Judicial Notice / Issue 5
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De Witt Clinton and the Origin of the Spoils System in New York
73] Cornell University Library JK 731.M2 ... De Witt Clinton and the origin of th 3 1924 002 312 662 SlrUDEES IN HISTORY, ECONOMIOS AND PUBLIC LAW EDITED BY THE FACULTY OF POLITICAL SCIENCE OF COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY Volume XXVIII] [Number 1 De WITT CLINTON AUD THE ORIGIN OF THE SPOILS SYSTEM IN NEW YORK HOWARD LEE McBAIN, Ph.D., /Sometime Honorary Fellow in Constitutional Lam, Colwmhia Univeriity THE COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS THE MACMILLAN COMPANY, AGENTS London : P. S. King & Son 1907 THE LIBRARY OF THE NEW YORK STATE SCHOOL OF INDUSTRIAL AND LABOR RELATIONS AT CORNELL UNIVERSITY 1 DeWITT CLINTON AND THE ORIOIN OF THE SPOILS SYSTEM IN NEW YORK Cornell University Library The original of tiiis book is in tine Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924002312662 STUDIES IN HISTORY, ECONOMICS AND PUBLIC LAW EDITED BY THE FACULTY OF POLITICAL SCIENCE OF COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY Volume XXVIII] [Number 1 De WITT CLINTON AND THE ORIGIN OF THE SPOILS SYSTEM IN NEW YORK HOWARD LEE McBAIN, Ph.D., Sometime Honorary Fellow in Constitutional Law, Colvmhia University THE COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS THE MACMILLAN COMPANY, AGENTS London : P. S. King & Son 1907 Copyright, 1907, BY HOWARD LEE McBAIN 1 JK 1S) CONTENTS CHAPTER I EARLY PATRONAGE UNDER THE CONSTITUTION PAGE Introduction 11-15 Misrepresentations of DeWitt Clinton's policies 11-12 Sources for study of 12 Plan of present study of New York patronage 13-15 Relation of systems previous to 1801 13 Relation of national systems I3~i5 Washington's policy of patronage 15-25 His problems differ from those of his successors 16-17 His attitude toward anti-adoptionists 17-20 In general 17-18 In Rhode Island 18-20 His consideration of Revolutionary services 20-21 His general principles in making appointments 21-23 Later consideration of politics in cabinet appointments 23-24 His New York appointments—Theory of Hamiltonian influencejrefuted. -
Introduction to the Ratification of the Constitution in New York
Introduction to the Ratification of the Constitution in New York During the decade preceding the War for Independence, New York was divided into two large provincial factions—the Delanceys and the Livingstons. When independence neared, the Delanceys were in power and they remained loyal to the king. The opposition to British imperial policy consisted of three groups—the radical elements led by New York City mechanics who advocated independence from Great Britain, a very conservative group that wanted reconciliation, and another conservative group that wanted to delay independence but would not give up key colonial rights. Because conservatives controlled the third Provincial Congress, that body gave no instructions on the question of independence to New York’s delegates to the Second Continental Congress meeting in Philadelphia. Not being instructed, the New York delegation, standing alone, did not vote on independence on 2 July 1776. Earlier, in response to the Continental Congress’ resolution of 15 May 1776, the third Provincial Congress had called on the electors in the different counties to elect a fourth provincial congress which might draft a constitution creating a state government. The election took place and the new Provincial Congress on 9 July resolved unanimously to join the other colonies in declaring independence. The next day it renamed itself the Provincial Convention. On 1 August the Convention appointed a committee of thirteen to draft a state constitution and to report by 26 August. The committee did not report until 12 March 1777. After almost six weeks of debate, the Convention on 20 April voted “in the name and by the authority of the good people of this State” to adopt the constitution. -
Washington and Saratoga Counties in the War of 1812 on Its Northern
D. Reid Ross 5-8-15 WASHINGTON AND SARATOGA COUNTIES IN THE WAR OF 1812 ON ITS NORTHERN FRONTIER AND THE EIGHT REIDS AND ROSSES WHO FOUGHT IT 1 TABLE OF CONTENTS Illustrations Maj. Gen. Jacob Brown 3 Map upstate New York locations 4 Map of Champlain Valley locations 4 Chapters 1. Initial Support 5 2. The Niagara Campaign 6 3. Action on Lake Champlain at Whitehall and Training Camps for the Green Troops 10 4. The Battle of Plattsburg 12 5. Significance of the Battle 15 6. The Fort Erie Sortie and a Summary of the Records of the Four Rosses and Four Reids 15 7. Bibliography 15 2 Maj. Gen. Jacob Brown as depicted3 in an engraving published in 1862 4 1 INITIAL SUPPORT Daniel T. Tompkins, New York’s governor since 1807, and Peter B. Porter, the U.S. Congressman, first elected in 1808 to represent western New York, were leading advocates of a war of conquest against the British over Canada. Tompkins was particularly interested in recruiting and training a state militia and opening and equipping state arsenals in preparation for such a war. Normally, militiamen were obligated only for three months of duty during the War of 1812, although if the President requested, the period could be extended to a maximum of six months. When the militia was called into service by the governor or his officers, it was paid by the state. When called by the President or an officer of the U.S. Army, it was paid by the U.S. Treasury. In 1808, the United States Congress took the first steps toward federalizing state militias by appropriating $200,000 – a hopelessly inadequate sum – to arm and train citizen soldiers needed to supplement the nation’s tiny standing army. -
Toward a Global Critical Feminist Vision: Domestic Work and the Nanny Tax Debate
University of Maryland Francis King Carey School of Law DigitalCommons@UM Carey Law Faculty Scholarship Francis King Carey School of Law Faculty 1999 Toward a Global Critical Feminist Vision: Domestic Work and the Nanny Tax Debate Taunya Lovell Banks University of Maryland School of Law, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.law.umaryland.edu/fac_pubs Part of the Labor and Employment Law Commons, Law and Gender Commons, and the Law and Race Commons Digital Commons Citation Banks, Taunya Lovell, "Toward a Global Critical Feminist Vision: Domestic Work and the Nanny Tax Debate" (1999). Faculty Scholarship. 220. https://digitalcommons.law.umaryland.edu/fac_pubs/220 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Francis King Carey School of Law Faculty at DigitalCommons@UM Carey Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Scholarship by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@UM Carey Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Toward a Global Critical Feminist Vision: Domestic Work and the Nanny Tax Debate Taunya Lovell Banks* I. INTRODUCTION ll. THE UNDER REGULATION OF DOMESTIC LABOR A. Domestic Work Is Not Real Work B. Domestic Work Is a Private Matter C. Domestic Work as Women's Work ill. LEGISLATIVE NARRATIVE: FRAMING THE PUBLIC POLICY DEBATE A. The Legislative Debates About Employees B. The Legislative Debates About Employers C. Public Debates: What's in a Name-Racial Markers IV. COMPETINGGENDEREDNARRATIVESABOUTDOMESTICWORK:AFFLUENT WORKING WOMEN AND BLACK FEMINISTS A. Affluent Women: Zoe Baird, Not One of Us? B. Black Feminists: Zoe Baird, Not One of Us-Black Women as Domestic Workers, Myth or Reality C. -
Four Freedoms Park Conservancy 2017 & 2018
Four Freedoms Park Conservancy 2017 & 2018 Four Freedoms Park Conservancy Board of Directors William J. vanden Heuvel, Founder & Chair Emeritus • Mrs. Franklin D. Roosevelt, Jr., Honorary Chair Barbara Shattuck Kohn, Chair • Sally Minard, Vice Chair • Alison M. von Klemperer, Secretary William R. Griffith, Treasurer • Clark Copelin • John S. Dyson • Barbara Georgescu • David Handler Donald B. Hilliker • Warren Hoge • Eduardo Jany • Jessica S. Lappin • Richard Lorenti • David A. Paterson James S. Polshek, Emeritus • Katrina vanden Heuvel • Chris Ward • William Whitaker, Ex Officio Four Freedoms Park Conservancy operates, maintains, and programs Franklin D. Roosevelt Four Freedoms State Park to the highest standard. As steward of this extraordinary civic space designed by Louis I. Kahn, the Conservancy advances President Roosevelt’s legacy and inspires, educates, and engages the public in the ideals of the Four Freedoms: freedom of speech and expression, freedom of worship, freedom from want, and freedom from fear. The Conservancy does this by: • safeguarding the memorial as a space for inspired use • fostering community and understanding • igniting conversation about human rights and freedoms today Connect with us and join the conversation: facebook.com/fdrfourfreedomspark | @4freedomspark | fdrfourfreedomspark.org New York State Office of Parks, Recreation and Historic Preservation, Rose Harvey, Commissioner Table of Contents A Message from Four Freedoms Park Conservancy Leadership 2 A Message from NY State Parks Commissioner Rose Harvey 3 Board Spotlight: Eduardo Jany 4 Park Visitorship 2013-2018: 1,000,000 & Counting 5 Planning for the Future: Preserving an Architectural 6 Masterpiece in the East River Inspiring the Next Generation Through FDR's Four Freedoms 8 Public Programs & Events at FDR Four Freedoms State Park 12 Four Freedoms Exemplars Lifetime Achievement Awards: 14 Honoring Tom Brokaw & William J. -
Annual Report 2020: Reckoning with Justice
Annual Report 2020: Reckoning with Justice Annual Report 2020: Reckoning with Justice From the President Dear Friends, decimated during the federal government’s response to COVID-19. 2020 will sit heavy in the history books. As the year closes, we The tide is turning toward justice. Massive mourn more than 1.3 million nationwide protests show that Americans have victims of the COVID-19 pandemic, had enough. On Election Day, justice was on a global health crisis that fell the ballot, and Black and brown voters delivered heaviest on the least fortunate. We a decisive message, swaying the election grieve the loss of George Floyd, and sustaining our optimism for reform. The Breonna Taylor, and many others whose brutal American Election Eve Poll, in which Vera was deaths at the hands of police ignited the most a partner, found that more than three-quarters profound societal reckoning with racism that of all voters support removing laws that make we have seen in our lifetimes. We look with it hard to hold police officers accountable cautious optimism at an election that tested our when they kill or abuse Black people. Seventy- democracy and resulted in a President-elect nine percent of Latinx voters and more than 80 who has promised to address structural racism. percent of Black voters say U.S. immigration Opportunity lies in this difficult moment. policy should focus on creating a humane system that is fair to all, rather than focusing on Vera pivoted in unexpected directions to enforcement. address the events of 2020. As the pandemic spread, millions of people were confined We are poised to take advantage of this in prisons, jails, and immigration detention momentum. -
The Constitutional History of New York
The Constitutional History of New York Charles Z. Lincoln's five-volume The Constitutional History of New York from the Beginning of the Colonial Period to the Year 1905, Showing the Origin, Development, and Judicial Construction of the Constitution remains the authoritative history of the evolution of the State Constitution through the 19th century and the forces that shaped the principles it has embraced. The Historical Society of the Courts of the State of New York has excerpted a number of passages from this compilation which are of particular relevance to the history of the State Courts: • A profile of the author • The Colonial Judiciary • The New York Judiciary, 1777-1845 • The Judiciary Article Under the Third Constitution (1846) • The First Constitution, 1777 • Amendments to the First Constitution - The Convention of 1801 • Woman Suffrage • Woman Suffrage Addendum CHARLES Z. LINCOLN Charles Z. Lincoln was born August 5, 1848, at Grafton, Vermont. An orphan at eight years of age, he resided during his childhood years with various relatives. He was educated in public schools and at Chamberlain Institute, in Randolph, New York. Mr. Lincoln taught school in Cattaraugus and Chautauqua Counties until 1871, when he began the study of law with Joseph R. Jewell, at Little Valley, New York, and with Charles S. Cary, at Olean, New York. He was admitted to the bar in 1874 and thereafter engaged in private practice. He has been President and Attorney of [photograph and biographical Little Valley, a member of the Board of information courtesy of the Education, a State Senator and a Convention Manual of the Sixth New Delegate to the New York Constitutional York State Constitutional Convention Convention of 1894. -
The Council of Revision and the Limits of Judicial Power James T
COMMENTS The Council of Revision and the Limits of Judicial Power James T. Barry IIIt The limits of judicial power and the proper role of the judici- ary in the Constitutional scheme have always been matters of great controversy. Recent manifestations of this controversy include the debate over the scope of the Fourteenth Amendment, the breadth of standing requirements, the inclusion of judges on the Federal Sentencing Commission, and the role of the judiciary in appointing independent counsels to investigate executive branch officials. Al- though these issues are usually discussed on more abstract grounds, the historical background of the Constitution often creeps into the debate. In this context, one event often mentioned is the Framers' de- bate over and rejection of a Council of Revision at the Constitu- tional Convention of 1787. The proposed Council would have vested the federal veto power in an institution composed of the President and several members of the federal judiciary, presuma- bly the Justices of the Supreme Court. The history of this proposal illustrates how the Framers, faced with a model of judicial involve- ment in the lawmaking process, chose instead a judiciary that took no part in the creation of laws. In so doing, the Framers effectively chose to preclude the courts from deciding matters of public policy and to create a special place for the courts in the separation of powers scheme. Though the history of the proposed Council is relevant to many issues that perennially confront the courts, scholars have given that history remarkably little attention. This comment seeks to remedy that lack of scholarship by examining the history of the t B.S.F.S., Georgetown University, 1986; J.D. -
MOST INFLUENTIAL WOMEN in STATE POLITICS ALABAMA STEPHANIE AZAR the VETERAN ADMINISTRATOR HAS REVOLUTIONIZED MEDICAID SERVICES in the STATE by Marissa Evans
A SPECIAL SUPPLEMENT FOR THE 2016 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION MOST25 INFLUENTIAL WOMEN IN STATE POLITICS PRESENTED BY CQ ROLL CALL | 51 INTRODUCTION CONTENTS 53 Stephanie Azar 54 Kimberly Yee 55 Toni Atkins T IS OFTEN SAID that wom- en running,” she says. en have come a long way While she says there are many 56 Kamala Harris in politics. But they haven’t reasons women don’t run for office, Iadvanced much lately. we think one of the most inter- 57 After sharp gains in the 1980s, esting may be that women often Felicia Marcus women today hold less than a look at America’s partisan and MOST25 INFLUENTIAL 58 quarter of the state legislative WOMEN IN combative political institutions Mary D. Nichols seats and statewide executive STATE POLITICS and conclude that they’re not the offices, and less than 30 percent place to be if you want to make 59 of the state judgeships. Across a difference in the world. Cynthia Coffman the 50 states, there are six women governors. Of course, sometimes government can be a Since the turn of the 21st century, according to place that makes a difference. 60 Pam Bondi the Center for American Women and Politics at In this special issue of CQ for the Democratic Rutgers University, women have held between National Convention, we tell the stories of 25 61 22.6 and 28 percent of such offices. In 2015, women women in state government who have made a dif- Anitere Flores held 24.7 percent of statewide executive offices. In ference. 62 state legislatures, women in 1999 held 22.4 percent In our search for these 25 women, reporters and Dana Young of the seats nationwide. -
Claudius Victor Boughton: Namesake and Mystery Man
Claudius Victor Boughton: Namesake and Mystery Man By Preston E. Pierce The Ontario County Town of Victor was created by the legislature on May 26, 1812. Ch. 52 of the Laws of 1812 not only created the town by subdividing the old Town of Bloomfield, it also named the new township Victor. There is no doubt that the town is named for Claudius Victor Boughton. He was the son and grandson of a prominent founding family.1 His father and grandfather (Hezekiah Boughton, Sr. and Jr.) were soldiers of the Revolution. His uncle, Enos Boughton, made the original purchase (Number 11; 4th Range) of the land that became the Town of Victor from the Phelps and Gorham land company, using money supplied by Hezekiah Boughton, Sr. (and “other members of the family,”).2 Detail of 1790 map of Phelps and Gorham Purchase (see p. 19). Since at least 1851, the accepted explanation for the choice of a name for the town has been that Claudius Victor Boughton was a man of affairs and distinguished himself as a bearer of dispatches in the War of 1812.3 For his distinguished service, the state legislature may have presented Claudius Victor Boughton with a sword. That story has been widely repeated in nearly every local history. 1 Claudius Victor Boughton was the son of Hezekiah Boughton, Jr. (and Huldah Wilson); a brother of Enos Boughton who actually made the initial purchase of what became the Town of Victor. Enos was a secretary to William Walker, a land agent for Phelps and Gorham. See: Willis A. -
CHAPTER IV. the Second Constitution, 1821
CHAPTER IV. The Second Constitution, 1821. The evolution of our Constitution has brought it to a condition where amendments are comparatively easy. The rule requiring a vote by the people once every twenty years, or oftener, as the legislature may provide, to de termine whether a convention shall be called to revise the Constitution, affords frequent opportunities for con sidering the Constitution as a whole; while, by another provision, the legislature may, at any time, submit to the people specific propositions for amendment, without con sidering the whole instrument. This provision furnishes an easy method of altering the Constitution to meet new conditions; indeed, the method is rather too easy, for it affords opportunity for frequent attempted changes in the fundamental law; and if the Constitution, for any reason, happens to be unsatisfactory to a given class of people, and they find that they cannot do all that they think they wish to do, under the existing Constitution, they immediately seek to amend it, as if it were a statute, not possessing permanent character. The ease with which we may now propose amendments is in marked contrast to the difficulties surrounding the subject of constitutional changes during the first forty-five years of our history. It has already been noted that the first Constitution contained no provision for its own amendment. The legislature could not, as it may now do, submit to the people propositions for specific amendments, nor could [613] Digitized by the New York State Library from the Library's collections. 6i4 Constitutional History of New York. it direct that a convention be held to consider amend ments, or a general revision. -
1St New York State Legislature - Wikipedia
1st New York State Legislature - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1st_New_York_State_Legislature The 1st New York State Legislature, consisting of the New York State 1st New York State Senate and the New York State Assembly, met from September 9, 1777, to Legislature June 30, 1778, during the first year of George Clinton's governorship, first at Kingston and later at Poughkeepsie. ← State 2nd → Constitutional Convention Background Apportionment and election Sessions State Senate Districts Senators Senate House, Kingston, the place Employees of the first session of the State State Assembly Senate (2007) Districts Overview Assemblymen Employees Jurisdiction New York, United States Notes Sources Term September 9, 1777 – June 30, 1778 Senate The 4th Provincial Congress of the Colony of New York convened at White Members 24 Plains on July 9, 1776, and declared the independence of the State of New President vacant York. The next day the delegates re-convened as the "Convention of Temporary Pierre Van Representatives of the State of New-York" and on August 1 a committee was President Cortlandt appointed to prepare a State Constitution. The New York Constitution was Assembly adopted by the Convention on April 20, 1777, and went into force Members 70 (de facto 65) immediately, without ratification by popular vote. Speaker Walter Livingston Sessions 1st September 1, 1777 – October The State Senators were elected on general tickets in the senatorial 7, 1778 districts, and were then divided into four classes. Six senators each drew 2nd January 5, 1778 – April 4, 1778 lots for a term of 1, 2, 3 or 4 years and, beginning at the following election in April 1778, every year one fourth of the State Senate seats came up for 3rd June 22, 1778 – June 30, 1778 election to a four-year term.[1] 1 of 7 12/17/2018, 12:04 PM 1st New York State Legislature - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1st_New_York_State_Legislature Assemblymen were elected countywide on general tickets to a one-year term, the whole assembly being renewed annually.