The Constitutional History of New York
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T a b l e C o n T e n T s I s s u e 9 s u mm e r 2 0 1 3 o f pg 4 pg 18 pg 26 pg 43 Featured articles Pg 4 abraham lincoln and Freedom of the Press A Reappraisal by Harold Holzer Pg 18 interbranch tangling Separating Our Constitutional Powers by Judith s. Kaye Pg 26 rutgers v. Waddington Alexander Hamilton and the Birth Pangs of Judicial Review by David a. Weinstein Pg 43 People v. sanger and the Birth of Family Planning clinics in america by Maria T. Vullo dePartments Pg 2 From the executive director Pg 58 the david a. Garfinkel essay contest Pg 59 a look Back...and Forward Pg 66 society Officers and trustees Pg 66 society membership Pg 70 Become a member Back inside cover Hon. theodore t. Jones, Jr. In Memoriam Judicial Notice l 1 From the executive director udicial Notice is moving forward! We have a newly expanded board of editors Dearwho volunteer Members their time to solicit and review submissions, work with authors, and develop topics of legal history to explore. The board of editors is composed J of Henry M. Greenberg, Editor-in-Chief, John D. Gordan, III, albert M. rosenblatt, and David a. Weinstein. We are also fortunate to have David l. Goodwin, Assistant Editor, who edits the articles and footnotes with great care and knowledge. our own Michael W. benowitz, my able assistant, coordinates the layout and, most importantly, searches far and wide to find interesting and often little-known images that greatly compliment and enhance the articles. -
De Witt Clinton and the Origin of the Spoils System in New York
73] Cornell University Library JK 731.M2 ... De Witt Clinton and the origin of th 3 1924 002 312 662 SlrUDEES IN HISTORY, ECONOMIOS AND PUBLIC LAW EDITED BY THE FACULTY OF POLITICAL SCIENCE OF COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY Volume XXVIII] [Number 1 De WITT CLINTON AUD THE ORIGIN OF THE SPOILS SYSTEM IN NEW YORK HOWARD LEE McBAIN, Ph.D., /Sometime Honorary Fellow in Constitutional Lam, Colwmhia Univeriity THE COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS THE MACMILLAN COMPANY, AGENTS London : P. S. King & Son 1907 THE LIBRARY OF THE NEW YORK STATE SCHOOL OF INDUSTRIAL AND LABOR RELATIONS AT CORNELL UNIVERSITY 1 DeWITT CLINTON AND THE ORIOIN OF THE SPOILS SYSTEM IN NEW YORK Cornell University Library The original of tiiis book is in tine Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924002312662 STUDIES IN HISTORY, ECONOMICS AND PUBLIC LAW EDITED BY THE FACULTY OF POLITICAL SCIENCE OF COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY Volume XXVIII] [Number 1 De WITT CLINTON AND THE ORIGIN OF THE SPOILS SYSTEM IN NEW YORK HOWARD LEE McBAIN, Ph.D., Sometime Honorary Fellow in Constitutional Law, Colvmhia University THE COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS THE MACMILLAN COMPANY, AGENTS London : P. S. King & Son 1907 Copyright, 1907, BY HOWARD LEE McBAIN 1 JK 1S) CONTENTS CHAPTER I EARLY PATRONAGE UNDER THE CONSTITUTION PAGE Introduction 11-15 Misrepresentations of DeWitt Clinton's policies 11-12 Sources for study of 12 Plan of present study of New York patronage 13-15 Relation of systems previous to 1801 13 Relation of national systems I3~i5 Washington's policy of patronage 15-25 His problems differ from those of his successors 16-17 His attitude toward anti-adoptionists 17-20 In general 17-18 In Rhode Island 18-20 His consideration of Revolutionary services 20-21 His general principles in making appointments 21-23 Later consideration of politics in cabinet appointments 23-24 His New York appointments—Theory of Hamiltonian influencejrefuted. -
Introduction to the Ratification of the Constitution in New York
Introduction to the Ratification of the Constitution in New York During the decade preceding the War for Independence, New York was divided into two large provincial factions—the Delanceys and the Livingstons. When independence neared, the Delanceys were in power and they remained loyal to the king. The opposition to British imperial policy consisted of three groups—the radical elements led by New York City mechanics who advocated independence from Great Britain, a very conservative group that wanted reconciliation, and another conservative group that wanted to delay independence but would not give up key colonial rights. Because conservatives controlled the third Provincial Congress, that body gave no instructions on the question of independence to New York’s delegates to the Second Continental Congress meeting in Philadelphia. Not being instructed, the New York delegation, standing alone, did not vote on independence on 2 July 1776. Earlier, in response to the Continental Congress’ resolution of 15 May 1776, the third Provincial Congress had called on the electors in the different counties to elect a fourth provincial congress which might draft a constitution creating a state government. The election took place and the new Provincial Congress on 9 July resolved unanimously to join the other colonies in declaring independence. The next day it renamed itself the Provincial Convention. On 1 August the Convention appointed a committee of thirteen to draft a state constitution and to report by 26 August. The committee did not report until 12 March 1777. After almost six weeks of debate, the Convention on 20 April voted “in the name and by the authority of the good people of this State” to adopt the constitution. -
Washington and Saratoga Counties in the War of 1812 on Its Northern
D. Reid Ross 5-8-15 WASHINGTON AND SARATOGA COUNTIES IN THE WAR OF 1812 ON ITS NORTHERN FRONTIER AND THE EIGHT REIDS AND ROSSES WHO FOUGHT IT 1 TABLE OF CONTENTS Illustrations Maj. Gen. Jacob Brown 3 Map upstate New York locations 4 Map of Champlain Valley locations 4 Chapters 1. Initial Support 5 2. The Niagara Campaign 6 3. Action on Lake Champlain at Whitehall and Training Camps for the Green Troops 10 4. The Battle of Plattsburg 12 5. Significance of the Battle 15 6. The Fort Erie Sortie and a Summary of the Records of the Four Rosses and Four Reids 15 7. Bibliography 15 2 Maj. Gen. Jacob Brown as depicted3 in an engraving published in 1862 4 1 INITIAL SUPPORT Daniel T. Tompkins, New York’s governor since 1807, and Peter B. Porter, the U.S. Congressman, first elected in 1808 to represent western New York, were leading advocates of a war of conquest against the British over Canada. Tompkins was particularly interested in recruiting and training a state militia and opening and equipping state arsenals in preparation for such a war. Normally, militiamen were obligated only for three months of duty during the War of 1812, although if the President requested, the period could be extended to a maximum of six months. When the militia was called into service by the governor or his officers, it was paid by the state. When called by the President or an officer of the U.S. Army, it was paid by the U.S. Treasury. In 1808, the United States Congress took the first steps toward federalizing state militias by appropriating $200,000 – a hopelessly inadequate sum – to arm and train citizen soldiers needed to supplement the nation’s tiny standing army. -
The Other Madison Problem
THE OTHER MADISON PROBLEM David S. Schwartz* & John Mikhail** The conventional view of legal scholars and historians is that James Madison was the “father” or “major architect” of the Constitution, whose unrivaled authority entitles his interpretations of the Constitution to special weight and consideration. This view greatly exaggerates Madison’s contribution to the framing of the Constitution and the quality of his insight into the main problem of federalism that the Framers tried to solve. Perhaps most significantly, it obstructs our view of alternative interpretations of the original Constitution with which Madison disagreed. Examining Madison’s writings and speeches between the spring and fall of 1787, we argue, first, that Madison’s reputation as the father of the Constitution is unwarranted. Madison’s supposedly unparalleled preparation for the Constitutional Convention and his purported authorship of the Virginia plan are unsupported by the historical record. The ideas Madison expressed in his surprisingly limited pre-Convention writings were either widely shared or, where more peculiar to him, rejected by the Convention. Moreover, virtually all of the actual drafting of the Constitution was done by other delegates, principally James Wilson and Gouverneur Morris. Second, we argue that Madison’s recorded thought in this critical 1787 period fails to establish him as a particularly keen or authoritative interpreter of the Constitution. Focused myopically on the supposed imperative of blocking bad state laws, Madison failed to diagnose the central problem of federalism that was clear to many of his peers: the need to empower the national government to regulate the people directly. Whereas Madison clung to the idea of a national government controlling the states through a national legislative veto, the Convention settled on a decidedly non-Madisonian approach of bypassing the states by directly regulating the people and controlling bad state laws indirectly through the combination of federal supremacy and preemption. -
Freedom of the Press: Croswell's Case
Fordham Law Review Volume 33 Issue 3 Article 3 1965 Freedom of the Press: Croswell's Case Morris D. Forkosch Follow this and additional works at: https://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/flr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Morris D. Forkosch, Freedom of the Press: Croswell's Case, 33 Fordham L. Rev. 415 (1965). Available at: https://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/flr/vol33/iss3/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by FLASH: The Fordham Law Archive of Scholarship and History. It has been accepted for inclusion in Fordham Law Review by an authorized editor of FLASH: The Fordham Law Archive of Scholarship and History. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Freedom of the Press: Croswell's Case Cover Page Footnote The instant study was initiated by Professor Vincent C. Hopkins, S.J., of the Department of History, Fordham University, during 1963. In the spring of 1964 be died, leaving an incomplete draft; completion necessitated research, correction, and re-writing almost entirely, to the point where it became an entirly new paper, and the manuscript was ready for printing when the first olumev of Professor Goebel's, The Law Practice of Alexander Hamilton (1964), appeared. At pages 775-SO6 Goebel gives the background of the Croswell case and, because of many details and references there appearing, the present article has been slimmed down considerably. However, the point of view adopted by Goebel is to give the background so that Hamilton's participation and argument can be understood. The purpose of the present article is to disclose the place occupied by this case (and its participants) in the stream of American libertarian principles, and ezpzdally those legal concepts which prevented freedom of the press from becoming an everyday actuality until the legislatures changed the common law. -
A Guide and Index for Finding Evidence of the Original Meaning of the Us
98 N.C. L. REV. 779 (2020) A GUIDE AND INDEX FOR FINDING EVIDENCE OF THE ORIGINAL MEANING OF THE U.S. CONSTITUTION IN EARLY STATE CONSTITUTIONS AND DECLARATIONS OF RIGHTS* GREGORY E. MAGGS** When the original thirteen states declared independence from Great Britain, their former colonial charters became obsolete. Eleven states quickly addressed this situation by adopting state constitutions and, in some cases, declarations of rights to replace their charters. These state documents greatly influenced the drafting of the United States Constitution. Accordingly, scholars and judges often cite these early state documents when making claims about the original meaning of the U.S. Constitution. This Article provides a concise guide to this practice of finding evidence of the original meaning in these early state constitutions and declarations of rights. It explains the history of the documents, where to find them online, and how writers have used them to discern the original meaning of the U.S. Constitution. The Article includes a comprehensive index, with more than 1700 entries, to help researchers discover relevant provisions. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................... 780 I. RESEARCHING EARLY STATE CONSTITUTIONS AND DECLARATIONS OF RIGHTS .................................................. 784 * © 2020 Gregory E. Maggs. ** Judge, U.S. Court of Appeals for the Armed Forces (formerly the Arthur Selwyn Miller Research Professor of Law at The George Washington University Law School). The author thanks his very able and diligent research assistants Frank Chang, Abby Feltner, and Sarah Brown, and Janese Duley for reviewing the manuscript and devoting countless hours to the index. This Article is the seventh in a series of articles I have written about how to use different sources to make claims about the original meaning of the Constitution. -
The Council of Revision and the Limits of Judicial Power James T
COMMENTS The Council of Revision and the Limits of Judicial Power James T. Barry IIIt The limits of judicial power and the proper role of the judici- ary in the Constitutional scheme have always been matters of great controversy. Recent manifestations of this controversy include the debate over the scope of the Fourteenth Amendment, the breadth of standing requirements, the inclusion of judges on the Federal Sentencing Commission, and the role of the judiciary in appointing independent counsels to investigate executive branch officials. Al- though these issues are usually discussed on more abstract grounds, the historical background of the Constitution often creeps into the debate. In this context, one event often mentioned is the Framers' de- bate over and rejection of a Council of Revision at the Constitu- tional Convention of 1787. The proposed Council would have vested the federal veto power in an institution composed of the President and several members of the federal judiciary, presuma- bly the Justices of the Supreme Court. The history of this proposal illustrates how the Framers, faced with a model of judicial involve- ment in the lawmaking process, chose instead a judiciary that took no part in the creation of laws. In so doing, the Framers effectively chose to preclude the courts from deciding matters of public policy and to create a special place for the courts in the separation of powers scheme. Though the history of the proposed Council is relevant to many issues that perennially confront the courts, scholars have given that history remarkably little attention. This comment seeks to remedy that lack of scholarship by examining the history of the t B.S.F.S., Georgetown University, 1986; J.D. -
Claudius Victor Boughton: Namesake and Mystery Man
Claudius Victor Boughton: Namesake and Mystery Man By Preston E. Pierce The Ontario County Town of Victor was created by the legislature on May 26, 1812. Ch. 52 of the Laws of 1812 not only created the town by subdividing the old Town of Bloomfield, it also named the new township Victor. There is no doubt that the town is named for Claudius Victor Boughton. He was the son and grandson of a prominent founding family.1 His father and grandfather (Hezekiah Boughton, Sr. and Jr.) were soldiers of the Revolution. His uncle, Enos Boughton, made the original purchase (Number 11; 4th Range) of the land that became the Town of Victor from the Phelps and Gorham land company, using money supplied by Hezekiah Boughton, Sr. (and “other members of the family,”).2 Detail of 1790 map of Phelps and Gorham Purchase (see p. 19). Since at least 1851, the accepted explanation for the choice of a name for the town has been that Claudius Victor Boughton was a man of affairs and distinguished himself as a bearer of dispatches in the War of 1812.3 For his distinguished service, the state legislature may have presented Claudius Victor Boughton with a sword. That story has been widely repeated in nearly every local history. 1 Claudius Victor Boughton was the son of Hezekiah Boughton, Jr. (and Huldah Wilson); a brother of Enos Boughton who actually made the initial purchase of what became the Town of Victor. Enos was a secretary to William Walker, a land agent for Phelps and Gorham. See: Willis A. -
CHAPTER IV. the Second Constitution, 1821
CHAPTER IV. The Second Constitution, 1821. The evolution of our Constitution has brought it to a condition where amendments are comparatively easy. The rule requiring a vote by the people once every twenty years, or oftener, as the legislature may provide, to de termine whether a convention shall be called to revise the Constitution, affords frequent opportunities for con sidering the Constitution as a whole; while, by another provision, the legislature may, at any time, submit to the people specific propositions for amendment, without con sidering the whole instrument. This provision furnishes an easy method of altering the Constitution to meet new conditions; indeed, the method is rather too easy, for it affords opportunity for frequent attempted changes in the fundamental law; and if the Constitution, for any reason, happens to be unsatisfactory to a given class of people, and they find that they cannot do all that they think they wish to do, under the existing Constitution, they immediately seek to amend it, as if it were a statute, not possessing permanent character. The ease with which we may now propose amendments is in marked contrast to the difficulties surrounding the subject of constitutional changes during the first forty-five years of our history. It has already been noted that the first Constitution contained no provision for its own amendment. The legislature could not, as it may now do, submit to the people propositions for specific amendments, nor could [613] Digitized by the New York State Library from the Library's collections. 6i4 Constitutional History of New York. it direct that a convention be held to consider amend ments, or a general revision. -
The Federalist Papers: Federalist No. 69 from the New York Packet Friday, March 14, 1788
Primary Sources Selected by Daniel Sargent, UC Berkeley Assistant Professor of History TEACHING DEMOCRACY WEBINAR SERIES The Power of the Presidency, April 25, 2012 The Federalist Papers: Federalist No. 69 From the New York Packet Friday, March 14, 1788. Author: Alexander Hamilton To the People of the State of New York: I PROCEED now to trace the real characters of the proposed Executive, as they are marked out in the plan of the convention. This will serve to place in a strong light the unfairness of the representations which have been made in regard to it. The first thing which strikes our attention is, that the executive authority, with few exceptions, is to be vested in a single magistrate. This will scarcely, however, be considered as a point upon which any comparison can be grounded; for if, in this particular, there be a resemblance to the king of Great Britain, there is not less a resemblance to the Grand Seignior, to the khan of Tartary, to the Man of the Seven Mountains, or to the governor of New York. That magistrate is to be elected for FOUR years; and is to be re-eligible as often as the people of the United States shall think him worthy of their confidence. In these circumstances there is a total dissimilitude between HIM and a king of Great Britain, who is an HEREDITARY monarch, possessing the crown as a patrimony descendible to his heirs forever; but there is a close analogy between HIM and a governor of New York, who is elected for THREE years, and is re-eligible without limitation or intermission. -
1St New York State Legislature - Wikipedia
1st New York State Legislature - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1st_New_York_State_Legislature The 1st New York State Legislature, consisting of the New York State 1st New York State Senate and the New York State Assembly, met from September 9, 1777, to Legislature June 30, 1778, during the first year of George Clinton's governorship, first at Kingston and later at Poughkeepsie. ← State 2nd → Constitutional Convention Background Apportionment and election Sessions State Senate Districts Senators Senate House, Kingston, the place Employees of the first session of the State State Assembly Senate (2007) Districts Overview Assemblymen Employees Jurisdiction New York, United States Notes Sources Term September 9, 1777 – June 30, 1778 Senate The 4th Provincial Congress of the Colony of New York convened at White Members 24 Plains on July 9, 1776, and declared the independence of the State of New President vacant York. The next day the delegates re-convened as the "Convention of Temporary Pierre Van Representatives of the State of New-York" and on August 1 a committee was President Cortlandt appointed to prepare a State Constitution. The New York Constitution was Assembly adopted by the Convention on April 20, 1777, and went into force Members 70 (de facto 65) immediately, without ratification by popular vote. Speaker Walter Livingston Sessions 1st September 1, 1777 – October The State Senators were elected on general tickets in the senatorial 7, 1778 districts, and were then divided into four classes. Six senators each drew 2nd January 5, 1778 – April 4, 1778 lots for a term of 1, 2, 3 or 4 years and, beginning at the following election in April 1778, every year one fourth of the State Senate seats came up for 3rd June 22, 1778 – June 30, 1778 election to a four-year term.[1] 1 of 7 12/17/2018, 12:04 PM 1st New York State Legislature - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1st_New_York_State_Legislature Assemblymen were elected countywide on general tickets to a one-year term, the whole assembly being renewed annually.