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Jackie Goes Home Young Working-Class Women: Higher Education, Employment and Social (Re)Alignment

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Jackie Goes Home Young Working-Class Women: Higher Education, Employment and Social (Re)Alignment Jackie Goes Home Young Working-Class Women: Higher Education, Employment and Social (Re)Alignment Laura Jayne Bentley, BA (Hons) A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements of the University of the West of England, Bristol for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Faculty of Arts, Creative Industries and Education Department of Education and Childhood Supervised by Associate Professor Richard Waller and Professor Harriet Bradley February 2020 Word count: 83,920 i Abstract This thesis builds on and contributes to work in the field of sociology of education and employment. It provides an extension to a research agenda which has sought to examine how young people’s transitions from ‘undergraduate’ to ‘graduate’ are ‘classed’ processes, an interest of some academics over the previous twenty-five years (Friedman and Laurison, 2019; Ingram and Allen, 2018; Bathmaker et al., 2016; Burke, 2016a; Purcell et al., 2012; Tomlinson, 2007; Brown and Hesketh, 2004; Brown and Scase, 1994). My extension and claim to originality are that until now little work has considered how young working-class women experience such a transition as a classed and gendered process. When analysing the narratives of fifteen young working-class women, I employed a Bourdieusian theoretical framework. Through this qualitative study, I found that most of the working-class women’s aspirations are borne out of their ‘experiential capital’ (Bradley and Ingram, 2012). Their graduate identity construction practices and the characteristics of their transitions out of higher education were directly linked to the different quantity and composition of capital within their remit and the (mis)recognition of this within various fields. Further, I found that the ways in which they experienced and negotiated their social mobility routes were again based on their capital and were differentiated by the ‘type’ of university through which they obtained their degrees. Moreover, most of those who experienced upward social mobility struggled to reconcile their cleft habituses (Bourdieu, 2007; 2000). Overall, this work found that experiencing and graduating from university is a gendered, as well as classed, process. I have drawn on Bourdieu’s conceptual work to make visible the invisible structures and routes through which social order and the reproduction of privilege are continually (re)established in different social fields. This work has implications for policy and practice at governmental level and in universities. It also makes recommendations for the academic community by setting a research agenda which advocates for further intra-class comparative research and work which promotes a social justice, not social mobility agenda. ii Context of title The British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) television play written by Jeremy Sandford and directed by Ken Loach Cathy Come Home (1966) influenced the title of this thesis. Although this research was conducted a little over fifty years after the release of the television play, the political and social discourses which stigmatise working-class women, positioning them, like Cathy, as ‘problems’, without ‘respectability’ and ‘low in character’ is ever-present and effective in its aim. First, it is essential to note that the young women who took part in this research share with Cathy much of the positive experiences of being a working-class woman, a phenomenon rarely explored in academic writing. Within Cathy’s story and many of the narratives of the young women in this PhD project there is the strong presence of community, solidarity and honour. However, while most of the women I am about to introduce to you are not yet married or have children, most encounter(ed) similar issues to those that Cathy faced. Many have faced navigating the low-waged, unstable, precarious jobs market and have struggled to access private rented and social housing. They too do a disproportionate level of caring responsibility for their families and have had to wrestle with an inflexible welfare state, leaving them to experience the stigma of being considered “layabouts, vagabonds and scroungers” (Cathy Come Home, 1966, no page number). iii Dedicated to Daniel Thomas Round Ten different desks, eight house moves and five years later I’m submitting my thesis, and I have you to thank for getting me through each stage of equally the best and most challenging years of my life. iv Acknowledgements I am only here having completed this thesis because I stand on the shoulders of giants. Here I would like to take a moment to thank them. First, I will be forever indebted to the fifteen women who took part in my project. The time and energy you committed to the study is immeasurable, and I cannot thank you enough. I hope I have done your stories justice. Second, thank you to my supervisors Harriet Bradley and Richard Waller who have both been Director of Studies, colleagues and mentors to me. I must also thank Nicola Ingram, who supervised me in my first academic year and has been there to offer guidance since. All three have encouraged and supported my academic development and have been there to help me personally. Thank you to the Leverhulme Trust for funding this project and thank you to those in the UWE graduate school for their support, particularly Helen Frisby and Samantha Watts. Tamsin Bowers-Brown, thank you for introducing me to the idea of postgraduate study, for encouraging me to apply for this PhD scholarship and for introducing me to the work of Pierre Bourdieu. Next, many thanks to my other colleagues on the Paired Peers research project, and my friends and informal mentors: Vanda Papafilippou, Jenny Thatcher, Stephanie Aspin, Karen Scott, Zoe Baker, Steph Lacey, Katie Morgan, Teresa Crew, Alice Cope, Ajlaa Mokhtar, Joy Umekwe, Kate Haddow, Heather Mew and Lisa Morriss. You are my community of cheerleaders who have all played such an important role in me getting to this point. Finally, much love to my mashed-up family of Bentleys, Copleys, Rounds, Daintys and Dainty-Shares. Without lending me your spare rooms for an office, making me Sunday dinners, video chatting with me, being shoulders to cry on as well as making me belly laugh, this thesis would not be what it is. v Contents List of Tables ..................................................................................................................... ix List of Figures ................................................................................................................... ix List of Acronyms ................................................................................................................ x List of Keys ........................................................................................................................ x Chapter one: Introduction ................................................................................................... 1 1.1 Project in immediate context ........................................................................................ 3 1.2 The secondary study: My PhD ..................................................................................... 6 1.3 Thesis structure ............................................................................................................. 7 Chapter two: Research Context ........................................................................................ 11 2.1 Historical .................................................................................................................... 11 2.2 Political (2010 onwards)............................................................................................. 16 2.2.1 Higher education ................................................................................................. 16 2.2.2 Employment ........................................................................................................ 19 2.3 Personal ...................................................................................................................... 23 Chapter three: A Review of the Literature ...................................................................... 30 3.1 Constructing a ‘successful graduate’ identity ............................................................. 30 3.1.1 Working-class women ......................................................................................... 40 3.2 Working-class women’s transitions out of university ................................................ 42 3.2.1 Returning home ................................................................................................... 43 3.2.2 ‘Graduate’ and ‘non-graduate’ jobs .................................................................... 45 3.2.3 Under- and unemployment .................................................................................. 49 3.3 Working-class women and social (im)mobility ......................................................... 51 3.4 Conclusion .................................................................................................................. 57 Chapter four: Employing Bourdieu .................................................................................. 59 4.1 Choosing a theoretical ‘toolbox’ ................................................................................ 59 4.2 Bourdieu’s theory of practice ..................................................................................... 60 4.2.1 Habitus ...............................................................................................................
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