A Guide and Index for Finding Evidence of the Original Meaning of the Us
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T a b l e C o n T e n T s I s s u e 9 s u mm e r 2 0 1 3 o f pg 4 pg 18 pg 26 pg 43 Featured articles Pg 4 abraham lincoln and Freedom of the Press A Reappraisal by Harold Holzer Pg 18 interbranch tangling Separating Our Constitutional Powers by Judith s. Kaye Pg 26 rutgers v. Waddington Alexander Hamilton and the Birth Pangs of Judicial Review by David a. Weinstein Pg 43 People v. sanger and the Birth of Family Planning clinics in america by Maria T. Vullo dePartments Pg 2 From the executive director Pg 58 the david a. Garfinkel essay contest Pg 59 a look Back...and Forward Pg 66 society Officers and trustees Pg 66 society membership Pg 70 Become a member Back inside cover Hon. theodore t. Jones, Jr. In Memoriam Judicial Notice l 1 From the executive director udicial Notice is moving forward! We have a newly expanded board of editors Dearwho volunteer Members their time to solicit and review submissions, work with authors, and develop topics of legal history to explore. The board of editors is composed J of Henry M. Greenberg, Editor-in-Chief, John D. Gordan, III, albert M. rosenblatt, and David a. Weinstein. We are also fortunate to have David l. Goodwin, Assistant Editor, who edits the articles and footnotes with great care and knowledge. our own Michael W. benowitz, my able assistant, coordinates the layout and, most importantly, searches far and wide to find interesting and often little-known images that greatly compliment and enhance the articles. -
The Other Madison Problem
THE OTHER MADISON PROBLEM David S. Schwartz* & John Mikhail** The conventional view of legal scholars and historians is that James Madison was the “father” or “major architect” of the Constitution, whose unrivaled authority entitles his interpretations of the Constitution to special weight and consideration. This view greatly exaggerates Madison’s contribution to the framing of the Constitution and the quality of his insight into the main problem of federalism that the Framers tried to solve. Perhaps most significantly, it obstructs our view of alternative interpretations of the original Constitution with which Madison disagreed. Examining Madison’s writings and speeches between the spring and fall of 1787, we argue, first, that Madison’s reputation as the father of the Constitution is unwarranted. Madison’s supposedly unparalleled preparation for the Constitutional Convention and his purported authorship of the Virginia plan are unsupported by the historical record. The ideas Madison expressed in his surprisingly limited pre-Convention writings were either widely shared or, where more peculiar to him, rejected by the Convention. Moreover, virtually all of the actual drafting of the Constitution was done by other delegates, principally James Wilson and Gouverneur Morris. Second, we argue that Madison’s recorded thought in this critical 1787 period fails to establish him as a particularly keen or authoritative interpreter of the Constitution. Focused myopically on the supposed imperative of blocking bad state laws, Madison failed to diagnose the central problem of federalism that was clear to many of his peers: the need to empower the national government to regulate the people directly. Whereas Madison clung to the idea of a national government controlling the states through a national legislative veto, the Convention settled on a decidedly non-Madisonian approach of bypassing the states by directly regulating the people and controlling bad state laws indirectly through the combination of federal supremacy and preemption. -
Freedom of the Press: Croswell's Case
Fordham Law Review Volume 33 Issue 3 Article 3 1965 Freedom of the Press: Croswell's Case Morris D. Forkosch Follow this and additional works at: https://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/flr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Morris D. Forkosch, Freedom of the Press: Croswell's Case, 33 Fordham L. Rev. 415 (1965). Available at: https://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/flr/vol33/iss3/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by FLASH: The Fordham Law Archive of Scholarship and History. It has been accepted for inclusion in Fordham Law Review by an authorized editor of FLASH: The Fordham Law Archive of Scholarship and History. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Freedom of the Press: Croswell's Case Cover Page Footnote The instant study was initiated by Professor Vincent C. Hopkins, S.J., of the Department of History, Fordham University, during 1963. In the spring of 1964 be died, leaving an incomplete draft; completion necessitated research, correction, and re-writing almost entirely, to the point where it became an entirly new paper, and the manuscript was ready for printing when the first olumev of Professor Goebel's, The Law Practice of Alexander Hamilton (1964), appeared. At pages 775-SO6 Goebel gives the background of the Croswell case and, because of many details and references there appearing, the present article has been slimmed down considerably. However, the point of view adopted by Goebel is to give the background so that Hamilton's participation and argument can be understood. The purpose of the present article is to disclose the place occupied by this case (and its participants) in the stream of American libertarian principles, and ezpzdally those legal concepts which prevented freedom of the press from becoming an everyday actuality until the legislatures changed the common law. -
The Constitutional History of New York
The Constitutional History of New York Charles Z. Lincoln's five-volume The Constitutional History of New York from the Beginning of the Colonial Period to the Year 1905, Showing the Origin, Development, and Judicial Construction of the Constitution remains the authoritative history of the evolution of the State Constitution through the 19th century and the forces that shaped the principles it has embraced. The Historical Society of the Courts of the State of New York has excerpted a number of passages from this compilation which are of particular relevance to the history of the State Courts: • A profile of the author • The Colonial Judiciary • The New York Judiciary, 1777-1845 • The Judiciary Article Under the Third Constitution (1846) • The First Constitution, 1777 • Amendments to the First Constitution - The Convention of 1801 • Woman Suffrage • Woman Suffrage Addendum CHARLES Z. LINCOLN Charles Z. Lincoln was born August 5, 1848, at Grafton, Vermont. An orphan at eight years of age, he resided during his childhood years with various relatives. He was educated in public schools and at Chamberlain Institute, in Randolph, New York. Mr. Lincoln taught school in Cattaraugus and Chautauqua Counties until 1871, when he began the study of law with Joseph R. Jewell, at Little Valley, New York, and with Charles S. Cary, at Olean, New York. He was admitted to the bar in 1874 and thereafter engaged in private practice. He has been President and Attorney of [photograph and biographical Little Valley, a member of the Board of information courtesy of the Education, a State Senator and a Convention Manual of the Sixth New Delegate to the New York Constitutional York State Constitutional Convention Convention of 1894. -
The Council of Revision and the Limits of Judicial Power James T
COMMENTS The Council of Revision and the Limits of Judicial Power James T. Barry IIIt The limits of judicial power and the proper role of the judici- ary in the Constitutional scheme have always been matters of great controversy. Recent manifestations of this controversy include the debate over the scope of the Fourteenth Amendment, the breadth of standing requirements, the inclusion of judges on the Federal Sentencing Commission, and the role of the judiciary in appointing independent counsels to investigate executive branch officials. Al- though these issues are usually discussed on more abstract grounds, the historical background of the Constitution often creeps into the debate. In this context, one event often mentioned is the Framers' de- bate over and rejection of a Council of Revision at the Constitu- tional Convention of 1787. The proposed Council would have vested the federal veto power in an institution composed of the President and several members of the federal judiciary, presuma- bly the Justices of the Supreme Court. The history of this proposal illustrates how the Framers, faced with a model of judicial involve- ment in the lawmaking process, chose instead a judiciary that took no part in the creation of laws. In so doing, the Framers effectively chose to preclude the courts from deciding matters of public policy and to create a special place for the courts in the separation of powers scheme. Though the history of the proposed Council is relevant to many issues that perennially confront the courts, scholars have given that history remarkably little attention. This comment seeks to remedy that lack of scholarship by examining the history of the t B.S.F.S., Georgetown University, 1986; J.D. -
CHAPTER IV. the Second Constitution, 1821
CHAPTER IV. The Second Constitution, 1821. The evolution of our Constitution has brought it to a condition where amendments are comparatively easy. The rule requiring a vote by the people once every twenty years, or oftener, as the legislature may provide, to de termine whether a convention shall be called to revise the Constitution, affords frequent opportunities for con sidering the Constitution as a whole; while, by another provision, the legislature may, at any time, submit to the people specific propositions for amendment, without con sidering the whole instrument. This provision furnishes an easy method of altering the Constitution to meet new conditions; indeed, the method is rather too easy, for it affords opportunity for frequent attempted changes in the fundamental law; and if the Constitution, for any reason, happens to be unsatisfactory to a given class of people, and they find that they cannot do all that they think they wish to do, under the existing Constitution, they immediately seek to amend it, as if it were a statute, not possessing permanent character. The ease with which we may now propose amendments is in marked contrast to the difficulties surrounding the subject of constitutional changes during the first forty-five years of our history. It has already been noted that the first Constitution contained no provision for its own amendment. The legislature could not, as it may now do, submit to the people propositions for specific amendments, nor could [613] Digitized by the New York State Library from the Library's collections. 6i4 Constitutional History of New York. it direct that a convention be held to consider amend ments, or a general revision. -
The Federalist Papers: Federalist No. 69 from the New York Packet Friday, March 14, 1788
Primary Sources Selected by Daniel Sargent, UC Berkeley Assistant Professor of History TEACHING DEMOCRACY WEBINAR SERIES The Power of the Presidency, April 25, 2012 The Federalist Papers: Federalist No. 69 From the New York Packet Friday, March 14, 1788. Author: Alexander Hamilton To the People of the State of New York: I PROCEED now to trace the real characters of the proposed Executive, as they are marked out in the plan of the convention. This will serve to place in a strong light the unfairness of the representations which have been made in regard to it. The first thing which strikes our attention is, that the executive authority, with few exceptions, is to be vested in a single magistrate. This will scarcely, however, be considered as a point upon which any comparison can be grounded; for if, in this particular, there be a resemblance to the king of Great Britain, there is not less a resemblance to the Grand Seignior, to the khan of Tartary, to the Man of the Seven Mountains, or to the governor of New York. That magistrate is to be elected for FOUR years; and is to be re-eligible as often as the people of the United States shall think him worthy of their confidence. In these circumstances there is a total dissimilitude between HIM and a king of Great Britain, who is an HEREDITARY monarch, possessing the crown as a patrimony descendible to his heirs forever; but there is a close analogy between HIM and a governor of New York, who is elected for THREE years, and is re-eligible without limitation or intermission. -
Commentaries on Chancellor Kent
Chicago-Kent Law Review Volume 74 Issue 1 Symposium on Commemorating the Two Hundredth Anniversary of Chancellor Article 3 Kent's Ascension to the Bench December 1998 Commentaries on Chancellor Kent Judith S. Kaye Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.kentlaw.iit.edu/cklawreview Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Judith S. Kaye, Commentaries on Chancellor Kent, 74 Chi.-Kent L. Rev. 11 (1998). Available at: https://scholarship.kentlaw.iit.edu/cklawreview/vol74/iss1/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarly Commons @ IIT Chicago-Kent College of Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Chicago-Kent Law Review by an authorized editor of Scholarly Commons @ IIT Chicago-Kent College of Law. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. COMMENTARIES ON CHANCELLOR KENT JUDITH S. KAYE* INTRODUCTION It is my distinct pleasure to be a part of this symposium on Chan- cellor James Kent, whose name stands securely alongside the giants of the law.' At this school, which bears his name, you understandably feel a special connection to Chancellor Kent. As Chief Judge of the Court of Appeals of the State of New York-our state's highest court-I too feel a special connection to him. Chancellor Kent's por- trait hangs directly over my shoulder as I sit on the bench of our magnificent courtroom in Albany.2 Every day during the Court's ses- sions, he looks out on attorneys presenting issues that were unimag- inable 200 years ago when he took the bench, yet he unquestionably contributed greatly to their resolution. -
The Constitutional Imbalance
Volume 37 Issue 1 Winter Winter 2007 The Constitutional Imbalance Richard Albert Recommended Citation Richard Albert, The Constitutional Imbalance, 37 N.M. L. Rev. 1 (2007). Available at: https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/nmlr/vol37/iss1/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by The University of New Mexico School of Law. For more information, please visit the New Mexico Law Review website: www.lawschool.unm.edu/nmlr THE CONSTITUTIONAL IMBALANCE RICHARD ALBERT* I. INTRODUCTION The modem American judiciary bears little resemblance to the institution created by the Founding Fathers at the Constitutional Convention of 1787. Alexander Hamilton-a leading spokesperson for the Federalist forces that emerged victorious from the founding debates-famously predicted that thejudiciary would be the least dangerous of the three branches of government. We know now that Hamilton and the Federalists were wrong on this forecast. We also know that the Anti-Federalists were right. Indeed, the Anti-Federalists-an influential group of American founding statesmen who withheld their assent from the Constitution for various reasons - correctly presaged the future path of the American judiciary. Contemporary thinkers have echoed the cautionary words of the Anti-Federalists, arguing that the modern American judiciary has upset the constitutional balance that sustains the American project of democracy. According to one scholar, the judiciary has freely inserted itself into the political thicket, eroding the political question doctrine that once ensured that the voice of the people would be heard.2 According to another scholar, the judiciary has mooted popular discourse on important issues of conscience before those deliberations have even begun to bud.3 Still another argues that the judiciary has commandeered public institutions to substitute the people's judgment with its own.4 These and other increasingly frequent detours * J.D., B.A., Yale University. -
Imagining a Constitutional World of Legislative Supremacy
WHAT IF MADISON HAD WON? IMAGINING A CONSTITUTIONAL WORLD OF LEGISLATIVE SUPREMACY ALISON L. LACROIX* INTRODUCTION In the summer of 1787, when the delegates to the Constitutional Convention gathered in Philadelphia, one of the most formidable hurdles they faced was building a functional federal government that contained more than one sovereign. Throughout much of the colonial period, British North American political thinkers had challenged the orthodox metropolitan insistence on unitary sovereignty vested in Parliament, and the accompanying metropolitan aversion to any constitutional system that appeared to create an imperium in imperio, or a sovereign within a sovereign.1 By the 1780s, despite much disagreement among the members of the founding generation as to the precise balance between sovereigns, both political theory and lived experience had convinced Americans that their system could, and indeed must, not just accommodate but also depend upon multiple levels of government.2 Identifying the proper degree of federal supremacy and the best means of building it into the constitutional structure were thus central concerns for many members of the founding generation.3 Their real project was an institutional one: whether—which soon became how—to replace the highly decentralized, legislature-centered structure of the Articles of Confederation with a more robust, multi-branch general government to serve as the constitutional hub connecting the state spokes. In preparing for the convention, Virginia delegate James Madison, who was at the -
Separation of Powers Or Separation of Personnel , 79 Cornell L
Cornell Law Review Volume 79 Article 1 Issue 5 July 1994 One Person One Office:ep S aration of Powers or Separation of Personnel Steven G. Calabresi Joan L. Larsen Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/clr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Steven G. Calabresi and Joan L. Larsen, One Person One Office: Separation of Powers or Separation of Personnel , 79 Cornell L. Rev. 1045 (1994) Available at: http://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/clr/vol79/iss5/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Scholarship@Cornell Law: A Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Cornell Law Review by an authorized administrator of Scholarship@Cornell Law: A Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ONE PERSON, ONE OFFICE: SEPARATION OF POWERS OR SEPARATION OF PERSONNEL? Steven G. Calabres4 and Joan L. Larsent "The accumulation of all powers, legislative, executive, and judici- ary, in the same hands ... whether hereditary, self-appointed, or elec- tive, may justly be pronounced the very definition of tyranny."' TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION ................................................. 1047 I. BRITISH AND COLONIAL ANTECEDENTS TO THE INCOMPATIBILITY PRINCIPLE ................................ 1052 A. The British Background ............................... 1053 B. The State Constitutions and the Articles of Confederation ......................................... 1057 C. Summary of the Decisions at the Federal Convention ........................................... 1061 II. THE INCOMPATIBILITY CLAUSE .............................. 1062 A. The Original Meaning and Purpose of the Incompatibility Clause ................................. 1062 1. Text and Context .................................... 1062 2. Public Statements Contemporaneous With Ratification... 1065 3. Private Statements Made Prior to Ratification: The Convention Debates ................................. -
The Veto Power of the Judiciary, 7 Marq
Marquette Law Review Volume 7 Article 2 Issue 1 Volume 7, Issue 1 (1922) The etV o Power of the Judiciary F. C. Eschweiler Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.law.marquette.edu/mulr Part of the Law Commons Repository Citation F. C. Eschweiler, The Veto Power of the Judiciary, 7 Marq. L. Rev. 5 (1922). Available at: http://scholarship.law.marquette.edu/mulr/vol7/iss1/2 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Marquette Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Marquette Law Review by an authorized administrator of Marquette Law Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. MARQUETTE LAW REVIEW THE VETO POWER OF THE JUDICIARY By JUSTicE F. C. ESCHWEILER, of the Wisconsin Supreme Court, Member of Marquette University Law Faculty John Jay, who rendered distinguished services in securing the adoption of the Federal Constitution and as a diplomat in the perilous and delicate task of negotiating with England the treaty bearing his name, refused to accept a renewed appointment as Chief Justice of the United States Supreme Court because he felt that court could not obtain the essential energy, weight and dignity nor acquire the public confidence and respect which it should possess.' Alexander Hamilton, the master intellect of the formative period of this Government in speaking of the judiciary as one of the branches of govermental power said that it, "is, beyond comparison, the weakest of the three departments of power; that it can never