The Inflection of Tigre Weak-Final and Strong Verbs

Acta Linguistica Academica / p. 135 / March 25, 2020

Acta Linguistica Academica Vol. 67 (2020) 1, 135–154 DOI: 10.1556/2062.2020.00010

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The inﬂection of Tigre weak-ﬁnal provided by Repository of the Academy's Library and strong verbs

Noam Faust Université Paris 8, CNRS SFL [email protected]

Abstract: This paper provides a complete, exclusively phonological account of the alternations in the paradigms of the two largest verbal types in the Ethio-Semitic language Tigre. It is proposed that “weak- final” verbs are constructed using the same templates and vocalizations as “strong” verbs. All of the differences between the two inflectional paradigms follow from weak-final verbs involving a vowel /e/ where strong verbs position a consonant. The analysis, conducted with the tools of Strict CV Phonology and Element Theory, is the first of its kind for Tigre. Keywords: morphology; non-concatenative; phonology; Semitic; Tigre; weak verbs

1. Introduction

This paper examines the alternations in the paradigms of the two largest verbal types in Tigre, an Ethio-Semitic language: “strong” verbs and “weak- final” verbs. Examples are provided in (1). The two verbs appear in the same verbal “template” or class called “Type A”, which is the basic class of verbs in the language. Since they share a template, they are expected to appear with the same vowels and syllable structure. The verb in (1a) is “strong” because the three elements of the root (henceforth “radicals”) appear in all inflected forms (1a). A verb is called “weak” when one of the radicals is absent or inconsistently realized in some of the inflected forms. The verb in (1b) is therefore weak-final: it seems to lack a third and final radical in all of the forms except for the 3FPL.IMPV, where one finds a consonant [j] (in bold). As is very common in Semitic, the absence of the radical is accompanied by changes in the vocalization of the stem. In the 1SG.PFV and the SBJV stems one finds [eː] and [e] respectively in the weak-final form where the parallel strong verb exhibits [əb], and in the 3MPL.IMPV the suffix of the weak final verb is [-u], whereas in the strong verb it is [-o].

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Noam Faust Université Paris 8, CNRS SFL [email protected]

Abstract: This paper provides a complete, exclusively phonological account of the alternations in the paradigms of the two largest verbal types in the Ethio-Semitic language Tigre. It is proposed that “weak-final” verbs are constructed using the same templates and vocalizations as “strong” verbs. It is proposed that the roots of weak- final verbs involve a final /e/ where those of strong verbs position a consonant, and the differences in all inflected forms is shown to follow from this difference. The analysis, conducted with the tools of Strict CV Phonology and Element Theory, is the first of its kind for Tigre.

Keywords: morphology, non-concatenative, phonology, Semitic, Tigre, weak verbs

1. Introduction

This paper examines the alternations in the paradigms of the two largest verbal types in Tigre, an Ethio-Semitic language: “strong” verbs and “weak-final” verbs. Examples are provided in (1). The two verbs appear in the same verbal “template” or class called “Type A”, which is the basic class of verbs in the language. Since they share a template, they are expected to Acta Linguisticaappear Academica with the /same p. 136vowels / March and syllable 25, 2020 structure. The verb in (1a) is “strong” because the three elements of the root (henceforth “radicals”) appear in all inflected forms (1a). A verb is called “weak” when one of the radicals is absent or inconsistently realized in some of the inflected forms. The verb in (1b) is therefore weak-final: it seems to lack a third and final radical in all of the forms except for the 3FPL.IMPV, where one finds a consonant [j] (in bold). As is very common in Semitic, the absence of the radical is accompanied by changes in the vocalization of the stems. In the 1SG.PFV and the SBJV stems one finds [eː] and [e] respectively in136 the weak-final form where the parallel strongNoam verb Faust exhibits [əb], and in the 3MPL.IMPV the suffix of the weak final verb is [-u], whereas in the strong verb it is [-o].

(1)(1) Tigre Tigre strong vs. vs. weak-final weak-ﬁnal verbs verbs representative representative examples examples

perfect imperfect subjunctive √ 3MSG 1SG 3MPL 3FPL a. √rkb rakba rəkəb-ko tɨ-rəkb-o tɨ-rakb-a -rkəb ‘ﬁnd’ b. √st? sata səteː-ko tɨ-sətt-u tɨ-satj-a -ste ‘drink’

There are many other alternations that emerge within each verbal type and between them. The goalThere of this are paper many is to otheraccount alternations for all of these thatalternations. emerge While within the full each paradigms verbal have type appearedand between in descriptive them. work The (Raz goal 1980, of 1983, this Elias paper 2014), is tono account of forthe alternations all of these exists.alternations. Indeed, detailed While accounts the fullof entire paradigms Semitic paradigms have appeared are rare in in general; descriptive besides my work own(Raz work 1980; (Faust 1983; 2017a; Elias Faust 2014), & Lampitelli, no account to appear), of the I am alternations only aware of exists. Chekayri Indeed, & Scheer (2003), which treats Classical Arabic, a language with no native speakers. To be sure, thedetailed forms in accounts this paper ofhave entire all been Semitic elicited paradigmsby the author arefrom rare a speaker in general; of the Samhar besides dialectmy own of Tigre. work1 (Faust 2017a; Faust & Lampitelli 2020), I am only aware of Chekayri In (1b) above, & Scheer I have (2003),left the identity which of treats the third Classical radical ofArabic, ‘drink’ unspecified. a language Traditionalwith no nativeanalyses speakers.of such paradigms To be asso sure,ciate the this formsradical with in this the phoneme paper have /i/ (e.g. all Raz been 1980), relying on the realization [j] of the 3FPL.IMPV. In this paper, I will argue that that elicited by the author from a speaker of the Samhar dialect of Tigre.1 In (1b) above, I have left the identity of the third radical of ‘drink’ 1 unspeciﬁed.This dialect is slightly Traditional different from the analyses Mansaʕ dialect, of suchwhich features paradigms in most of associatethe literature on this Tigre. radicalI assume here that the speaker is representative of his dialect. with the phoneme /i/ (e.g., Raz 1980), relying on the realization [j] of the 3FPL.IMPV. In this paper, I will argue1 that that radical is /e/.2 I will show

how, with the help of the Theory of Elements (Kaye et al. 1985; Backley 2011) and a single phonological rule, this hypothesis is capable of account- ing insightfully for all of the deviations of weak-final forms from the regular pattern, throughout the inflectional paradigms of all three bases. Impor- tantly, I will make no specific morpho-phonological statement regarding weak final verbs: the account is completely phonological. The following section introduces some relevant aspects of the phonology of the Samhar dialect of Tigre and the theoretical framework adopted. Section 3 presents the analysis, and section 4 concludes the paper.

2. Background: Tigre phonology and the theoretical framework

2.1. Phonological facts

Tigre is usually described as having six vocalic phonemes /i,u,e,o,ə,a/ (Leslau 1945). There is a distinct epenthetic vowel [ɨ]; the vowel /ə/, while

1 This dialect is slightly diﬀerent from the Mansaʕ dialect, which features in most of the literature on Tigre. I assume here that the speaker is representative of his dialect. 2 A similar proposal is made for the parallel verbal type in Wolane, a related Ethio- Semitic language, in Meyer (2006).

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The inﬂection of Tigre weak-ﬁnal and strong verbs 137

it does alternate with zero, is not epenthetic. An important aspect of Tigre phonology is the harmony discussed in Palmer (1956). The vowel /ə/ is obligatorily realized as [a] if it immediately precedes an [a] (2).3

(2) Tigre /ə/ realized as [a] before [a] (Palmer 1956) fərəs ‘horse’ farasa ‘her horse’ fərəski ‘your(FSG) horse’ mɨdəd ‘grindstone’ mɨdadna ‘our grindstone’ mɨdədu ‘his grindstone’

If so, there are two distinct phonemes in Tigre ‒ /ə/ and /a/ ‒ and the quality of /ə/ assimilates to that of [a] when they appear in this order. Two additional facts about the interplay between /ə/ and /a/ sug- gest that the difference is not only in quality, but also in quantity. The first is that phonetically, one may find two lengths for [a] word-medially. Phonetically short [a] is always the result of assimilation, and can usually be shown to alternate with [ə]. Phonetically long [a:] never alternates with [ə]. It may be concluded that the former is /ə/, and realized as short [a] through assimilation. Phonetically long [aː] is /a/ and underlyingly long. Secondly, [ə] never appears at the absolute right edge of the word; all final low vowels have the quality [a], are short, and trigger harmony (as in 2 above). There are two ways of understanding this distributional fact. Either /aː/ is disallowed finally, and [a] is the realization of /ə/ at the right edge; or /ə/ is disallowed word-finally, and /aː/ is shortened at the right edge. The second hypothesis is preferable for three reasons. First, there is no reason for /ə/ to lower at the right edge. Second, all other vowels are phonetically long in open syllables, and all are allowed word-finally, where they are phonetically short. Third, all of these final, phonetically short vowels become long when another suffix is added: [tɨrakba] ‘find.2/3FPL.IMPF’, [tɨrakbaː-ka] ‘find.2/3FPL.IMPF-OBJ.2MSG’. I conclude that (i) all vowels except /ə/ are phonologically long;4 (ii) there is a morpheme structure constraint banning phonologically-short /ə/ word-finally; and (iii) final, phonologically-long vowels are realized short. None of these conclusions are

3 Pharyngeals and ejectives also lower preceding vowels. For a full account of the harmony facts (with the additional rounding harmony of Samhar Tigre), see Faust (2017b). 4 This claim is consistent with previous work on Tigre (Lowenstamm & Prunet 1988; Faust 2014), as well as on other Ethiosemitic languages (for Tigre, see Leslau 1945). Lowenstamm and Prunet (1988) note that in the Mansaʕ dialect, all vowels except [ə] alternate with [ɨ] in a non-ﬁnal closed syllable. Assuming long vowels cannot survive in closed syllables, this situation is expected. However, in the Samhar dialect discussed here, there is no quality reduction in closed syllables, e.g., [ɡeːsa] ‘he went’, [ɡeːsko] ‘I went’, *[ɡɨsko].

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138 Noam Faust

cross-linguistically surprising: neutralization of vowel length at the right edge is typologically common (cf. the similar fact of Arabic discussed in McCarthy 2005; Faust & Ulfsbjorninn 2018). A third and ﬁnal general remark concerns glides. On the surface, these sounds never surface as geminate, unlike all other consonants (except gutturals). Verbs of Type B (otherwise not treated in this paper) illustrate this fact. These verbs are characterized by a medial geminate and a vocalization ⟨a,a⟩ in the perfective, e.g., [ħabbara] ‘he connected’. The verb [kˀajara] ‘he replaced’ is clearly of Type B, but the /j/ is not realized as geminated. I conclude with Raz (1980; 1983) that underlying geminate glides surface as simplex. these conclusions is cross-linguistically surprising: neutralization of vowel length at the right edge is typologically common (cf. the similar fact of Arabic discussed in McCarthy 2005, Faust & Ulfsbjorninn 2018). 2.2. TheA third frameworks and final general adopted remark concerns glides. On the surface, these sounds never surface as geminate, unlike all other consonants (except gutturals). Verbs of Type B (otherwiseIn their not analysis treated ofin this the paper) assimilation illustrate this data, fact. Lowenstamm These verbs are and characterized Prunet by (1988) a medial geminate and a vocalization in the perfective, e.g. [ħabbara] ‘he connected’. The verbprovide [kˀajara] an ‘he account replaced’ ofis clearly the vocalic of Type systemB, but the in/j/ theis not framework realized as geminated. of Element I concludeTheory with (as Raz construed (1980, 1983) by that Kaye underlyi etng al.geminate 1985). glides This surface paper as simplex. will adopt that account. To illustrate, consider its application to the assimilation of /ə/ 2.2.into The [a]. frameworks adopted

In theirThe analysis three of the rightmost assimilation vocalicdata, Lowenstamm expressions & Prunet in (3)(1988) are provide simplex: an analysis they of are thecomprised vocalic system of a in single the framework element of which Elemen headst Theory the (as expression construed by (“v” Kaye represents et al. 1985).the Thisabsence paper will of lexicaladopt that information; analysis. To illustrate, headstatus consider is its represented application to the by assimilation an underline), of /əand/ into are[a]. realized as [u,i,a] respectively. To their left, the two mid vowels The three rightmost vocalic expressions in (3) are simplex: they are comprised of a single[o,e] element are represented which heads the as expression combinations (“v” represents of head the Uabsence and ofI respectivelylexical information; and a headnon-head status is A.represented The vowel by an [ə] underline), is represented and are realized as an as unheaded [u,i,a] respectively. expression To their which left,nevertheless the two mid containsvowels [o,e] A; are and represented the empty as combinations set, comprising of head U only and Iof respectively “v”s, isthe andepenthetic a non-head vowel.A. The vowel5 [ə] is represented as an unheaded expression which nevertheless contains A; and the empty set, comprising only of “v”s, is the epenthetic vowel.5

(3) The Tigre vowel inventory according to Lowenstamm & Prunet (1988) (3) The Tigre vowel inventory according to Lowenstamm & Prunet (1988) Back/Round v v U I U I v │ │ │ │ │ │ │ High v A A A v v A │ │ Timing x x x x x x x x x x x x [ɨ] /ə/ /oː/ /eː/ /uː/ /iː/ /aː/

The harmony that the vowel /ə/ undergoes can be attributed to a preference for headed expressions. Put very simply, whenever the non-headed /ə/ immediately precedes headed /a/, 5 Lowenstamm and Prunet (1988) account for the length distinctions and for the spe- there is assimilation in headedness and /ə/ is realized as short [a]:6 ciﬁc repertoire of Tigre by the following two well-formedness constraints: i. Headed

(4) elements Harmony mustin Headedness: branch, and /…ə ii.taː It/ and=> [ata U mustːt] be heads of their expressions. Assuming thatA expressions t A t cannot have A two t heads, A thist covers all and only the six lexical vowels of│ Tigre │ (see also│ Faust 2014). │ │ │ x x x x x x x x x x Acta Linguistica Academica 67, 2020 Underlying length is also important for the analysis of glides, which are often assumed to be the consonantal version of vocalic expressions. If phonetically simple glides can be underlyingly geminated, what about underlyingly singleton glides? The realization of these, Brought to you by Librarywe and will Information see, depends Centre ofon the their Hungarian environment. Academy of Sciences MTA | Unauthenticated | Downloaded 08/12/20 09:54 AM UTC

5 Lowenstamm & Prunet (1988) account for the length distinctions and for the specific repertoire of Tigre by the following two well-formedness constraints: i. Headed elements must branch, and ii. I and U must be heads of their expressions. Assuming that expressions cannot have two heads, this covers all and only the six lexical vowels of Tigre (see also Faust 2014). 6 For more sophisticated, alternative analyses, see Faust (2017b) and Brandão de Carvalho & Faust (2017). 3

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The inﬂection of Tigre weak-ﬁnal and strong verbs 139

The harmony that the vowel /ə/ undergoes can be attributed to a preference for headed expressions. Put very simply, whenever the non-headed /ə/ immediately precedes headed /a/, there is assimilation in headedness and /ə/ is realized as short [a]:6

(4) Harmony in Headedness: /…ətaːt/ ⇒ [ataːt]

Underlying length is also important for the analysis of glides, which are often assumed to be the consonantal version of vocalic expressions. If phonetically simple glides can be underlyingly geminated, what about underlyingly singleton glides? The realization of these, we will see, depends on their environment. Element Theory deals with the representation of segments. Templates, in turn, will be represented here following Strict CV theory (Lowenstamm 1996; Scheer 2004), an offspring of the theory of Government Phonology (Kaye et al. 1990). In this approach, the only skeletal unit replicates the unmarked Element syllableTheory deals CV. with A the major representation advantage of segments. of this approachTemplates, in is turn, that will it avoidsbe represented here following Strict CV theory (Lowenstamm 1996; Scheer 2004), an offspring of attributingthe theory of Government two templates Phonology to (Kaye two relatedet al. 1990). words In this with approach, different the only surface skeletal syl- unitlabifications. replicates the unmarked Thus, as syllable presented CV. A major in (5), advantage the templates of this appro ofach the is that base it avoids in [kəlɨb] attributing‘dog’ and two [kəlb-u]templates to ‘his two dog’ related are words identical with different in their surface number syllabifications. of CV units Thus, (otheras presentedaspects in of(5), thethe templates representations of the base willin [kə belɨb] explained‘dog’ and [kə below):lb-u] ‘his dog’ are identical in their number of CV units (other aspects of the representations will be explained below):

(5)(5) TheThe templates templates of of[kə [kəlɨb]lɨb] and and [kəlb-u] [kəlb-u] in Strict in Strict CV Phonology CV Phonology a. [kəlɨb] ‘dog’ b. [kəlb-u] ‘his dog’ k ə l ɨ b k ə l b u │ │ │ │ │ │ │ │ │ C V C V C V3 CVCV2 CV3 C V

*government government Empty nuclei (i.e., empty V-slots) come in two types, final empty nuclei and medial ones. FinalEmpty empty nucleinuclei ( (i.e.,V3 in 5a) empty are parametrically V-slots) come allowed in (or two “licensed”), types: ﬁnalbut are empty unable nucleito govern. Non-final empty nuclei (V2 in 5b) may remain unrealized if they are “governed” by a and medial ones. Final empty nuclei (V in 5a) are parametrically allowed following contentful nucleus (V3 in 5b). Thus, in (5b),3 V2 remains silent; but in (5a) the same nucleus(or “licensed”),is realized as the but epenthetic are unable vowel [ɨ to]. govern. Non-ﬁnal empty nuclei (V2 in 5b) Furthermore,may remain (5b) unrealized exemplifies ifthe they repres areentation “governed” of length in by Strict a following CV Phonology. contentful A longnucleus vowel is (V representedin 5b). as Thus,one element in (5b), occupy Ving remainstwo V-slots. silent; The engulfed but in C-slot (5a) remains the same unrealized. The 3representation of geminates, whic2h we will encounter later in the paper, is analogous,nucleus with is realizedthe expression as the branching epenthetic onto two vowel C-slots. [ɨ]. Finally, (5b) also illustrates the present treatment of final length neutralization: word-final vowels occupy two nuclei, but are

realized6 short. For more sophisticated, alternative analyses, see Faust (2017b) and Carvalho & Faust (2017). 3. Analysis

In the ensuing analysis, each of the three verbal aspects will be discussedActa Linguistica in a different Academica section 67, 2020 in the following order: imperfective, perfective, subjunctive.

3.1. The imperfective Brought to you by Library and Information Centre of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences MTA | Unauthenticated | Downloaded 08/12/20 09:54 AM UTC The table in (6) presents the inflectional paradigms of the two types of verb in the imperfective, characterized by the gemination of the second radical.7,8

(6) Strong and weak-final imperfective paradigms in Tigre

‘ﬁnd’ ‘drink’ ‘ﬁnd’ ‘drink’ SG 1 ɨ-rəkkɨb ɨ-sətte PL 1 ɨn-rəkkɨb ɨn-sətte 2M tɨ-rəkkɨb tɨ-sətte 2M tɨ-rəkb-o tɨ-sətt-u 2F tɨ-rəkb-i tɨ-sətt-i 2F tɨ-rakb-a tɨ-satj-a 3M lɨ-rəkkɨb lɨ-sətte 3M lɨ-rəkb-o lɨ-sətt-u 3F tɨ-rəkkɨb tɨ-sətte 3F tɨ-rakb-a tɨ-satj-a

7 The data reported in Raz (1980, 1983) and Lowenstamm & Prunet (1988) are crucially different from what I found in my fieldwork. The suffixes ending with [a] in the present account trigger harmony; they do not in the Mansaʕ data. The speaker I worked with asserts that harmony applies in both dialects. 8 Some prefixes in this paradigm are in advanced stages of erosion (Faust 2015, Voigt 2004, 2009).

Element Theory deals with the representation of segments. Templates, in turn, will be Acta Linguisticarepresented Academica here /following p. 140 /Strict March CV 25, theory 2020 (Lowenstamm 1996; Scheer 2004), an offspring of the theory of Government Phonology (Kaye et al. 1990). In this approach, the only skeletal unit replicates the unmarked syllable CV. A major advantage of this approach is that it avoids attributing two templates to two related words with different surface syllabifications. Thus, as presented in (5), the templates of the base in [kəlɨb] ‘dog’ and [kəlb-u] ‘his dog’ are identical in their number of CV units (other aspects of the representations will be explained below):

(5)140 The templates of [kəlɨb] and [kəlb-u]Noam in Strict Faust CV Phonology a. [kəlɨb] ‘dog’ b. [kəlb-u] ‘his dog’ k ə l ɨ b k ə l b u Furthermore,│ │ │ │ │ (5b) exemplifies │ the │ representation │ │ of length in Strict CV Phonology.C V C V A C longV3 vowel is represented CVCV2 asCV one3 elementC V occupying two V-slots. The engulfed C-slot remains unrealized. The representation of *government government geminates, which we will encounter later in the paper, is analogous, with Empty nuclei (i.e., empty V-slots) come in two types, final empty nuclei and medial ones. Finalthe expressionempty nuclei ( branchingV3 in 5a) are ontoparametrically two C-slots. allowed Finally, (or “licensed”), (5b) also but illustratesare unable tothe govern.present Non-final treatment empty nuclei of final (V2 lengthin 5b) may neutralization: remain unrealized word-final if they are “governed” vowels occupyby a followingtwo nuclei, contentful but nucleus are realized (V3 in 5b). short. Thus, in (5b), V2 remains silent; but in (5a) the same nucleus is realized as the epenthetic vowel [ɨ]. Furthermore, (5b) exemplifies the representation of length in Strict CV Phonology. A long vowel is represented as one element occupying two V-slots. The engulfed C-slot remains unrealized. The representation of geminates,3. Analysiswhich we will encounter later in the paper, is analogous, with the expression branching onto two C-slots. Finally, (5b) also illustrates the presentIn the treatment ensuing of final analysis, length neutralization: each of the word-final three verbal vowels aspects occupy two will nuclei, be discussed but are realized short. in a different section in the following order: imperfective, perfective, subjunctive. 3. Analysis

In the ensuing analysis, each of the three verbal aspects will be discussed in a different section in3.1. the following The imperfective order: imperfective, perfective, subjunctive.

3.1. The imperfective The table in (6) presents the inﬂectional paradigms of the two types of Theverb table in in the (6) imperfective, presents the inflectional characterized paradigms by of the the gemination two types of ofverb the in secondthe imperfective,radical.7,8 characterized by the gemination of the second radical.7,8

(6)(6) Strong Strong and and weak-final weak-ﬁnal imper imperfectivefective paradigms paradigms in Tigre in Tigre

7 The data strong reported in paradigm Raz (1980, 1983) presents and Lowenstamm three & Prunet stems (1988) on are the crucially surface: different from unsuffixed what I found in my fieldwork. The suffixes ending with [a] in the present account trigger harmony; they do not in the Mansa[rəkkɨb]ʕ data. The and speaker suffixed I worked [rəkb-] with asserts and that [rakb-].harmony applies The in both quality dialects. of the vowel in [rakb] 8 isSome the prefixes clear in this harmonic paradigm are influence in advanced stages of the of erosion following (Faust 2015, [a]: Voigt this 2004, stem 2009).[a] is underlyingly /ə/. The suffixed stem does4 not have a medial geminate because geminates are not allowed in coda position (more on this below). Since the

7 The data reported in Raz (1980; 1983) and Lowenstamm & Prunet (1988) are crucially different from what I found in my fieldwork. The suffixes ending with [a] in the present account trigger harmony; they do not in the Mansaʕ data. The speaker I worked with asserts that harmony applies in both dialects. 8 Some prefixes in this paradigm are in advanced stages of erosion (Faust 2015; Voigt 2004; 2009).

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The strong paradigm presents three stems on the surface: unsuffixed [rəkkɨb] and suffixed The inflection of Tigre weak-final and strong verbs 141 [rəkb-] and [rakb-]. The quality of the vowel in [rakb] is the clear harmonic influence of the following [a]: this stem [a] is underlyingly /ə/. The suffixed stem does not have a medial geminatevowel because [ɨ] is thegeminates epenthetic are not allowed vowel, in one coda canposition conclude (more on that this below). the imperfective Since the vowelaspect [ɨ] is isthe expressed epenthetic vowel, by a one single can conclude template, that the with imperfective only one aspect lexical is expressed vowel, an Thebyunheaded astrong single paradigm template, A, and presents with pre-specified only thre eone stems lexical gemination:on the vowel, surface: an unsuffixedunheaded A,[rə kkandɨb] pre-specified and suffixed [rgemination:əkb-] and [rakb-]. The quality of the vowel in [rakb] is the clear harmonic influence of the

following(7) Basic [a]: templatethis stem of[a] Tigre is underlyingly imperfective /ə/. The suffixed stem does not have a medial geminate(7) Basic because template geminates of Tigre are imperfective not allowed in coda position (more on this below). Since the vowel [ɨ] is Athe epenthetic vowel, one can conclude that the imperfective aspect is expressed by a single │ template, with only one lexical vowel, an unheaded A, and pre-specified gemination:C V C V C V C V

The(7) variation Basic templatein the surface of Tigre form imperfective of the stem is explained in (8). In the unsuffixed stem (8a) thereThe are variationthree empty innuclei the in surfacea row. The form final empty of the nucleus stem isis licensed explained and remains in (8). empty. In the unsuffixed A stem (8a) there are three empty nuclei in a row. The final It may therefore │ not govern the preceding nucleus, which must be realized. It is realized throughempty C[ɨ ]-epenthesis, nucleusV C V is Crepresented licensedV C V andwith the remains dashed empty.line. The It precedi mayng therefore nucleus is not thus gov- governedern the and preceding silent. In contrast, nucleus, in the which suffixed must form bein (8b) realized. the final Its nucleus realization hosts a lexical through Thevowel[ɨ]-epenthesis variation (I assume in the this issurface representednucleus form of of stem the by sstem is the availableis explained dashed to insuffixal line. (8). TheIn vowels). the precedingunsuffixed V3 is stemtherefore nucleus (8a) is governedthere are threeand willempty not nuclei be realized. in a row. As The a result, final emptyit cannot nucleus govern is thelicensed nucleus and of remains the geminate, empty. thus governed and silent. In contrast, in the suffixed9 form in (8b) the final whichIt may accounts therefore for not the govern phonetic the simplification preceding nucleus, of the geminate. which must be realized. It is realized throughnucleus [ɨ]-epenthesis, hosts a lexicalrepresented vowel with(I the assume dashed stem-finalline. The precedi nucleing nucleus are available is thus to (8) Unsuffixed and suffixed strong imperfectives: [rəkkɨb] (8a) and [rəkbo] (8b) governedsuffixal and vowels). silent. In contrast, V3 is thereforein the suffixed governed form in (8b) and the will final notnucleus be hosts realized. a lexical As a a. r A k [ɨ] b b. r A k b {U,A} vowel (I assume this nucleus of stems is available to suffixal vowels). V3 is therefore result, it│ cannot│ govern the│ nucleus of│ the │ geminate, which│ accounts for governedthe phonetic and will not simplification be realized. As ofa result, the geminate. it cannot govern9 the nucleus of the geminate, which accounts C forV theC phonetic V C Vsimplification C V of the C geminate. V C9 V 2 CV3 C V4 - C V

(8) Unsuffixed and suffixed strong imperfectives: [rəkkɨb] (8a) and [rəkbo] (8b) (8) Unsuffixed and suffixed strong imperfectives: [rəkkɨb] (8a) and [rəkbo] (8b) By analogy,a. ther stemA of kthe weak [ɨ ]verb b must place b. the r weak A root k in the sa me template b {U,A} (7). The resulting stems│ are│ three in number, not│ essen tially │two │ as in the strong paradigm:│ unsuffixed [sətte], suffixed [sətt-u] and [satj-a]. Each of the three presents a different problem for the C V C V C V C V C V C V2 CV3 C V4 - C V analysis. For the unsuffixed [sətte], one has to explain how the vowel [e] is derived from the absence of a lexical vowel and the third element of the root. The second stem, 2/3MPL [sətt-u], nicelyBy analogy, illustrates the stem how of the the gemination weak verb ismust preserve placed the in weakthe weak root infinal the verb,same althoughtemplate (7).it is Thenot resultingpartBy of analogy,the stems parallel are the threestrong stem in form number, of [r theəkb-o]; not weak essen [sə verbtt-u]tially also musttwo presents as placein the a st theproblemrong weak paradigm: in rootthe form unsuffixed in theof the same [squalityətemplatette], ofsuffixed the suffixal (7). [sətt-u] The vowel, and resulting [satj-a].which is Each stems[-u] insteadof arethe threeof three [-o]. presents Finally, in number, a thedifferent 2/3MPL not problem [satj-a], essentially for which the two analysis.parallels strongFor the [rakba], unsuffixed provide [sətte],s what one lookshas to like explain a direct how rea thelization vowel of[e] the is derivedthird element: from the a glideas [j]. in One the may strong hypothesize paradigm: that the unsuffixed third element[sətte], of the root suffixed is /j/ or /i/ [sətt-u] (as mentioned, and [satj-a]. this absence of a lexical vowel and the third element of the root. The second stem, 2/3MPL [sətt-u], nicelyis Eachindeed illustrates ofthe thetraditional how three the view). gemination presents But this is a preserveview different doesd in not problemthe solve weak the finalfor two verb, theother although analysis. problems, it ismost For not the partcruciallyunsuffixed of the the parallel first [sətte], one: strong it is oneform unlikely has[rəkb-o]; tothat explain the[sə tt-u]sequence also how presents[s theətte] vowelis a synchronicallyproblem [e]is in derivedthe theform result fromof the of the /səttj/, like [rəkkɨb] is the result of /rəkkb/. qualityabsence of the ofsuffixal a lexical vowel, vowelwhich is and [-u] theinstead third of [-o]. element Finally, the of the2/3MPL root. [satj-a], The which second parallelsstem, strong 2/3MPL [rakba], [sətt-u], provides nicely what looks illustrates like a direct how rea thelization gemination of the third element: is preserved a glide [j]. One may hypothesize that the third element of the root is /j/ or /i/ (as mentioned, this 9 is There indeed are theother traditional alternatives view). here. V But3 may this be viewrealized does despite not itsolve being thegoverned two otherin order problems, to maintain most the 9 geminatecrucially Thereand the yield first are *[r one:ə otherkkɨbo]; it alternativesis or unlikelythe geminate that here. may the Vbe sequence3 separatedmay be by[s realizedə antte] epenthetic is despitesynchronically vowel it to being yield the governed*[rek resultɨkbo]. of I in or- assume/səttj/, thatlikeder both [r toəkk options maintainɨb] is fare the less theresult well geminate of in /rtermsəkkb/. andof the yield requirements *[rəkkɨbo]; of the language, or the geminate possibly for may length be reasons. separated Also, noteby that an in epenthetic(8b), there remains vowel an toempty, yield unrealized *[rekɨkbo]. CV unit I assumein the middle that of both the template. options Recognizing fare less well this as a weakness,in terms I ofwill the assume requirements without further of discu the language,ssion that a general possibly phonological for length principle reasons. prunes Also, such note template-medial CV units (see Gussmann & Kaye (1993) for a similar assumption). Specifically in (8b), once 9 that in (8b), there remains an empty, unrealized CV unit in the middle of the tem- CV There3 is pruned, are other it is alternativesV2 that is governed here. V by3 may V4. be realized despite it being governed in order to maintain the geminate plate.and yield Recognizing *[rəkkɨbo]; or thisthe geminate as a weakness, may be separated I will assumeby an epenthetic without vowel further to yield discussion *[rekɨkbo]. thatI a assume thatgeneral both options phonological fare less well principle in terms of prunes the re5quirements such template-medial of the language, possibly CV units for length (see reasons. Gussmann

Also, note& that Kaye in (8b), 1993 there for remains a similar an empty, assumption). unrealized CV Speciﬁcally unit in the middle in (8b), of the oncetemplate. CV Recognizing3 is pruned, it this as a weakness, I will assume without further discussion that a general phonological principle prunes such is V2 that is governed by V4. template-medial CV units (see Gussmann & Kaye (1993) for a similar assumption). Specifically in (8b), once CV3 is pruned, it is V2 that is governed by V4. Acta Linguistica Academica 67, 2020 5

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142 Noam Faust

in the weak final verb, although it is not part of the parallel strong form [rəkb-o]; [sətt-u] also presents a problem in the form of the quality of the suffixal vowel, which is [-u] instead of [-o]. Finally, the 2/3MPL [satj-a], which parallels strong [rakba], provides what looks like a direct realization of the third element: a glide [j]. One may hypothesize that the third element of the root is /j/ or /i/ (as mentioned, this is indeed the traditional view). But this view does not solve the two other problems, most crucially the first one: it is unlikely that the sequence [sətte] is synchronically the result of /səttj/, like [rəkkɨb] is the result of /rəkkb/. For this reason, I propose to consider that the third element of the root is /e/. As we saw, /e/ is a headed expression, and will therefore spread onto For two this positions. reason, I propose Although to consider it is realizedthat the third short element at the of rightthe root edge, is /e/. it As still we saw, /e/ is a headed expression, and will therefore spread onto two positions. Although it is realizedmaintains short at itsthe quality,right edge, as it presentedstill maintains in its (9). quality, as presented in (9).

(9)(9) UnsuffixedUnsuﬃxed weak weak verb verb with with the the root root √ste √ste placed placed in inimperfective imperfective unsuffixed unsuﬃxed template template s A t {I,A} For│ this│ reason, I propose to consider [sətte] that the third element of the root is /e/. As we saw, /e/ Cis a Vheaded C Vexpression, C V Cand V will therefore spread onto two positions. Although it is realized short at the right edge, it still maintains its quality, as presented in (9).

(9)The representation Unsuffixed weakin (9) verb accounts with the for root the √qualityste placed of thein imperfective final vowel unsuffixedrather brutally, template i.e. by simplyThe assuming representations A that t it is inthere (9){I,A} underlyingly. accounts forThe the question quality is immediatel of the finaly raised vowel as ratherto what happensbrutally, │in the│ i.e., [a]-suffixed by simply case assuming [satja], where [s thatətte] th iteis third there radical underlyingly. is realized Theas [j]. question Consider whatis we immediately Cexpect V toC findV raised when C V placing asC toV √ whatste in the happens same template in the as [a]-suffixed [rakba], as in case(10). The [satja], final vowel,where as we the have third seen, radical must be is underlyingly realized as long [j]. (and Consider harmony what applies we toexpect the base tovowel). find Thewhen template placing is also √ste lexically in the specified same templatefor the medial as [rakba],geminate. asV3 inis governed; (10). The for final this Thereason,vowel, representation I submit, as we the havein third(9) seen,accounts radical must /e/for ha bethes no underlyinglyquality other of option the final longbut vowelto (andassociate rather harmony tobrutally, C4. Since applies i.e. [e]by cannotsimply functionassuming as that a glide, it is therethe re underlyingly.sulting phonetic Th realizate questionion is theimmediatel glide versiony raised of theas to head what I, namelyhappensto the [j].in basetheBecause [a]-suffixed vowel). of the The conscaseonantal template[satja], realizationwhere is alsothe ofthird lexically the radical root specified/e/, is thereali medialzed for as theV-slot[j]. Consider medial of the geminatewhatgeminate. we expect is not governed; Vto3 findis governed;when just placing like in for √(8b)ste this inabove, the reason, same the geminate template I submit, isas simplified. [rakba], the third as in (10). radical The final /e/ vowel,has as no we other have seen, option must but be underlyingly to associate long to (and C4 .harmony Since [e]applies cannot to the function base vowel). as (10)Thea template glide, Weak the verbsis also resulting with lexically root √ phoneticste specified placed realizationinfor imperfective the medial is temp thegeminate.late glide with V version 3low is governed;suffix of /-a:/ the for head this reason,I, namely Is submit,A [j]. the Becauset third radical{I,A} of the /e/ ha consonantals{A} no other option realization but to associate of the rootto C4. /e/,Since the [e] │ │ [satja] cannotmedial function V-slot as a ofglide, the the geminate resulting phonetic is not governed; realization is just the likeglidein version (8b) of above, the head the I, namely [j].C BecauseV C V of Cthe Vcons3 onantalC4 V- realization CV of the root /e/, the medial V-slot of the geminate geminate is not isgoverned; simplified. just like in (8b) above, the geminate is simplified.

(10)That(10) the Weak Weakvowel verbs verbs /e/ should with with root rootbe realized√ste √ste placed placed as ain high inimperfective imperfective glide cannot temp template surpriselate with withany low phonologist low suffix suﬃx /-a:/ /-a familiar:/ with commons A strategies t of {I,A}hiatus resolution. {A} In Element Theory terms, one may say that because │the │complex expression {I,A} is associ ated with [satja] a C-slot, the non-head A cannot be part of theC realization,V C V as CA doeV3 s notC4 haveV- a CVglide equivalent. More intriguing is the third type of weak stem [sətt-u], because the suffix [-u] parallels an [-o] in the strong verb [rəkb-o]. Moreover, the third element of the weak root disappears completely.That the vowel Let /e/ us should first examine be realized what as athe high result glide is cannot of placing surprise the anyweak phonologist root in the familiar same templatewith common as the strategiesstrong one. of The hiatus situation resolution. in strong In Elementverbs, which Theory was terms,already one examined may say in (8b)that above,because is the presented complex again expression in (11b {I,A}). The is parallel associated situa withtion ain C-slot, weak-final the non-head verbs is Apresented cannot bein part(12a).Acta of Why the Linguistica realization, does Academicathe situation as A 67,doe in 2020s (11a)not have yield a glide[səttu], equivalent. and not *[s ətto], *[sətjo] etc.? More intriguing is the third type of weak stem [sətt-u], because the suffix [-u] parallels (11)an [-o] Placingin the strong the weak verb root [rə kb-in theo]. sameMoreover, /o/-suffixed the third template element as theof thestrong weak root root disappears completely.a. sLet Aus first t examine {I,A} what the {U,A} result is of placing the weak root in the same Brought to you by Librarytemplate and Information as the│ Centrestrong│ of one. the Hungarian The situation Academy in ofstr Sciences ong verbs, MTA which | ???Unauthenticated => was [sə ttu]already | Downloaded examined 08/12/20 in (8b) 09:54 AM UTC above, is presented C V againC V in C(11b V).3 TheC4 parallelV- CV situation in weak-final verbs is presented in (12a). Why does│ │the situation in (11a)│ yield [sə ttu], and not [r ə*[skbo]ətto], *[sətjo] etc.? b. r A k b {U,A} (11) Placing the weak root in the same /o/-suffixed template as the strong root The problematicitya. s A of (11a) t can be {I,A} attributed {U,A} to the adjacency of the two elements with head status ‒ I and│ U │‒ on the Back/Round tier (as per (3) above). ??? None=> [s əofttu] the conceivable gliding scenarios of Cthis V sequence C V isC atVtested3 C 4in V-Tigre: CV it is an empirical fact that the diphthongs *[Cjo] and *[Cew]│ │ are impossible in this│ language. I propose [rəkbo] instead the rule in (12) which, in prose, saysb. r“whenever A ktwo vocalic b expres {U,A}sions with heads on the back/round tier are

The problematicity of (11a) can be attributed to6 the adjacency of the two elements with head status ‒ I and U ‒ on the Back/Round tier (as per (3) above). None of the conceivable gliding scenarios of this sequence is attested in Tigre: it is an empirical fact that the diphthongs *[Cjo] and *[Cew] are impossible in this language. I propose instead the rule in (12) which, in prose, says “whenever two vocalic expressions with heads on the back/round tier are

For this reason, I propose to consider that the third element of the root is /e/. As we saw, /e/ is a headed expression, and will therefore spread onto two positions. Although it is realized short at the right edge, it still maintains its quality, as presented in (9).

(9) Unsuffixed weak verb with the root √ste placed in imperfective unsuffixed template s A t {I,A} │ │ [sətte] C V C V C V C V

Acta LinguisticaThe representation Academica / in p. (9) 143 accounts / March for 25, the 2020 quality of the final vowel rather brutally, i.e. by simply assuming that it is there underlyingly. The question is immediately raised as to what happens in the [a]-suffixed case [satja], where the third radical is realized as [j]. Consider what we expect to find when placing √ste in the same template as [rakba], as in (10). The final vowel, as we have seen, must be underlyingly long (and harmony applies to the base vowel). The template is also lexically specified for the medial geminate. V3 is governed; for this reason, I submit, the third radical /e/ has no other option but to associate to C4. Since [e] cannot function as a glide, the resulting phonetic realization is the glide version of the head I, namely [j]. Because of theThe cons inﬂectiononantal of realization Tigre weak-ﬁnal of the androot strong /e/, the verbs medial V-slot of the 143 geminate is not governed; just like in (8b) above, the geminate is simplified.

(10)That Weak the verbs vowel with /e/root √ shouldste placed bein imperfective realized astemp alate high with glidelow suffix cannot /-a:/ surprise any phonologists A t familiar{I,A} with {A} common strategies of hiatus resolution. In Element│ │ Theory terms, one may say that [satja] because the complex expression {I,A}C isV associated C V C V with3 C4a V- C-slot, CV the non-head A cannot be part of the

realization, as A does not have a glide equivalent. That theMore vowel /e/ intriguing should be realized is the as third a high type glide cannot of weak surprise stem any [sətt- phonologistu], because familiar the withsuffix common [-u] strategies parallels of an hiatus [-o] resolution. in the strong In Element verb Theory [rəkb- terms,o]. Moreover, one may say the that third becauseelement the complex of the weakexpression root {I,A} disappears is associated completely. with a C-slot, Let the usnon-head first examineA cannot be what part of the realization, as A does not have a glide equivalent. theMore result intriguing is of placing is the third the type weak of weak root stem in [sə thett-u], same because template the suffix [-u] as parallels the strong anone. [-o] in The the strong situation verb [r inəkb- strongo]. Moreover, verbs, thewhich third element was alreadyof the weak examined root disappears in (8b) completely.above, isLet presented us first examine again what in the (11b). result Theis of placing parallel the situationweak root in in the weak-final same templateverbs as is the presented strong one. in The (11a). situation Why in str doesong verbs, (11a) which yield was [səttu], already examined and not in *[sətto], (8b) above, is presented again in (11b). The parallel situation in weak-final verbs is presented in (12a).*[sətjo], Why does etc.? the situation in (11a) yield [səttu], and not *[sətto], *[sətjo] etc.?

(11)(11) PlacingPlacing the the weak weak root root in the in thesame same /o/-suffixed /o/-suﬃxed template template as the strong as the root strong root a. s A t {I,A} {U,A} │ │ ??? => [səttu] C V C V C V3 C4 V- CV │ │ │ [rəkbo] b. r A k b {U,A}

The problematicity of (11a) can be attributed to the adjacency of the two elements with head statusThe ‒ I problematicity and U ‒ on the Back/Round of (11a) tier can (as be per attributed (3) above). None to theof the adjacency conceivableof gliding the two scenarioselements of this with sequence head is status attested –inI Tigre: and Uit is – an on empi therical Back/Round fact that the diphthongs tier (as per *[C(3)jo] and above). *[Cew] None are impossible of the in conceivable this language. glidingI propose instead scenarios the rule of in this (12) sequencewhich, in is prose,attested says “whenever in Tigre: two it isvocalic an empiricalexpressions factwith thatheads theon the diphthongs back/round *[Ctier joare] and *[Cew] are impossible in this language. I propose instead the rule in (12) 6 which, in prose, says “whenever two vocalic expressions with heads on the back/round tier are concatenated with no intervening consonant, they coalesce into one expression which contains only the head of the second concatenated with no intervening consonant, they coalesce into one expression which contains onlyexpression”. the head of the second expression.”

(12)(12) Rule of of Back/Round Back/Round tier tier coalescence coalescence Back/Round X Y Y │ │ │ High Z Z v

The rule in (12) is admittedly ad-hoc. It also seems unnatural: why would the non-head disappearThe rule from in both (12) expressions is admittedly in the output? ad-hoc. While It I also do not seems have a unnatural: satisfactory answer why wouldfor thisthe question, non-head we will disappear see how (12) from applies both elsewhere expressions in the data, in thedissipating output? the present While ad- I do hocnot impression. have a satisfactory10 answer for this question, we will see how (12) applies elsewhereThe result in theof the data, application dissipating of (12) to the the present weak-final ad-hoc verb is impression.depicted in (13):10 The third element of the root coalesces with the suffix {U,A} to leave {U}. The vocalic realization of the coalesced expressions makes it possible for the templatic geminate to surface, unlike in 10 the parallelAnother strong question verbs. In raised strong by verbs, (12) isthe what rule motivates does not appl they; preservation and the suffix of theremains second [-o]. head, Note, inrather addition, than that the the ﬁrst. suffixal Again, vowel I do notdelinks have from a good its original answer toposition this question. and comes The to fact occupy a stretch that originally belonged to the base. This, I assume,Acta Linguisticais made possible Academica through 67, 2020 the coalescence rule.

(13) Applying back/round tier coalescence to (11a) s A t {U} Brought to you by Library and Information│ │ Centre of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences MTA[səttu] | Unauthenticated | Downloaded 08/12/20 09:54 AM UTC C V C V C V3 C4 V- CV

The representation in (13) illustrates another necessary assumption of the present analysis. While affixes come with skeletal support, once rules like coalescence apply, the segmental make-up of the affix may come to occupy the skeletal support of the base. I assume that peripheral, empty CV units as the suffixal CV in (13) are subsequently truncated. For the sake of completeness, consider the 2FMSG form of the strong verb [tɨ-rəkbi], and the parallel weak-final verb [tɨ-sətti]. The present analysis predicts an underlying sequence /tɨ-sətte-i/ in the latter. The back/round tier coalescence rule is at play in this form, too, although in a less salient manner: the sequence /…e-i/ is predicted to reduce to the head of the suffix, namely to /i/, yielding the correct form [tɨsətti]. Again, the gemination of the template may consequently surface in the weak form, unlike in the parallel strong form. This subsection was devoted to the imperfective paradigm. It was argued that the phoneme /e/ is the third radical of weak-final verbs. Its vocalic nature, however, leads to realizations which do not replicate exactly the patterns of the strong verbs. With the help of a rule of back/round tier coalescence and some standard generalizations about template satisfaction, it was shown that these realizations follow from the assumption about the nature of the third radical. No further statement is required: weak-final verb forms are constructed with the same templatic space and the same vocalization as strong ones. Yet the rule of back/round tier coalescence is for the time being only circularly motivated by the facts it was devised to explain. It finds additional confirmation in the next subsection, where the perfective paradigm is discussed.

10 Another question raised by (12) is what motivates the preservation of the second head, rather than the first. Again, I do not have a good answer to this question. The fact correlates with the strong tendency to delete V1 rather than V2 in hiatus resolution (Casali 1997; see Balogné Bérces 2006 for an account in Strict CV Phonology). 7

Acta Linguisticaconcatenated Academica with / no p. intervenin 144 / Marchg consonant, 25, 2020 they coalesce into one expression which contains only the head of the second expression.”

(12) Rule of Back/Round tier coalescence Back/Round X Y Y │ │ │ High Z Z v 144 Noam Faust The rule in (12) is admittedly ad-hoc. It also seems unnatural: why would the non-head disappearThe from result both expressions of the application in the output? of (12) While to I thedo not weak-final have a satisfactory verb is depictedanswer for this question, we will see how (12) applies elsewhere in the data, dissipating the present ad- in (13): The10 third element of the root coalesces with the suffix {U,A} to hoc impression.{ } leaveThe Uresult. The of the vocalic application realization of (12) to of the the weak-final coalesced verb expressions is depicted in makes (13): The it thirdpossible element forof the the root templatic coalesces geminatewith the suffix to surface,{U,A} to leave unlike {U}. in The the vocalic parallel realization strong of verbs.the coalesced In strong expressions verbs, makes the ruleit possible does for not the apply; templatic and geminate the suffix to surface, remains unlike [-o]. in theNote, parallel in strong addition, verbs. thatIn strong the verbs, suffixal the rule vowel does delinks not appl fromy; and its the original suffix remains position [-o]. Note,and in comes addition, to that occupy the suffixal a stretch vowel that deli originallynks from its belonged original position to the and base. comes This, to occupy a stretch that originally belonged to the base. This, I assume, is made possible through theI coalescence assume, is rule. made possible through the coalescence rule.

(13)(13) ApplyingApplying back/round back/round tier tier coalescence coalescence to to (11a) (11a) s A t {U} │ │ [səttu] C V C V C V3 C4 V- CV

The representation in (13) illustrates another necessary assumption of the present analysis. The representation in (13) illustrates another necessary assumption of the While affixes come with skeletal support, once rules like coalescence apply, the segmental make-uppresent of analysis.the affix may While come affixes to occupy come the with skeletal skeletal support support, of the base. once I assume rules likethat peripheral,coalescence empty apply,CV units the as segmentalthe suffixal CV make-up in (13) are of subsequently the affix may truncated. come to occupy theFor skeletal the sake support of completeness, of the base. consider I assume the 2FMSG that form peripheral, of the strong empty verb CV [tɨ-r unitsəkbi], andas the the parallel suffixal weak-final CV in (13)verb are[tɨ-s subsequentlyətti]. The present truncated. analysis predicts an underlying sequenceFor /tɨ-s theətte-i/ sake in the of latter. completeness, The back/round consider tier coal theescence 2FMSG rule formis at pl ofay thein this strong form, too, although in a less salient manner: the sequence /…e-i/ is predicted to reduce to the head of verbthe suffix, [tɨ-rəkbi], namely to and /i/, theyielding parallel the correct weak-final form [tɨsə verbtti]. Again, [tɨ-sətti]. the gemination The present of the templateanalysis may predictsconsequently an surface underlying in the weak sequence form, unlike /tɨ-sətte-i/ in the parallel in thestrong latter. form. The back/roundThis subsection tier coalescence was devoted ruleto the is imperf at playective in thisparadigm. form, It too, was althoughargued that in the a phonemeless salient /e/ is the manner: third radical the sequence of weak-final /…e-i/ verbs. is predictedIts vocalic tonature, reduce however, to the leads head to realizationsof the suffix, which do namely not replicat to /i/,e exactly yielding the patterns the correct of the str formong verbs. [tɨsətti]. With Again,the help theof a rulegemination of back/round of thetier templatecoalescence may and consequentlysome standard surfacegeneralizations in the about weak template form, satisfaction, it was shown that these realizations follow from the assumption about the nature of unlikethe third in radical. the parallel No further strong statement form. is required: weak-final verb forms are constructed with the Thissame templatic subsection space was and the devoted same vocalization to the imperfective as strong ones. paradigm. It was argued Yet thatthe rule the of phoneme back/round /e/ tier iscoalescence the third is radical for the oftime weak-final being only verbs. circularly Its motivatedvocalic by nature, the facts however, it was devised leads to to explain. realizations It finds which additional do notconfirmation replicate inexactly the next subsection,the patterns where ofthe theperfectiv stronge paradigm verbs. Withis discussed. the help of a rule of back/round tier coalescence and some standard generalizations about template satisfaction, it was shown that these realizations follow from the assumption about the 10 Another question raised by (12) is what motivates the preservation of the second head, rather than the first. Again,nature I do not of have the a good third answer radical. to this question. No further The fact statementcorrelates with isthe required:strong tendency weak-final to delete V1 ratherverb than forms V2 in hiatus are constructedresolution (Casali with 1997; thesee Balogné same templaticBérces 2006 for space an account and thein Strict same CV Phonology).vocalization as strong ones. Yet the rule of back/round tier7 coalescence is for the time being only circularly motivated by the facts it was devised to explain. It finds addi-

correlates with the strong tendency to delete V1 rather than V2 in hiatus resolution (Casali 1997; see Balogné Bérces 2006 for an account in Strict CV Phonology).

Acta Linguistica Academica 67, 2020

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The inﬂection of Tigre weak-ﬁnal and strong verbs 145

tional conﬁrmation in the next subsection, where the perfective paradigm is discussed.

3.2. The perfective

Consider the weak-ﬁnal and strong perfective paradigms in (14), keeping 3.2.in The mind perfective the phonological generalizations that we have accumulated. Right

Consideraway, onethe weak-final notices the and alternation strong perfec betweentive paradigms [ə]and in (14), [a] inkeeping both in vowels mind ofthe the phonologicalstrong verbs generalizations ‒ a sure signthat thatwe have these accumulated. vowels are Right /ə/ underlyingly.away, one notices Another the alternationsalient factbetween concerning [ə] and [a] thein both weak vowels paradigm of the strong is the verbs presence ‒ a sure ofsign the that vowel these [e] vowelsin all are of / theə/ underlyingly. cases where Another the suffixsalient isfact consonant-initial. concerning the weak Besides paradigm thisis the fact, presence of the vowel [e] in all of the cases where the suffix is consonant-initial. Besides this fact,more more or or less less expected given given the analysis the analysis in the preced in theing subsection, preceding [e] subsection, appears also [e] beforeappears the otherwise also before vowel-initial the otherwise 3FSG suffix, vowel-initial but completely 3FSG disappears suffix, before but the completely vowel- initialdisappears suffixes of before the 3MSG the, 3MSPL vowel-initial and 3FMPL. suffixes of the 3MSG, 3MSPL and 3FMPL.

(14)(14) Strong and and weak-final weak-ﬁnal pe perfectiverfective paradigms paradigms in Tigre in Tigre

‘ﬁnd’ ‘drink’ ‘ﬁnd’ ‘drink’ SG 1 rəkəb-ko səteː-ko PL 1 rakab-na səte-na 2M rakab-ka səteː-ka 2M rəkəb-kum səte-kum 2F rəkəb-ki səteː-ki 2F rəkəb-kən səte-kən 3M rakb-a11 sat-a 3M rəkb-əw sət-əw 3F rəkb-ət sateː-t 3F rakb-aja sat-aja

Before these differences are accounted for, a word must be said about the position of some morphemeBefore theseboundaries diﬀerences in (14). are accounted for, a word must be said about the position of some morpheme boundaries in (14). 3.2.1. 3rd person suffixes

In3.2.1. the strong 3rd paradigm, person suffixes there are clearly two surface stems: the pre-consonantal one [rəkəb] andIn the the pre-vocalic strong one paradigm, [rəkb]. I will there now propose are clearly a single stem two /rə surfacekəb/, whose stems: second thevowel pre- is “floating”: it is not lexically anchored to its position. As a result, its realization depends on grammaticalconsonantal factors, one and [rəkəb] it may not and always the pre-vocalicsurface in the same one position. [rəkb]. I will now propose a singleIf stemone assumes /rəkəb/, the mobility whose of second the second vowel stem is vowel “floating”: /ə/, doubt itis is notshedlexically on several an- morphemechored toboundaries its position. in (14), As namely a result, the 3FMSG its realization [-ət], 3MPL [- dependsəw], 3FMPL on [-aja]. grammatical Is their initialfactors, vowel and part itof the may suffix, not or always is it the surfacemobile stem in vowel? the same I submit position. the latter is true. The reanalyzed part of (14) is presented again in (15). Note that the analysis of the 3MSG remains the same:If one assumes the mobility of the second stem vowel /ə/, doubt is shed on several morpheme boundaries in (14), namely the 3FMSG [-ət], (15)3MPL Reanalyzed [-əw], 3FMPL 3rd person [-aja]. forms Isof the their perfective initial vowel part of the suffix, or is it the mobile stem vowel? I submit the latter is true. The reanalyzed part of ‘find’ ‘drink’ ‘find’ ‘drink’ SG 3M rakb-a sat-a PL 3M rəkbə-w sətə-w F F 11 3 rəkbə-t sateː-t 3 rakba-ja sata-ja The final [a] of the 3MSG.PRF, unlike other final [a]ʼs, alternates with long [eː] upon If I amfurther correct, suffixation: the only V-initial [rakbeː-ka] suffix ʻfind. is 33MSG.PRF-OBJ.2MSGMSG [-a]. The other ʼ.three seemingly V-initial suffixes are in fact C-initial. Unlike the other C-initial suffixes ([-ko],[-ki] etc.), they are not followed by a vowel. This view carries two economy-based advantages.Acta Linguistica First, Academica the 3MPL 67, is 2020 reduced to a round vocalic element ‒ exactly as in the 2MPL and 3MPL of the imperfective /-o/. Second, the feminine suffix is only [-t] elsewhere in the language, with the preceding vowel

Brought to you by Library and Information Centre of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences MTA | Unauthenticated | Downloaded 08/12/20 09:54 AM UTC 11 The final [a] of the 3msg.perf, unlike other final [a]ʼs, alternates with long [eː] upon further suffixation: [rakbeː-ka] ʻfind.3MSG.PRF-OBJ.2MSGʼ. 8

3.2. The perfective

Consider the weak-final and strong perfective paradigms in (14), keeping in mind the phonological generalizations that we have accumulated. Right away, one notices the alternation between [ə] and [a] in both vowels of the strong verbs ‒ a sure sign that these vowels are /ə/ underlyingly. Another salient fact concerning the weak paradigm is the presence of the vowel [e] in all of the cases where the suffix is consonant-initial. Besides this fact, more or less expected given the analysis in the preceding subsection, [e] appears also before the otherwise vowel-initial 3FSG suffix, but completely disappears before the vowel- initial suffixes of the 3MSG, 3MSPL and 3FMPL.

(14) Strong and weak-final perfective paradigms in Tigre

Before these differences are accounted for, a word must be said about the position of some morpheme boundaries in (14). Acta Linguistica Academica / p. 146 / March 25, 2020 3.2.1. 3rd person suffixes

In the strong paradigm, there are clearly two surface stems: the pre-consonantal one [rəkəb] and the pre-vocalic one [rəkb]. I will now propose a single stem /rəkəb/, whose second vowel is “floating”: it is not lexically anchored to its position. As a result, its realization depends on grammatical factors, and it may not always surface in the same position. 146 If one assumes the mobility of the Noamsecond Faust stem vowel /ə/, doubt is shed on several morpheme boundaries in (14), namely the 3FMSG [-ət], 3MPL [-əw], 3FMPL [-aja]. Is their initial vowel part of the suffix, or is it the mobile stem vowel? I submit the latter is true. The reanalyzed(14) is presented part of (14) againis presented in (15). again Notein (15). that Note the that analysisthe analysis of of the the 3MSG3MSG remains remains thethe same: same:

rd (15)(15) ReanalyzedReanalyzed 3 3rd person person forms forms of the of theperfective perfective

‘ﬁnd’ ‘drink’ ‘ﬁnd’ ‘drink’ SG 3M rakb-a sat-a PL 3M rəkbə-w sətə-w 3F rəkbə-t sateː-t 3F rakba-ja sata-ja

If I am correct, the only V-initial suffix is 3MSG [-a]. The other three seemingly V-initial suffixesIf I am are in correct, fact C-initial. the Unlike only V-initialthe other C- suffixinitial suffixes is 3MSG ([-ko],[-ki] [-a]. etc.), The they other are not three followedseemingly by a V-initialvowel. This suffixes view carries are two in facteconomy-based C-initial. advantages. Unlike the First, other the 3 C-initialMPL is reducedsuffixes to a ([-ko],[-ki] round vocalic etc.), element they ‒ exactly are not as in followed the 2MPL and by 3 aMPL vowel. of theThis imperfective view carries/-o/. Second,two economy-based the feminine suffix advantages.is only [-t] elsewh First,ere in the language, 3MPL iswith reduced the preceding to avowel round vocalic element ‒ exactly as in the 2MPL and 3MPL of the imperfective 11/-o/. The final Second, [a] of the the3msg.perf, feminine unlike other suffix final [a] isʼs, onlyalternates [-t] with elsewhere long [eː] upon in further the suffixation: language, [rakbeː-ka] ʻfind.3MSG.PRF-OBJ.2MSGʼ. with the preceding vowel usually determined by context ([ɡurum–ɡɨrmɨt] ‘beautiful (M-F)’ [buzuħ–bɨzħat] ‘many8 (M-F)’).12 Representations of the different forms will appear in the next subsection, in which the strong and weak-final paradigms are contrasted and accounted for, and a third advantage emerges: the proposed analysis makes the correct predictions for weak-final verbs.

3.2.2. The inflected forms If the strong verb has the unique perfective base /rəkəb/, the weak-final stem is predicted to be /sətəe/. There are five surface forms that one must account for if this underlying stem is posited:

(16) Surface vocalizations to account for in the weak perfective a. Before CV: [səteː-ko] c. Before [-w]: [sətə-w] e. Before [-a]: [sat-a] b. Before C: [səteː-t] d. Before [-ja]: [sata-ja]

Let us begin with [səteː-ko] (16a). The template of the perfective is consistently CəCəCV (with a second mobile /ə/, see below). As shown in (17a), the stem material thus has only three CV units at its disposal. The

12 Further support for the mobility of the second stem vowel can be found in the paradigms of strong verbs with guttural-final roots, such as [farha] ‘he was scared’. By analogy to [rəkəb-ko] ‘I found’, one expects [fərəh-ko] ‘I was scared’. But Tigre disallows gutturals in internal coda position (i.e., before governed empty nuclei); instead, one finds an [ə] after the guttural: [fərhə-ko]. This [ə] must belong to the stem: the epenthetic vowel in Tigre is [ɨ]. In this context, note that Meyer (2006) also analyzes the 3FSG perfective suffix of the related Wolane language as /-t/.

Acta Linguistica Academica 67, 2020

Brought to you by Library and Information Centre of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences MTA | Unauthenticated | Downloaded 08/12/20 09:54 AM UTC usually determined by context ([gurum - gɨrmɨt] ‘beautiful (M-F)’ [buzuħ - bɨzħat] ‘many (M- F)’).12 Representations of the different forms will appear in the next subsection, in which the strong and weak-final paradigms are contrasted and accounted for, and a third advantage emerges: the proposed analysis makes the correct predictions for weak-final verbs.

3.2.2. The inflected forms

If the strong verb has the unique perfective base /rəkəb/, the weak-final stem is predicted to be Acta Linguistica/sətəe/. Academica There are / five p. 147 surface / March forms 25, that 2020 one must account for if this underlying stem is posited:

(16) Surface vocalizations to account for in the weak perfective a. Before CV: [səte:-ko] c. Before [-w]: [sətə-w] e. Before [-a]: [sat-a] b. Before C: [səte:-t] d. Before [-ja]: [sata-ja]

Let us begin with [səte:-ko]The inﬂection(16a). The of Tigretemplate weak-ﬁnal of the and perfective strong verbs is consistently CəCə147CV (with a second mobile /ə/, see below). As shown in (17a), the stem material thus has only threetemplate CV units cannotat its disposal. accommodate The template both cannot the accommodate second vowel both the of thesecond vocalization vowel of the vocalization and the third radical /e/, which must branch. As a result, the two vowels coalesce and the third radical /e/, which must13 branch. As a result, the two vowels and yield a single long [e:], as shown in (17b). 13 coalesce and yield a single long [e:], as shown in (17b). (17) Pre-consonantal perfective stems: [sateː-ko] (17) Pre-consonantal perfective stems: [sateː-ko] a. s A t A {I,A} k {U,A} b. s A t {I,A} k {U,A} │ │ │ │ │ │ │ │ │ C V C V C V - C V C V C V C V C V - C V C V

OneOne may may assume assume that the that coalescence the coalescence of {A} and of {{I,A}A} and is possible{I,A} isbecause possible the becauseformer is unheaded. At any rate, a diphthong [əj] is not attested in Tigre word-medially. theTo former explain is [s unheaded.əte:t] (16b), let At us any begin rate, with the adiphthong parallel strong [əj] form is [r notəkbə attestedt]. The suffix in /-ko/Tigre in (17) word-medially. was accompanied by two CV units, to accommodate the consonant and the long vowel. TheTo suffix explain [-t] is [səte thus: t]represented (16b), letas acco usmpanied begin with by only the one parallel CV unit, strongas in (18a). form As proposed[rəkbət]. in the The previous suffix subsection, /-ko/ in in (17) this strong was accompaniedform the stem’s by/ə/ ends two up CV associating units, to to V3 accommodate(probably in order the to prevent consonant a final and cluster, the illicit long in vowel. Tigre). TheIn contrast, suffix in [-t] the is parallel thus weak-finalrepresented form asin (18b), accompanied no final cluster by only is onepredicted, CV unit,because as inthe (18a).third radical As proposed does not necessarily have to be associated to the C-slot. Indeed, the same situation is encountered as in (17a)in above. the previous Accordingly, subsection, the same coalescence in this strong scenario form applies, the resulting stem’s in /ə/ a stem ends vowel up [e:].associating to V3 (probably in order to prevent a final cluster, illicit in Tigre). In contrast, in the parallel weak-final form in (18b), no final cluster is predicted, because the third radical does not necessarily have to be associated to the C-slot. Indeed, the same situation is encountered as in

(17a) above. Accordingly, the same coalescence scenario applies, resulting in a stem vowel [e:]. 12 Further support for the mobility of the second stem vowel can be found in the paradigms of strong verbs with

guttural-final(18) The roots, weak such perfective as [farha] forms:‘he was scared’. the stem By beforeanalogy3FMSG to [rəkəb-ko]suﬃx ‘I /-t/found’, one expects [fərəh-ko] ‘I (18)was scared’. The But weak Tigre perfective disallows gutturals forms: inthe internal stem cobeforeda position 3FMSG (i.e. suffix before /-t/governed empty nuclei); instead, one finds an [ə] after the guttural: [fərhə-ko]. This [ə] must belong to the stem: the epenthetic vowel in Tigre is [ɨ]. In this context, note that Meyer (2006) also analyzes the 3FSG perfective suffix of the related Wolane a. r A k A b t language as /-t/. 13 For reasons of│ space,│ I│ do not represent│ [r ə │kə b-ko], the[r accountəkbət] of which is straightforward. C V C V C V3 - C V 9 b. s A t A {I,A} t c. s A t {I,A} t │ │ │ │ │ │ │ │ │ [səteːt] C V C V C V - C V C V C V C V - C V

This analysis was made possible by the assumption that the 3FSG was /t/, rather than /-ət/. If theThis latter analysiswere the case, was the made weak possible form would by thebe /s assumptionətəeət/. The surface that theresult 3FSG [səte:t] was would /t/, be harderrather to motivate. than /-ət/. If the latter were the case, the weak form would be /sətəeət/.Let us proceed The surface to the resultplural suffix [səte:t] [-w], would and begin be harder with the to repr motivate.esentation of strong [rəkbəw].Let In usthe proceed previous tosubsection, the plural I assumed suﬃx [-w], that and[w] is begin underlyingl withy the identical represen- to the imperfectivetation of /-o/. strong If so, [rəkbəw]. it must be In introduced the previous with the subsection, same number I assumed of CV units, that i.e. [w] one. However, unlike the imperfective stem, the perfective stem involves two vowels /ə/ that require realization. As shown in (19a), this can be achieved by mapping the second /ə/ to the 13 For reasons of space, I do not represent [rəkəb-ko], the account of which is straight- stem-finalforward. position, as in the 3FSG. This mapping creates the problem of hiatus, which can be resolved either through coalescence or through diphthongization. In this case, I propose, the diphthong attested is motivated by the need to realize both the stem vocalization and the affix Acta Linguistica Academica 67, 2020 separately.14 The parallel weak-final form [sətəw] (16c) follows naturally from this representation in combination with the back/round tier coalescence rule. The two expressions at the right edge in (19a) coalesce in (19c) into one containing only the head of the second. Because the Brought to you by Library and Information Centre of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences MTA | Unauthenticated | Downloaded 08/12/20 09:54 AM UTC preceding segment is itself a vowel, the result of the Back/Round coalescence rule is a glide, not a vowel.

(19) The weak perfective forms: the stem before 3MPL suffix /-o/

a. r A k A b {U,A} │ │ │ │ [rəkbəw] C V C V C V - C V

b. s A t A {I,A} {U,A} c. s A t A {U} │ │ │ │ │ │ │ │ [sətəw] C V C V C V - C V C V C V C V - C V

In the analysis of the imperfective, the rule of back/round tier coalescence was simply posited on the basis of the observed data. It lacked independent motivation. I have shown that this rule is at play in the derivation of the different perfective forms, too. Thus, the rule is less ad- hoc than it might have seemed originally. In fact, the same rule is active in the derivation of the 3FPL [sataja] in (16d), cf. [rakbaja]. Let us begin again with the strong verb. In the previous subsection, I have suggested that the suffix is the glide initial [-ja]. The glide component in this suffix is interesting: the parallel 3FPL suffix in the imperfective and subjunctive paradigms is simply [-a] (and used for the 2FPL, too). However, if the perfective suffix were [-a], too, this would create an identity with the 3MSG [rakba]. Possibly for this reason, a specific affix [ja] emerged

14 Note that in [sett-u] ((13) above), it is the root material, not the stem vocalization, that is deleted. 10

Acta Linguistica(18) Academica The weak / perfective p. 148 / forms: March 25,the stem 2020 before 3FMSG suffix /-t/

a. r A k A b t │ │ │ │ │ [rəkbət]

C V C V C V3 - C V

b. s A t A {I,A} t c. s A t {I,A} t 148 │ │ │ │ │ Noam Faust │ │ │ │ [səteːt] C V C V C V - C V C V C V C V - C V

is underlyingly identical to the imperfective /-o/. If so, it must be intro- This analysis was made possible by the assumption that the 3FSG was /t/, rather than /-ət/. If theduced latter were with the the case, same the weak number form would of CV be units, /sətəeə i.e.,t/. The one. surface However, result [sə unlikete:t] would the be harderimperfective to motivate. stem, the perfective stem involves two vowels /ə/ that require realization.Let us proceed As shown to the inplural (19a), suffix this [-w], can and be begin achieved with the by repr mappingesentation the of sec-strong [rəkbondəw]. /ə/ In tothe theprevious stem-final subsection, position, I assumed as in th theat [w] 3FSG. is underlyingl This mappingy identical creates to the imperfectivethe problem /-o/. ofIf hiatus,so, it must which be introduced can be resolved with the eithersame number through of coalescenceCV units, i.e. orone. However,through unlike diphthongization. the imperfective Instem, this th case,e perfective I propose, stem theinvolves diphthong two vowels attested /ə/ that require realization. As shown in (19a), this can be achieved by mapping the second /ə/ to the is motivated by the need to realize both the stem vocalization and the affix stem-final position, as in the 3FSG. This mapping creates the problem of hiatus, which can be 14 resolvedseparately. either through coalescence or through diphthongization. In this case, I propose, the diphthongThe attested parallel is motivated weak-final by the form need [sətəw] to realize (16c) both the follows stem vocalization naturally fromand the this affix separately.representation14 in combination with the back/round tier coalescence rule. TheThe two parallel expressions weak-final at theform right[sətəw] edge (16c) in follows (19a) naturally coalesce from in (19c)this representation into one in containingcombination onlywith the the back/round head of thetier second.coalescence Because rule. The the two preceding expressions segment at the right is edgeitself in (19a) a vowel, coalesce the in result (19c) ofinto the one Back/Round containing only coalescence the head of the rule second. is a glide, Because not the preceding segment is itself a vowel, the result of the Back/Round coalescence rule is a glide, nota a vowel.vowel.

(19) The weak perfective forms: the stem before 3MPL suﬃx /-o/ (19) The weak perfective forms: the stem before 3MPL suffix /-o/

a. r A k A b {U,A} │ │ │ │ [rəkbəw] C V C V C V - C V

b. s A t A {I,A} {U,A} c. s A t A {U} │ │ │ │ │ │ │ │ [sətəw] C V C V C V - C V C V C V C V - C V

In theIn theanalysis analysis of the ofimperfective, the imperfective, the rule of the back/round rule of back/roundtier coalescence tier was coalescence simply posited on the basis of the observed data. It lacked independent motivation. I have shown that this rulewas is at simply play in positedthe derivati onon the of basisthe different of the perfective observed forms, data. too. Itlacked Thus, the independent rule is less ad- hocmotivation. than it might have I have seemed shown originally. that this rule is at play in the derivation of the differentIn fact, perfective the same forms,rule is active too. Thus,in the thederivation rule is of less the ad-hoc3FPL [sataja] than in it (16d), might cf. [rakbaja].have seemed Let us originally.begin again with the strong verb. In the previous subsection, I have suggestedIn that fact, the the suffix same is rulethe glide is active initial in[-ja]. the The derivation glide component of the 3FPL in this [sataja] suffix is interesting:in (16d), the cf. parallel [rakbaja]. 3FPL suffix Let us in begin the imperfective again with and the subjunctive strong verb. paradigms In the is pre-simply [-a]vious (and used subsection, for the 2FPL I have, too). suggested However, if that the perfective the suffix suffix is the were glide [-a], initialtoo, this [-ja]. would create an identity with the 3MSG [rakba]. Possibly for this reason, a specific affix [ja] emerged The glide component in this suffix is interesting: the parallel 3FPL suffix

14 Notein thethat in imperfective [sett-u] ((13) above), and it subjunctiveis the root material, paradigms not the stem vocalization, is simply that [-a] is (anddeleted. used for the 2FPL, too). However, if the perfective suﬃx were [-a], too, this would 10 create an identity with the 3MSG [rakba]. Possibly for this reason, a speciﬁc

14 Note that in [sett-u] ((13) above), it is the root material, not the stem vocalization, that is deleted.

Acta Linguistica Academica 67, 2020

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The inﬂection of Tigre weak-ﬁnal and strong verbs 149

affix [ja] emerged for the perfective 3FPL. One may ask what the underlying representation of this suffix is: as we saw, underlyingly geminated /j/ is realized as simplex, so there are two candidates /-jjaː/ and /-jaː/. Because the former is predicted to be more stable, and the entire point of the establishment of this suffix is for it not to be reduced to [a], I will assume that the feminine suffix contains an underlying geminate /-jja:/, foras the represented perfective 3FPL in. One (20a). may Sinceask what the the vowel underlying of the repr suffix,esentation like of allthis finalsuffix vowels,is: as we saw, underlyingly geminated /j/ is realized as simplex, so there are two candidates /-jjaː/ andis /-ja longː/. Because underlyingly, the former the is suffixpredicted must to be be more introduced stable, and withthe entire three point CV of units. the establishmentThe second of this /ə/ suffix of the is for stem it not is to again be reduced associated to [a], I towill its assume final that V-slot, the feminine and the suffixunderlying contains an /rəkbəjja underlying:/ geminate is realized /-jja:/, as as [rakbaja]. represented Onin (20a). to the Since weak-final the vowel formof the in suffix,(20b), like weall final encounter vowels, is once long againunderlyingly, two expressions the suffix must headed be introduced by elements with three resid-CV units.ing The on second the Back/Round /ə/ of the stem tier is again (here associated it is the to sameits final element V-slot, and twice). the underlying The rule /rəkbəjja:/ is realized as [rakbaja]. On to the weak-final form in (20b), we encounter once againpredicts two expressions a process headed of coalescence by elements residi leavingng on onlythe Back/Round{I}. In (20c), tier (here this it is remaining the same elementelement twice). occupies The rule the predicts available a process templatic of coalescence stretch leaving of two onl C-slotsy {I}. In to(20c), yield this the remainingUR /sətəjja element:/. occupies The rightmost the available part templa oftic the stretch template of two isC-slots truncated, to yield the and UR the /səcorrecttəjja:/. The realization rightmost part [sataja] of the template emerges. is truncated, and the correct realization [sataja] emerges.

(20) The weak perfective forms: the stem before 3FMPL suﬃx /-jja:/ (20) The weak perfective forms: the stem before 3FMPL suffix /-ja:/

a. r A k A b {I} {A} │ │ │ │ [rakbaja] C V C V C V - C V C V C V

b. s A t A {I,A} {I} {A} │ │ │ C V C V C V - C V C V C V

c. s A t A {I} {A} │ │ │ │ [sataja] C V C V C V - C V C V C V

Finally, we come to the 3MSG. In the strong from [rakb-a], one does not find the second stem vowel.Finally, This weabsence come is toexpected the 3MSG. if, as shown In the in strong (21a), the from vow [rakb-a],el of the suffix one doesoccupies not the find finalthe V-slot second of the stem base, vowel. thereby This governing absence the preceding is expected nucleus. if, as The shown parallel in weak-final (21a), the formvowel [sata] of (16e) the is suffix possibly occupies the most theintriguing final of V-slot all weak-final of the base,forms, therebybecause it governingseems to havethe absolutely preceding no trace nucleus. of the The third parallel radical. By weak-final analogy to form the strong [sata] [rakba], (16e) one is possibly might expectthe the most strong intriguing glide realization of all of weak-final /e/ *[satja]. forms,There is becausenothing wrong it seems phonologically to have with abso- this form; indeed, it is the form of the 2/3FPL imperfective discussed and presented in (10) above.lutely Still, no the trace attested of form the is third [sata]. radical. By analogy to the strong [rakba], one mightThe expect reason theis revealed strong when glide one realization examines the of /e/expected *[satja]. underlying There form is nothingof the perfectivewrong 3 phonologicallyMSG. By analogy to with the pre-syncope this form; /rə indeed,kəba:/, we it expect is the the form initial ofrepresentation the 2/3FPL to imperfectivebe /sətəea:/. Unlike discussed in the 2/3 andFPL imperfective, presented inwhere (10) the above. radical Still,/e/ was the post-consonantal, attested form here it is in the weak intervocalic position. In (20) above, it was shown that an intervocalic geminateis [sata]. glide is realized as a singleton [j]. In contrast, if the representation of [rakba] in (21a) is correct, then the /e/ of the parallel weak-final form in (21b) cannot be geminated: it simply does not have enough space. As a result, I submit, it disappears from the structure, leaving only a stretch of A’s, which amounts to the representation in (21c).15 Acta Linguistica Academica 67, 2020

Brought to you by Library and Information Centre of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences MTA | Unauthenticated | Downloaded 08/12/20 09:54 AM UTC 15 Note that the configuration in (20b) is different from the one in the IMP.2/3FSG [satja] in (10) above. In that configuration, the radical /e/ is preceded by an empty nucleus, whereas in (20b) it is preceded by /ə/. 11

Acta Linguistica Academica / p. 150 / March 25, 2020

150 Noam Faust

The reason is revealed when one examines the expected underlying form of the perfective 3MSG. By analogy to the pre-syncope /rəkəba:/, we expect the initial representation to be /sətəea:/. Unlike in the 2/3FPL imperfective, where the radical /e/ was post-consonantal, here it is in the weak intervocalic position. In (20) above, it was shown that an intervocalic geminate glide is realized as a singleton [j]. In contrast, if the representation of [rakba] in (21a) is correct, then the /e/ of the parallel weak-ﬁnal form in (21b) cannot be geminated: it simply does not have enough space. As a result, I submit, it disappears from the structure, leaving only a stretch of A’s, which amounts to the representation in (21c).15

16 (21) Strong and weak 3MSG perfect forms16 (21) Strong and weak 3MSG perfect forms a. r A k A b {A} │ │ │ │ [rakba] C V C V C V - C V

b. s A t A {I,A} {A} c. s A t {A} │ │ │ │ │ │ │ │ [sata] C V C V C V - C V C V C V C V - C V

In the preceding subsection, the claim was made that contrary to appearances, the 3rd person In the preceding subsection, the claim was made that contrary to appear- suffixes were consonant-initial (except for the 3MSG). This view was argued for on economic grounds,ances, since the [t] 3rd and person /o/ have suﬃxes the same weredenotati consonant-initialons elsewhere. In this (except subsection, for the the same 3MSG). viewThis was viewshown was to make argued correct for predictions on economic regarding grounds, the forms sinceof the weak-final [t] and /o/ paradigm. have the Thesame last subsection denotations of the analysis elsewhere. is devoted In this to the subsection, subjunctive paradigms. the same view was shown

3.3.to The make subjunctive correct predictions regarding the forms of the weak-final paradigm. The last subsection of the analysis is devoted to the subjunctive paradigms. The relevant paradigms are presented in (22). There are three different scenarios to account for. First, in the unsuffixed stems, the vowel of the strong stem is [ə], and that of the weak stem3.3. [e]. The Second, subjunctive before glidable non-low vocalic elements, the vocalization of both strong and weak stems is [ə], but in the strong stem, the suffix is a vowel [rkəb-o/i], whereas in the weak stem, it is a glide [stə-w/j]. Third, when stems are suffixed with the low vowel [-a], the vowelThe of relevantboth stems paradigmsis a short [a], arebut a presented glide [j] appears in (22). in the Thereweak stem are where three the differentthird consonantscenarios appears to in account the strong for. verb. First, in the unsuffixed stems, the vowel of the strong stem is [ə], and that of the weak stem [e]. Second, before glidable (22)non-low Weak and vocalic strong elements, subjunctive paradigms the vocalization of both strong and weak stems

is [ə], but in‘find’ the strong ‘drink’ stem, the suffix ‘find’ is a vowel‘drink’ [rkəb-o/i], whereas in the weakSG stem, 1 it ɨ-rkəb is a glide ɨ-ste [stə-w/j]. PL 1 Third, nɨ-rkəb when nɨ-ste stems are suffixed with the 2M tɨ-rkəb tɨ-ste 2M tɨ-rkəb-o tɨ-stə-w 2F tɨ-rkəb-i tɨ-stə-j 2F tɨ-rkab-a tɨ-staj-a 15 Note 3 thatM lɨ-rkəb the configuration lɨ-ste in (20b) 3 isM differentlɨ-rkəb-o from lɨ-stə-w the one in the IMP.2/3FSG [satja] in (10)3F above.tɨ-rkəb In that tɨ-ste configuration, 3F thetɨ-rkab-a radical /e/ tɨ-staj-a is preceded by an empty nucleus, whereas in (20b) it is preceded by /ə/. The strong16 Coalescence verb exhibits must a stem be preferred/rkəb/ throughout: over government its straightforw andard syncope paradigm in (21b,c) will therefore due to the not be representedstretch of underlying here. The /A/s.weak-final unsuffixed stem is by analogy /stəe/, and its realization as [ste] is expected, the two vowels coalescing into a long /e:/ (cf. 17 above): Acta Linguistica Academica 67, 2020 (23) Subjunctive unsuffixed stem

s t A {I,A} s t {I,A} │ │ │ │ │ [ste] Brought to you by Library and InformationC V CentreC V of Cthe HungarianV Academy C Vof Sciences C V MTA C | VUnauthenticated | Downloaded 08/12/20 09:54 AM UTC

Unlike [rəkbəw] in (19a) above, where a sequence /əo/ gave a dipthong [əw], the sequence /əi/ in (23) yields [ste], not *[stəj]. Recall however that in (19a) the diphthongization was claimed to be the result of a need to distinguish between base and affix; in (23) the /i/ is part of the stem.

16 Coalescence must be preferred over government and syncope in (21b,c) due to the stretch of underlying /A/s.

(21) Strong and weak 3MSG perfect forms16 a. r A k A b {A} (21) Strong and weak 3MSG perfect forms16 │ │ │ │ [rakba] a. r A k A b {A} C V C V C V - C V │ │ │ │ [rakba]

C V C V C V - C V b. s A t A {I,A} {A} c. s A t {A}

│ │ │ │ │ │ │ │ [sata] b. s A t A {I,A} {A} c. s A t {A} C V C V C V - C V C V C V C V - C V │ │ │ │ │ │ │ │ [sata] In the preceding C V subsection, C V Cthe Vclaim - Cwas V made that C contrary V C to V appearances, C V - C the V3 rd person

suffixes were consonant-initial (except for the 3MSG). This view was argued for on economicrd Ingrounds, the preceding since [t]subsection, and /o/ have the claimthe same was denotati made thatons contraryelsewhere. to Inappearances, this subsection, the 3 the person same Acta Linguisticasuffixesview Academicawas were shown consonant-initial / to p. make 151 correct / March (except predictions 25, for 2020 the re3MSGgarding). This the viewforms was of theargued weak-final for on economicparadigm. grounds,The last sincesubsection [t] and of /o/the have analysis the issame devoted denotati to theons subjunctive elsewhere. paradigms. In this subsection, the same view was shown to make correct predictions regarding the forms of the weak-final paradigm. The3.3. last The subsection subjunctive of the analysis is devoted to the subjunctive paradigms.

3.3.The The relevant subjunctive paradigms are presented in (22). There are three different scenarios to account for. First, in the unsuffixed stems, the vowel of the strong stem is [ə], and that of the weak The relevant paradigms are presented in (22). There are three different scenarios to account stem [e]. Second, before Theglidable inﬂection non-low of Tigre vocal weak-ﬁnalic elements, and strongthe vocalization verbs of both strong151 for.and First, weak in stems the unsuffixed is [ə], but instems, the strongthe vowel stem, of the the suffix strong is astem vowel is [[rkə],ə andb-o/i], that whereas of the inweak the stemweak [e]. stem, Second, it is abefore glide [stglidableə-w/j]. non-lowThird, when vocal stemsic elements, are suffi xedthe vocalizationwith the low ofvowel both [-a], strong the andvowellow weak vowelof stems both [-a], stemsis [ə], the isbut a vowelinshort the [a],strong of but both stem,a glide stems the [j] suffix appears is a is short a in vowel the [a], weak [rk butəb-o/i], stem a glide wherewhereas [j]the appearsin third the weakconsonantin stem, the weakitappears is a glide stem in the [st strong whereə-w/j]. verb. Third, the thirdwhen stems consonant are suffixed appears with the in low the vowel strong [-a], the verb. vowel of both stems is a short [a], but a glide [j] appears in the weak stem where the third consonant appears in the strong verb. (22)(22) Weak Weak and strong strong subjunctive subjunctive paradigms paradigms

(22) Weak and strong‘find’ subjunctive ‘drink’ paradigms ‘find’ ‘drink’ SG 1 ɨ-rkəb ɨ-ste PL 1 nɨ-rkəb nɨ-ste ‘find’ ‘drink’ ‘find’ ‘drink’ 2M tɨ-rkəb tɨ-ste 2M tɨ-rkəb-o tɨ-stə-w SG PL 1 2F ɨ-rkəbtɨ-rkəb-i ɨ-stetɨ-stə-j 1 2 F nɨ-rkəbtɨ-rkab-a nɨ-ste tɨ-staj-a M M 23M tɨ-rkəblɨ-rkəb tɨ-ste lɨ-ste 2 3M tɨ-rkəb-olɨ-rkəb-o tɨ-stə-w lɨ-stə-w 2F3 F tɨ-rkəb-itɨ-rkəb tɨ-stə-j tɨ-ste 2 3FF tɨ-rkab-atɨ-rkab-a tɨ-staj-a tɨ-staj-a 3M lɨ-rkəb lɨ-ste 3M lɨ-rkəb-o lɨ-stə-w The strong verb3F exhibitstɨ-rkəb a stem tɨ-ste /rk əb/ throughout: 3F tɨ-rkab-aits straightforw tɨ-staj-aard paradigm will therefore notThe be strongrepresented verb here. exhibits The weak-fin a stemal unsuffixed /rkəb/ throughout:stem is by analogy its straightforward/stəe/, and its Therealizationparadigm strong verb as [ste] willexhibits is therefore expected, a stem the/rk notə twob/ bethroughout: vowels represented coalescing its straightforw here.into a long Theard /e:/paradigm weak-final (cf. 17 willabove): therefore unsuffixed not stem be represented is by analogy here. The /stəe/, weak-fin andal itsunsuffixed realization stem asis [ste]by analogy is expected, /stəe/, and the its two realization(23)vowels Subjunctive as coalescing [ste] is expected,unsuffixed into the a stem longtwo vowels /e:/ (cf.coalescing (17) into above): a long /e:/ (cf. 17 above):

(23) Subjunctive s t unsuffixed A {I,A} stem s t {I,A} (23) Subjunctive│ │ │ unsuffixed stem │ │ [ste] sC V t C AV {I,A} C V s C V t C V {I,A} C V │ │ │ │ │ [ste] Unlike C[r əkbVə w]C in V(19a) C above,V where a Csequence V C /əo/ V gave C a V dipthong [əw], the sequence /əi/ in (23) yields [ste], not *[stəj]. Recall however that in (19a) the diphthongization was claimed Unliketo be [rtheəkb resultəw] inof (19a) a need above, to di stinguishwhere a sequence between /baseəo/ gave and aaffix; dipthong in (23) [əw], the the /i/ sequenceis part of /theəi/ instem. Unlike(23) yields [rəkbəw] [ste], not *[st inə (19a)j]. Recall above, however where that in (19a a sequence) the diphthongization /əo/ gave was a claimed dipthong to [əw],be the theresult sequence of a need to /əi/ distinguish in (23) between yields base [ste], and not affix; *[stəj]. in (23) Recall the /i/ is however part of the that stem.16in Coalescence (19a) must the be diphthongization preferred over governmentwas and syncope claimed in (21b,c) to due be to the stretch result of underlying of a need/A/s. to distinguish between base and affix;12 in (23) the /i/ is part of the stem. 16 Coalescence must be preferred over government and syncope in (21b,c) due to the stretch of underlying /A/s. Forms carrying a non-low vocalic suffix are correctly predicted by the Forms carrying a non-low vocalic suffix are correctly predicted by the back/round tier back/round tier coalescence rule, as12 shown in (24). The suffixes /-o, -i/ are coalescence rule, as shown in (24). The suffixes /-o, -i/ are concatenated to the stem. They involveconcatenated the elements to theU and stem. I resp Theyectively, involve which the trigger elements the coal U andescence I respectively, rule, resulting in the disappearancewhich trigger of the the last coalescence radical. Because rule, the resulting stem ends in thein a disappearancevowel, the coalesced of the expression mustlast be radical.syllabified Because as a consonant. the stem17 ends in a vowel, the coalesced expression 17 must be syllabified as a consonant. (24) Subjunctive stems with glidable suffixes: /stəe-o/ => [stəw], /stəe-o/ => [stəw] ⇒ ⇒ (24) Subjunctive stems with glidable suffixes: /stəe-o/ [stəw], /stəe-o/ [stəw] s t A {I,A} {U,A / I} s t A {U,A / I} │ │ │ │ │ │ C V C V C V - C V C V C V C V - C V

The last form to be discussed is the 2/3FPL [staj-a], cf. strong [rkab-a]. I submit the suffix in 17 (24) is similar to the imperfective 2/3MPL [səttu] ((11) above) and the parallel 2FSG these forms[sətti]. is Theaccompanied differences inby realizations two CV units stem from(25a). the Its absence vowel, of unable a second to vowel glide, in theoccupies the last two imperfectiveV-slots. As stem.a result, In addition, the radical the /e/ realization may occupy of unsuffixed the two underlying C-slots between /əe/ as [e]the stem /ə/ and the suffixalrather than /a/. [əj]Again, in (23) when was attributedassociated to with the factconsonantal that the twopositions sounds /e/ were is partrealized of as [j] if geminated,the as stem; it is in in (24), (25a). the In final the vowel strong is againverb, not in contrast, part of the the stem vowel and mustof the be suffix realized will occupy the last V-slotseparately. of the template (25b).18 Acta Linguistica Academica 67, 2020 (25) Subjunctive stems with non-glidable suffixes: [staja] (25a), [rkaba] (25b)

a. s t A {I,A} {A} b. r k A b {A} Brought to you by Library and Information Centre of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences MTA | Unauthenticated | Downloaded 08/12/20 09:54 AM UTC │ │ │ │ │ │ │ C V C V C V - C V C V C V C V C V - C V C V

Compare (25) to the perfective 3MSG ((21) above), which also carries a suffix [-aː] but results in the non-realization of the radical, [sata] ‘he drank’. In (21), the suffix is accompanied by a single CV, and is thus obliged to “invade” the final V-slot of the stem, imposing syncope. But in (25), no such invasion is necessary. The additional CV in (25) correlates with the complex morphosyntactic structure of a feminine plural, as opposed to the basic 3MSG. The comprehensive account of both inflectional paradigms is now complete.

4. Conclusion

Weak verbs feature in all Semitic languages. Weak-final verbs are by far the most common, appearing in almost every verbal template, alongside strong verbs. Descriptions often attribute their weakness to an unstable element in the root, usually /j/ or /w/, but it is very rarely shown how the actual inflected forms are derived from such propositions. In this paper, I examined the full inflectional paradigms of Tigre weak-final and strong verbs (in Type A). I showed that, under the assumption that the weak element is the root-final /e/, all the forms in both paradigms can be derived within the phonology, with no appeal to morphology.

17 (24) is similar to the imperfective 2/3MPL [səttu] ((11) above) and the parallel 2FSG [sətti]. The differences in realizations stem from the absence of a second vowel in the imperfective stem. In addition, the realization of unsuffixed underlying /əe/ as [e] rather than [əj] in (23) was attributed to the fact that the two sounds were part of the stem; in (24), the final vowel is again not part of the stem and must be realized separately. 18 Of course, another possibility is the gemination of the final /b/. Presumably, this possibility is not attested because unlike in the weak radical of (28a), the last radical of (28b) can be realized as a singleton, too. 13

Forms carrying a non-low vocalic suffix are correctly predicted by the back/round tier Acta Linguisticacoalescence Academica rule, /as p. shown 152 / in March (24). 25, The 2020 suffixes /-o, -i/ are concatenated to the stem. They involve the elements U and I respectively, which trigger the coalescence rule, resulting in the disappearance of the last radical. Because the stem ends in a vowel, the coalesced expression must be syllabified as a consonant.17

(24) Subjunctive stems with glidable suffixes: /stəe-o/ => [stəw], /stəe-o/ => [stəw]

152 s t A {I,A} {U,A / I} Noam Faust s t A {U,A / I} │ │ │ │ │ │ TheC last V formC V to C be V discussed - C V is the 2/3FPLC V C [staj-a],V C V cf. - strongC V [rkab-a]. I submit the suffix in these forms is accompanied by two CV units (25a). Its The last form to be discussed is the 2/3FPL [staj-a], cf. strong [rkab-a]. I submit the suffix in thesevowel, forms unable is accompanied to glide, by occupies two CV theunits last (25a two). Its V-slots. vowel, unable As a result,to glide, the occupies radical the last/e/ twomay V-slots. occupy As a result, the two the C-slotsradical /e/ between may occupy the stemthe two /ə/ C-slots and between the suffixal the stem /a/. /ə/ andAgain, the suffixal when /a/. associated Again, when with associated consonantal with consonantal positions positions /e/ is /e/ realized is realized as as [j] [j] if if geminated,geminated, as it is as in it(25a). is in In (25a).the strong In verb the, strongin contrast, verb, the vowel in contrast, of the suffix the will vowel occupy of 18 thethe last V-slot suffix of will the occupytemplate the(25b). last V-slot of the template (25b).18

(25)(25) SubjunctiveSubjunctive stems stems with with non-glidable non-glidable suffixes: suﬃxes: [staja] [staja] (25a), (25a), [rkaba] [rkaba] (25b) (25b)

a. s t A {I,A} {A} b. r k A b {A} │ │ │ │ │ │ │ C V C V C V - C V C V C V C V C V - C V C V

CompareCompare (25) to (25) the perfective to the perfective 3MSG ((21) 3MSGabove), ((21)which above),also carries which a suffix also [-aː] carries but results a in the non-realization of the radical, [sata] ‘he drank’. In (21), the suffix is accompanied by a singlesuffix CV, [-aː] and butis thus results obliged in to the “invade” non-realization the final V-slot of theof the radical, stem, imposing [sata] ‘he syncope. drank’. But in (25),In (21), no such the invasion suffix is necessary. accompanied The additional by a single CV in CV, (25) andcorrelates is thus with obliged the complex to morphosyntactic“invade” the structure final V-slot of a feminine of the plural, stem, as imposingopposed to the syncope. basic 3MSG But. in (25), no such The invasion comprehensive is necessary. account of The both additional inflectional CVparadigms in (25) is now correlates complete. with the complex morphosyntactic structure of a feminine plural, as opposed to the basic 3MSG. 4. Conclusion

Weak verbsThe feature comprehensive in all Semitic accountlanguages. of Weak-final both inﬂectional verbs are by paradigms far the most iscommon, now appearingcomplete. in almost every verbal template, alongside strong verbs. Descriptions often attribute their weakness to an unstable element in the root, usually /j/ or /w/, but it is very rarely shown how the actual inflected forms are derived from such propositions. In this paper, I examined the full inflectional paradigms of Tigre4. weak-final Conclusion and strong verbs (in Type A). I showed that, under the assumption that the weak element is the root-final /e/, all the forms in both paradigmsWeak verbscan be derived feature within in all the Semitic phonology, languages. with no appeal Weak-ﬁnal to morphology. verbs are by far

the most common, appearing in almost every verbal template, alongside

strong verbs. Descriptions often attribute their weakness to an unstable element in the root, usually /j/ or /w/, but it is very rarely shown how the actual inflected forms are derived from such propositions. In this paper, 17 (24)I examined is similar to the the imperfective full inflectional 2/3MPL [səttu] paradigms ((11) above) and of the Tigre parallel weak-final 2FSG [sətti]. The and differences strong in realizationsverbs stem (in from Type the A).absence I showedof a second that, vowel in under the imperfective the assumption stem. In addition, that the the realization weak of unsuffixed underlying /əe/ as [e] rather than [əj] in (23) was attributed to the fact that the two sounds were part of the elementstem; in (24), is the the final root-final vowel is again /e/, not allpart theof the forms stem and in must both be realized paradigms separately. can be derived 18 Ofwithin course, theanother phonology, possibility is withthe gemination no appeal of the tofinal morphology. /b/. Presumably, this possibility is not attested because unlike in the weak radical of (28a), the last radical of (28b) can be realized as a singleton, too. 13

18 Of course, another possibility is the gemination of the ﬁnal /b/. Presumably, this possibility is not attested because unlike in the weak radical of (25a), the last radical of (25b) can be realized as a singleton, too.

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The inﬂection of Tigre weak-ﬁnal and strong verbs 153

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