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Gender Differences in Returning to the Parental Home in the UK: the Role of Social Policy

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Gender Differences in Returning to the Parental Home in the UK: the Role of Social Policy Gender differences in returning to the parental home in the UK: The role of social policy Ann Berrington*, Juliet Stone and Jane Falkingham ESRC Centre for Population Change, University of Southampton, UK 10th European Social Policy Analysis Conference, Edinburgh, 6th-8th September 2012 Stream 14. Young People and Social Policy in Europe: New Risks and Emerging Challenges Abstract This paper investigates the impact of social policy on the dynamics of young adults’ housing trajectories in the UK. Using the British Household Panel Survey we examine how individuals’ life events such as leaving full-time education, unemployment or partnership dissolution affect the risk of returning to the parental home. We find significant gender differences in the likelihood of returning. Union dissolution remains a key trigger but its impact differs by gender and parenthood status. The paper discusses how these gender differences relate to welfare policy. Access to means- tested social assistance and housing mean that young, lone mothers are able to maintain an independent household following partnership dissolution, whereas single people without children and non-resident fathers face more difficulty in accessing such housing and will be more likely to need help from their parents. Furthermore, the raising of the Shared Accommodation Rate of housing benefit to age 35 will have a significant impact on the ability of young non-resident fathers to co-parent their children. Acknowledgements This research is funded by ESRC Grant number RES-625-28-0001. The ESRC Centre for Population Change (CPC) is a joint initiative between the University of Southampton and a consortium of Scottish Universities in partnership with ONS and GROS. The findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed in this paper are entirely those of the authors and should not be attributed in any manner to ONS or GROS. The British Household Panel Survey is conducted by the Institute for Social and Economic Research at the University of Essex. Access to the data is provided by Great Britain Data Archive. *Corresponding author: Dr Ann Berrington, ESRC Centre for Population Change, University of Southampton, UK, Email: [email protected], Tel: +44 (0) 2380594549 1 1. Introduction This paper investigates the impact of social policy on the dynamics of young adults’ housing trajectories in the UK. In particular we focus on the way in which social policies impact differentially on the likelihood that men and women return to the parental home after an initial departure. We find that gender differences largely arise from the different caring roles for dependent children, often following a partnership breakdown. Policies which support the primary carer of dependent children enable residential independence for women, whilst non-resident parents, often fathers, are often left unsupported by welfare policies. Recent and future policy changes are likely to exacerbate this situation. The structure of the paper is as follows: First, we briefly review the impact of recent socio-economic, institutional and policy changes in the UK which have acted to increase parent-adult child co-residence. Many media reports have claimed a recent increase in the numbers of young adults returning to the parental home associated with a so-called “boomerang generation”. Less attention in the media, academic or policy literature has been placed on gender differences in patterns of returning home and how social policies might act to engender these. The following section presents results from a statistical analysis of the factors associated with returning home using data from the British Household Panel Survey. We ask two empirical research questions: How do individuals’ life events such as leaving full-time education, unemployment or partnership dissolution affect the risk of returning home? To what extent do these effects vary by gender and parenthood status? The final section discusses the ways in which welfare policies act to promote large gender differences in behaviour and how this is likely to increase in the future. 2. Impact of socio-economic and institutional changes on parent-adult children co- residence 2.1 The UK situation in context There are significant differences across Europe in the timing of leaving home and the likelihood of returning (Aassve et al. 2002, Billari, Philipov, and Baizan 2001, Iacovou 2002, Mandic 2008). UK young adults tend to leave home at a relative early age (median for women around 19.5 years), similar to other Northern European countries, but in stark contrast to young adults living in Southern Europe where the median age at leave home is in the mid- twenties (Billari and Liefbroer 2010). Several reasons have been advanced to explain these cross-national differences, generally focusing on factors which make independent living less affordable in the South: the scarcity of affordable rented accommodation (Holdsworth 2000), the lack of a well-functioning mortgage market (Buchmann and Kriesi 2011, Martins and Villanueva 2009), the relatively high rates of unemployment and the relatively low wages for those who do have jobs (Aassve et al. 2002)and 2 cultural differences and expectations regarding timing of home leaving (Billari et al. 2001, Chiuri and Del Boca 2010, Holdsworth 2000, Reher 1998). Many authors have suggested that welfare regimes with safety nets act as an incentive for early independence (Aassve et al. 2002, Chiuri and Del Boca 2010). In Britain during the 1970s and 1980s young adults tended to leave home relatively early for both positive reasons e.g. to attend higher education or for marriage, or for negative reasons such as friction in the parental home (Furlong and Cooney 1990, Jones 1995). This early transition was facilitated by relatively generous welfare benefits and a supply of cheap private rented housing, for example in hostels and shared houses. Prior to April 1988, young people were able to claim supplementary benefit shortly after leaving school, with those aged 18 or above qualifying at the adult rate (Furlong and Cooney 1990). However, since April 1988, Government reforms of the social security system have attempted to increase the responsibility of the family for young adults, the state relinquishing its responsibilities by “increasing the age at which independence is assumed to start” (Harris, 1989, p. 45). For example, the change in 1988 from Supplementary Benefit to Income Support meant that 16 and 17 year olds no longer qualified for income support. Furthermore, the new system abolished the householder/non-householder distinction in welfare payments and replaced it with two age-bands of payment, the dividing-line of which is 25. Under the new provisions, young householders aged 16-24 were particular losers, for they received less Income Support and less Housing Benefit (Berrington and Murphy 1994). Despite high levels of youth unemployment in the economic downturn of the early 1980s and early 1990s young adults in the UK persisted in leaving home at relatively early ages throughout the 1980s and 1990s, although many more now left to live independently outside of a family than to form a new family (Berrington and Murphy 1994, Berrington, Stone, and Falkingham 2009). At the same time young adults were increasingly likely to return suggesting that initial departures from the parental home are not necessarily associated with independence (Holdsworth and Morgan 2005, Wallace and Jones 1992). During the past two decades there have been further socio-economic and institutional changes which have affected young adults’ ability to maintain residential independence including the continued collapse of the youth labour market (compounded by recent economic recession), decreased housing affordability and recent welfare retrenchment (Stone, Berrington, and Falkingham 2011). Evidence from the Labour Force Survey suggests that over this time period there has been a concomitant increase in parent – adult child co-residence (Berrington et al. 2009) particularly among those in their twenties and among disadvantaged men in their early thirties (Stone et al. 2011). Whilst it is not possible from cross-sectional data to tell whether increased co- 3 residence results from delayed departure from the parental home, or from increased returns to the parental home, the British media has tended to assume that these trends reflect an increasing pattern of returning to the parental home characterising a generation of “boomerangers” (Bingham 2009, Cowie 2012, Waite 2008). 2.2 Impact of Economic Recession and Changes in the Housing Market It is generally assumed that economic recession makes it more difficult for young adults to maintain residential independence from the parental home. Youth have been particularly hard hit in the recent economic downturn. Attention has focused not only on the increasing numbers of those ‘not in employment, education or training’ – NEETs (Maguire and Rennison 2005, Thompson 2011), but also focused on the weakening jobs market for the increasing pool of graduates entering the labour market (Office for National Statistics 2012), in many cases seeking jobs for which they are over- qualified, and accepting lower wages than their qualifications would be expected to garner (Chevalier and Lindley 2009, Green and Zhu 2010). In addition commentators have highlighted the precarious situation of a middle group who do not attend higher education, who are in relatively low skilled, low wage jobs. This group, sometimes labelled as the “missing middle”
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