Social Stratification
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Chapter 8: Social Stratification
UNIT 3 238 SOCIAL INEQUALITY Chapter 8 Social Stratification Chapter 9 Inequalities of Race and Ethnicity Chapter 10 Inequalities of Gender and Age Enrichment Readings Chapter 8 – Elliot Liebow “The Lives of Homeless Women,” page 272 Chapter 9 – Patricia Williams “The Skin Color Tax,” page 306 Chapter 10 – Lois Gould “The Story of Baby X,” page 342 239 CHAPTER 8 SocialSocial StratificationStratification 240 U S Your Sections I Sociological N Imagination 1. Dimensions of G Stratification ane Smith, aged forty and reeling from 2. Explanations of a bitter divorce, was discouraged. A se- Stratification Jrious back injury meant she could no longer work at her nursing aide job. 3. Social Classes in America Without a high school diploma, she found that no one was willing to hire her. 4. Poverty in America Reluctantly, she applied for welfare and was enrolled in a program designed to develop 5. Social Mobility job skills. She completed an eighteen-month course and was hired by an engineering firm. After two years, Jane has moved up in Learning Objectives the company and now thinks of herself as an intelligent, capable person. A different type of welfare story involves After reading this chapter, you will be able to Mary, the “welfare queen.” Many politicians have used her as a typical example of how ❖ explain the relationship between stratifica- the social welfare system is abused. Mary tion and social class. managed to register for government aid ❖ compare and contrast the three dimensions under dozens of assumed names and col- of stratification. lected thousands of dollars from food ❖ stamps and other federally subsidized pro- state the differences among the three grams. -
Social Inequalities―Empirical Focus Gunnar Otte, Mara Boehle, and Katharinakunißen
Social Inequalities―Empirical Focus Gunnar Otte, Mara Boehle, and KatharinaKunißen Abstract: Social inequalities constituteone of the largest research fieldsofsociology in the German-speakingcountries.This field has been successfullyinstitutionalized and internationalized in recent decades. Today, it rests on arich data infrastructure and alarge bodyofcumulativeresearch. The article traces this advancement in terms of shifting theoretical paradigms,methodological innovations, and the establishment of the current data infrastructure. It particularlyhighlights recent developments in four coreareas of inequality research: educational inequality and returns on educa- tion; employment and the labor market; income, wealth, and poverty;and social mobility. Keywords: Social inequality,social stratification, social change, data infrastructure, Germany 1Introduction Ever since sociologyemergedasascientific endeavorinthe eraofindustrialization (the “social question”), social inequalities have been at the heart of the discipline. In the German-speakingcountries,asinmanyothers, inequality research is one of the largest and most advanced fields of sociology. Forthis and other reasons,reviewing the publication output since the turn of the millennium is anything but an easy task. First,inequality research is constituted of, or is related to, several subfields of re- search, such as education, work/labor,social policy, health/aging, demography, the life course, family, migration/ethnicity,and gender. The demarcation of the field is thereforeblurry and -
Social Inequality and Social Stratification in US Society Uses a Historical and Conceptual Framework to Explain Social Stratification and Social Inequality
SOCIAL INEQUALITY AND SOCIAL STRATIFICATION IN US SOCIETY Social Inequality and Social Stratification in US Society uses a historical and conceptual framework to explain social stratification and social inequality. The historical scope gives context to each issue discussed and allows the reader to understand how each topic has evolved over the course of American history. The author uses qualitative data to help explain socioeconomic issues and connect related topics. Each chapter examines major concepts, so readers can see how an individual’s success in stratified settings often relies heavily on their access to valued resources—types of capital which involve finances, schooling, social networking, and cultural competence. Analyzing the impact of capital types throughout the text helps map out the prospects for individuals, families, and also classes to maintain or alter their position in social- stratification systems. Christopher B. Doob is Professor Emeritus of Sociology at Southern Connecticut State University. His published works include Sociology: An Introduction, 6th Edition (Harcourt Press 1999); Social Inequality and Social Stratification in US Society (Routledge 2012); Race, Ethnicity, and the Urban American Mainstream (Pearson 2004); Racism: An American Cauldron, 3rd Edition (Pearson 1998), the second edition of which received a Myers Center Award for the Study of Human Rights; and Great Expectations: The Sociol- ogy of Survival and Success in Team Sports (Routledge 2018). In addition, he has been active in his community, serving as coordinator for the Southern Connecticut State University’s Urban Initiatives, which established math tutor- ing classes for inner-city children. He has also participated in the struggle for welfare rights and been a long- time volunteer in two local adult- education programs. -
The Slavery System
The slavery system It is an extreme form of inequality in which some individuals are owned by others as their property. Slavery is a system of stratification in which one person owns another, as he or she would own property, and exploits the slave’s labor for economic gain. Slaves are one of the lowest categories in any stratification system, as they possess virtually no power or wealth of their own. • It is an extreme form of inequality in which some individuals are owned by others as their property. • The slave owner has full control including using violence over the slave. • L.T Hobhouse defined slave as a man whom law and custom regard as the property of another. • In extreme cases he is wholly without rights. He is in lower condition as compared with freemen. • The slaves have no political rights he does not choose his government, he does not attend the public councils. Socially he is despised. • He is compelled to work. • The slavery system has existed sporadically at many times and places but there are two major examples of slavery - societies of the ancient world based upon slavery (Greek and Roman) and southern states of USA in the 18th and 19th centuries. • According to H.J Nieboer the basis of slavery is always economic because with it emerged a kind of aristocracy which lived upon slave labour. Slavery is a system under which people are treated as property to be bought and sold, and are forced to work. Slaves can be held against their will from the time of their capture, purchase, or birth; and can also be deprived of the right to leave, to refuse to work, or to demand compensation. -
Food Insecurity, Social Inequality, and Social Policy
University of Central Florida STARS Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2004-2019 2016 Food Insecurity, Social Inequality, and Social Policy Sara Strickhouser University of Central Florida Part of the Sociology Commons Find similar works at: https://stars.library.ucf.edu/etd University of Central Florida Libraries http://library.ucf.edu This Doctoral Dissertation (Open Access) is brought to you for free and open access by STARS. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2004-2019 by an authorized administrator of STARS. For more information, please contact [email protected]. STARS Citation Strickhouser, Sara, "Food Insecurity, Social Inequality, and Social Policy" (2016). Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2004-2019. 4942. https://stars.library.ucf.edu/etd/4942 FOOD INSECURITY, SOCIAL INEQUALITY, AND SOCIAL POLICY by SARA STRICKHOUSER B.A. Stetson University, 2008 M.A. University of Central Florida, 2013 A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Sociology in the College of Sciences at the University of Central Florida Orlando, FL Spring Term 2016 Major Professor: James D. Wright © 2016 Sara M. Strickhouser ii ABSTRACT Research shows that food insecurity rates and experiences vary by subpopulation. This dissertation examines the rates and experience of food insecurity across subpopulations using a wide variety of sociodemographic factors, thus expanding the current research on social determinants of food insecurity. Subtopics surrounding the current food insecurity research are also explored. These topics include determinants of food deserts, SNAP (or food stamps) utilization, and household adaptation strategies. This research shows that current measurements of food insecurity lack the detail needed to understand why households are food insecure besides lacking income. -
SOCIAL STRATIFICATION and POLITICAL Behavrori an EMPHASIS \T,PON STRUCTURAL 11YNAMICS
SOCIAL STRATIFICATION AND POLITICAL BEHAVrORI AN EMPHASIS \T,PON STRUCTURAL 11YNAMICS by Christopher Bates Doob A.B., Oberlin College, 1962 A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Oberlin College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in the Department of Sociology 1964 ~-,-\t ii I," - ~ <" . , Preface There are a number of people whose assistance has made this project possible. Without their aid I literally would have been unable to complete this thesis and obtain my degree. xy" profoundest acknowledgment goes to Dr. Kiyoshi Ikeda, whose knowledge of theory and methodology literally shaped this project. The influence of Professors Richard R. xy"ers, George E. Simpson, .J. Milton Yinger, and Donald P. Warwick is also evident at various points through- out this work. Mr. Thomas Bauer, Dr. Leonard Doob, Miss Nancy Durham, and Miss .June Wright have given valuable assistance at different stages of the process. Christopher B. Doob Oberlin College June 1964 09\,~O\A4 'i::l "\ ~ S iii Table of Contents Page Preface 11 r. Introduction The Problem 1 An Historical Approach to the Dynamics of Social Stratification 2 Broad Sociological Propositions Concerning Social Mobility 3 Empirical Studies 4 Status Crystallization 6 Static Structural Variables in This Study 7 Some Observations on Voting Behavior 11 The Hypotheses 12 II. Methodology The Sample 17 The Major Independent Variables 18 Intermediate Variables 25 The Dependent Variables 26 A Concluding Note 28 III. Description of the Findings The Relationship of Mobility, Class, and Intermediate Variables to Liberalism-Conservatism 30 The Intermediate Variables 31 Status Crystallization, Class, and Liberalism Conservatism • iv III. -
The Bioarchaeology of Structural Violence and Dissection in the 19Th-Century United States
AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST RESEARCH ARTICLE The Bioarchaeology of Structural Violence and Dissection in the 19th-Century United States Kenneth C. Nystrom ABSTRACT Structural violence is harm done to individuals or groups through the normalization of social inequalities in political-economic organization. Researchers working in both modern and prehistoric contexts focus on the lived experiences of individuals and the health disparities that arise from such violence. With this article, I seek to contribute to this literature by considering how skeletal evidence of dissection from the 19th-century United States reflects structural violence. I focus on “death experiences” and suggest that studies of structural violence must consider not only how inequality may be embodied as health disparities in the living but also “disembodiment” and the treatment and fate of the dead body. [bioarchaeology, dissection, autopsy, structural violence, United States] RESUMEN Violencia estructural es el dano˜ hecho a individuos o grupos a traves´ de la normalizacion´ de desigual- dades sociales en una organizacion´ polıtico-econ´ omica.´ Investigadores trabajando en contextos tanto modernos como prehistoricos´ se centran en las experiencias vividas por individuos y las disparidades en salud surgidas de tal violencia. Con este artıculo,´ busco contribuir a esta´ literatura a traves´ de considerar como´ evidencia esqueletal de diseccion´ del siglo XIX en los Estados Unidos refleja violencia estructural. Me enfoco en las “experiencias de muerte” y sugiero que estudios de violencia estructural deben considerar no solo´ como´ la desigualdad puede ser corporizada como disparidades en salud en el viviente, sino tambien´ en “descorporizacion”´ y el tratamiento y destino del cuerpo muerto. [bioarqueologıa,´ diseccion,´ violencia estructural, Estados Unidos] tructural violence is harm done to individuals or groups autopsy) from the 19th-century United States relative to through the normalization of inequalities that are inti- the concept of structural violence. -
The Problem of Social Class Under Socialism Author(S): Sharon Zukin Source: Theory and Society, Vol
The Problem of Social Class under Socialism Author(s): Sharon Zukin Source: Theory and Society, Vol. 6, No. 3 (Nov., 1978), pp. 391-427 Published by: Springer Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/656759 Accessed: 24-06-2015 21:55 UTC REFERENCES Linked references are available on JSTOR for this article: http://www.jstor.org/stable/656759?seq=1&cid=pdf-reference#references_tab_contents You may need to log in to JSTOR to access the linked references. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/ info/about/policies/terms.jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Springer is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Theory and Society. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 132.236.27.111 on Wed, 24 Jun 2015 21:55:45 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 391 THE PROBLEM OF SOCIAL CLASS UNDER SOCIALISM SHARON ZUKIN Posing the problem of social class under socialismimplies that the concept of class can be removed from the historical context of capitalist society and applied to societies which either do not know or do not claim to know the classicalcapitalist mode of production. Overthe past fifty years, the obstacles to such an analysis have often led to political recriminationsand termino- logical culs-de-sac. -
Outline and Assess Bourdieu's Explanation of Social Inequality
Outline and assess Bourdieu’s explanation of social inequality. Emily Tabb Pierre Bourdieu has been a long standing figure in the realms of sociological thought. His most widely known work being, Distinction: a critique of judgement and taste, which has been ranked as the 6th most important social scientific work of the of the 20th century (Swartz and Zolberg, 2004:2). He gave a different approach to the structure/ agency, subjective/objective debate, believing they overlapped and elaborated on Marx’s predominantly objective account of social class that economy was the sole reason for social inequality. Instead his notion encompassed the relations between culture and power and how this shapes social class. Bourdieu utilises four concepts to explain social inequality: habitus, field, capital and symbolic violence. This essay will attempt to explain and assess these concepts and their interaction between one another which according to Bourdieu causes social inequality. Bourdieu believes that ‘social life cannot be understood as simply the aggregate of individual behaviour’ (Jenkins, 1992:74), so that structures need to be analysed too. However these structures do not necessarily control and dominate agents as Marx, Althusser and others thought. Bourdieu creates a bridge between these two dualisms in the form of ‘habitus’. The original meaning of Habitus is that ‘it is an acquired system of generative schemes objectively adjusted to the particular to the particular conditions in which it is constituted’ (Bourdieu, 1977:95). Bourdieu retains some of the concept’s original meaning with the relation between habitus, body and field. ‘For Bourdieu, the body is a mnemonic device upon and in which the very basics of culture, the practical taxonomies of the habitus, are imprinted and encoded in a socialising or learning process which commences in early childhood’(Jenkins, 1992 :76). -
Social Democracy and Neoliberalism: Beyond Sibling Rivalry
Global Policy, February 2018 Social Democracy and Neoliberalism: Beyond Sibling Rivalry Steve Fuller University of Warwick Abstract The failure of ‘progressivism’ to gain traction in the current political landscape can be diagnosed in many ways. The diagnosis pursued here, partly in response to a set of recent debates, is that social democracy and neoliberalism have been artificially divided by the spectre of Marxism. But now that Marxism is no longer a serious geopolitical force (though it remains quite potent in academia), the time is ripe for the two ‘centre-left’ movements to come together by recovering their common Fabian heritage, which stresses the value of social experimentation. Policy Recommendations • Marxism should no longer be regarded as the polestar of Left-leaning politics. This point is already reflected in the actions of most politicians and policymakers today, but it needs to be embraced by the academic community if its opinions are to have any relevance in today’s political arena. • The shift away from Marx should be made in the context of reconciling the differences between ‘social democracy’ and ‘neoliberalism’, two technocratic forms of state capitalism that draw their inspiration from British Fabianism but have been increasingly seen by academics as polar opposites. This infighting, typically mediated by some phantom conception of Marxism, has contributed to the Left’s blindsiding by the rise of ‘populism’. • Fabianism’s strength in this renewed context is that it approaches technological innovation from the standpoint of enabling greater flexibility in terms of social organization, combined with more intensive interest in data collection. These provide the structural preconditions for inducing a sort of ‘super-liberal’ attitude at the administrative level that encourages systematic social experimentation, for which Karl Popper originally applied the clunky phrase, ‘piecemeal social engineering’. -
Class, Status, Poverty, and Capital: a Guide to Social Stratification in Career Counseling
Portland State University PDXScholar Counselor Education Faculty Publications and Presentations Counselor Education 7-2013 Class, Status, Poverty, and Capital: A Guide to Social Stratification in Career Counseling Tina M. Anctil Peterman Portland State University, [email protected] Brian Hutchison University of Missouri - St Louis Carol Klose Smith University of Iowa Follow this and additional works at: https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/coun_fac Part of the Student Counseling and Personnel Services Commons Let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Citation Details Anctil Peterman, Tina M.; Hutchison, Brian; and Smith, Carol Klose, "Class, Status, Poverty, and Capital: A Guide to Social Stratification in Career Counseling" (2013). Counselor Education Faculty Publications and Presentations. 16. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/coun_fac/16 This Presentation is brought to you for free and open access. It has been accepted for inclusion in Counselor Education Faculty Publications and Presentations by an authorized administrator of PDXScholar. Please contact us if we can make this document more accessible: [email protected]. Class, Status, Poverty, And Capital: A Guide To Social Stratification In Career Counseling Tina Anctil, Ph.D., Portland State University Brian Hutchison, Ph.D., University of Missouri--St . Louis Carol Klose Smith, Ph.D., University of Iowa Nation Career Development Association: Boston, MA Social Class Mad Libs I grew up in a _________ class neighborhood. I knew this because the important adults in my life worked such jobs as __________, ___________, and ___________. I knew growing up that there were people from other classes. One time I remember is when ___________. This made me realize that my class and their class afforded us different outlooks and opportunities. -
Social Justice and Equality/Inequality Issues in Modern-Day Russia
United Nations Sustainable Educational, Scientific and Development Cultural Organization Goals World Social Science Report 2016 Social justice and equality/inequality issues in modern-day Russia Street artwork by iRG (Berlin, Germany, 2015) © Margie Savage 17. Social justice and equality/inequality issues in modern-day Russia Natalia Grigorieva This contribution examines inequality in modern-day Russia. It discusses different types of inequality, including income and economic disparities, regional imbalances, and differences in access to social services such as health and education. Justice and equality after the fall Inequality in modern-day Russia: of communism the poor and the rich The challenge of social justice and inequality in Russia It is conventional to distinguish between wealth has to be placed in historical context. As part of the inequality (referring to a stock) and income (a socialist doctrine of the former Soviet Union, equality flow). Over the past twenty-five ‘post-USSR’ years, was ensured through the distribution of goods and growing income inequality has been one of the most services by governmental institutions. Social policies significant changes in Russia. During this period, the were developed to support an equal – although by Gini coefficient of disposable income increased from European norms rather poor – sustainable standard 0.26 to 0.42. By 2014, the richest 10 per cent of people of living, promoting equal access to a wide range of accounted for 30.6 per cent of total cash income,2 social benefits such as housing, education, health while the poorest 10 per cent of people accounted and leisure, which lessened social inequality. The for 1.9 per cent.