on the tion and entertainment in order to produce a dis- board of directors of another tinct impact on an audience Intersectionality the recognition that a woman’s Minority group a category of people with rec- oppressions, limitations, and opportunities result ognizable racial or ethnic traits that place it in a from the combined impact of two or more influen- position of restricted power and inferior status so tial statuses—in particular, her gender, race, class, that its members suffer limited opportunities and age, parent role, and sexual preference rewards 476 Glossary

Mode of production a society’s organized system Proportional representation an electoral for- for developing goods and services such as feudal- mula attempting to match the national or regional ism, capitalism, or socialism votes a party receives with its legislative seats Modern world system a capitalist global econ- Racial formation the socio-historical process of omy which contains multiple states and a single creating and changing race-related structures and dominant international division of labor meanings Multinational a large corporation which both Racialized meaning that people’s racial produces and sells goods or services in various classification significantly affects their access to countries valued economic, political, and social resources Racially restrictive covenant a contract among Official US measure of poverty an absolute property owners prohibiting specified minorities standard employing a two-step process—assessing from buying, leasing, or occupying property in the minimal cost for a nutritionally healthy diet and their locale then tripling that figure to compute the threshold for a poverty income Racial project an interpretation or explanation of racial events that promotes the mobilization of new Outsourcing companies’ subcontracting of serv- organizations and groups along with altered every- ices to other companies instead of continuing to day behavior provide those services themselves Racism a belief that real or alleged traits of one PAC (political action committee) a private fun- race establish its superiority over another or others draising group often affiliated with a corporation, Redlining the discriminatory practice of refusing labor union, or citizen group, permitted to give to provide mortgage loans or property insurance unlimited contributions to political candidates they or only providing them at accelerated rates for rea- support sons not clearly associated with any conventional Pay equity the contention that women and men assessment of risk should receive similar compensation not only for Regulatory agency an independent governmental equal work but for work of equal value investigatory commission established by Congress Pedagogy of poverty a set of ineffective, even to develop standards for some specific commercial destructive, teaching practices often imposed on activity and then to enforce those standards poor children Reserve army of labor the bourgeoisie’s pur- Peripheral nation a member of the poorest, least poseful maintenance of a distinct level of unem- powerful, and least industrially developed set of ployment as a bargaining chip for keeping countries wages low Resiliency effective adjustment to adversity, Petite bourgeoisie a small-business class, whose namely the ability to survive when facing risks or members never accumulate enough profit to to rebound following a crisis expand their holdings and to challenge the bourgeoisie’s economic supremacy Selective reporting a biased coverage of news issues that promotes corporate interests and down- Pluralism a theory concluding that a dispersion plays, denigrates, or ignores issues and groups of authority and control exists within government challenging these interests Power elite a number of high-status people, Self-fulfilling prophecy an incorrect definition particularly in prominent corporate and political of a situation that comes to pass because people positions, who largely control the process of deter- accept the incorrect definition of the situation and mining a society’s major economic and political act on it to make it become true policies Semiperipheral nation an independent state that Proletariat the workers who do not own the has achieved a moderate level of industrialization means of production and development Glossary 477

Sense of entitlement the conviction that one Social reproduction the process by which deserves to receive some valued opportunity or people belonging to certain categories, such as reward social classes, have differing access to the valuable Separate-but-equal standard a legal doctrine resources that influence the transmission of - ine legitimating segregated services and facilities for quality from one generation to the next blacks and whites Social stratification a deeply embedded hierarchy providing different groups varied rewards, Sexism a set of beliefs claiming that real or resources, and privileges and establishing social alleged differences between women and men relationships that both determine and legitimate establish the superiority of men those outcomes Skilled-labor job a working-class position involv- Socialism an economic system in which the pro- ing specific knowledge or ability and sometimes letariat controls the means of production and the requiring specialized training or schooling distribution of profits Slave codes a body of laws covering all major Sociological theory a combination of observa- issues in slaves’ lives tions and insights providing a systematic explana- Social capital those individuals, networks, tion of social life groups, and organizations that can assist partici- Spin control various media practices meant to pants in pursuing valued objectives mobilize an audience’s support for a corporate or Social-change organization a nonprofit agency superclass outlook which seeks to alter conditions in an effort to Squatters individuals or families who settle on increase marginalized groups’ and communities’ land that does not belong to them power and income Standpoint a particular group’s outlook on the Social class a large category of similarly ranked workings of social relations and society people located in a hierarchy and distinguished Steering a realtor’s effort to dissuade minority cli- from its other categories by such traits as occupa- ents from seeing residences in all-white or largely tion, education, income, and wealth all-white areas, instead seeking to interest them Social Darwinism a doctrine emphasizing that in homes in what are wholly or primarily minor- the most inherently capable groups will rise to the ity areas top of economic, political, and social hierarchies, Stereotype a set of distinctly negative traits that ensuring the most productive arrangement for prejudiced people apply to all members of a group the distribution of wealth and power for society against whom they are prejudiced at large Stereotype fallout the significant penalty Social distance people’s willingness to engage minority-group members can suffer when influen- in different degrees of closeness with members of tial, often powerful individuals embrace an estab- various racial and ethnic groups lished stereotype of that minority group, promoting Social inequality a situation in which individu- its toxic impact on their life chances als, families, or members of larger structures like Stereotype threat the distinct risk that the members neighborhoods or cities vary in access to such of a group widely believed to possess inferior abili- valued resources as wealth, income, education, ties will fall victim to that diminished expectation health care, and jobs Structural-functional theory a perspective sug- Social mobility the movement of an individual or gesting that groups in interaction tend to adjust to group up or down in a social hierarchy such as a one another in a fairly stable, conflict-free way class system Structural mobility a type of social mobility Social-networking sites Internet organizations where either technological or institutional change that are seeking to build online communities of creates an increase or decrease in jobs within a people sharing interests and activities certain social class 478 Glossary

Structural vulnerability a distinct likelihood of Trajectory a cyclical pattern of disruption and encountering major difficulties or threats because restoration, with racial projects a key component of such deficient capital resources as money, edu- in this process cation, or important information Undeserving poor individuals who simply Substructure the material conditions of produc- avoided work out of apparent lethargy or because tion such as gathering and hunting, agriculture, or alcohol, drugs, or some other debilitating influence industrial development caused physical and/or mental decline Superstructure the noneconomic parts or institu- Urban war zone a poor, crime-laden district tions of society—for instance, the political system, numerically dominated by people of color in which medicine and health care, the family, or education deteriorated, violent, even war-like conditions and Surplus value the difference between a product’s underfunded, largely ineffective schools promote economic worth and the worker’s payment inferior academic performance, including irregular Temporary (temp) work involves a job where attendance and disruptive or noncompliant class- an individual remains in a position for a limited room behavior amount of time Wealth people’s economic assets—their cars, Think tank an organization that does the most homes, stocks, bonds, and real estate, which can systematic research and analysis in the policy- be converted into cash formation process White-collar ( Job holders) well-educated or fairly Tracking a process where educators evaluate well-educated individuals who perform nonmanual students and then place them in programs with a duties in an office setting curriculum that supposedly is appropriate for their abilities Work alienation an outcome job holders face when they lose control over either the work proc- Traditional system of authority a system which ess, the product of their labor, or both is usually patriarchal, with the dominant individual, whether a husband, father, master, chieftain, lord, Work ethic the conviction that unrelenting com- or king, maintaining legitimacy based on estab- mitment to one’s job is necessary both for occupa- lished belief tional success and for building character