The Persian Wars Reading Notes
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Ancient History Sourcebook: 11Th Brittanica: Sparta SPARTA an Ancient City in Greece, the Capital of Laconia and the Most Powerful State of the Peloponnese
Ancient History Sourcebook: 11th Brittanica: Sparta SPARTA AN ancient city in Greece, the capital of Laconia and the most powerful state of the Peloponnese. The city lay at the northern end of the central Laconian plain, on the right bank of the river Eurotas, a little south of the point where it is joined by its largest tributary, the Oenus (mount Kelefina). The site is admirably fitted by nature to guard the only routes by which an army can penetrate Laconia from the land side, the Oenus and Eurotas valleys leading from Arcadia, its northern neighbour, and the Langada Pass over Mt Taygetus connecting Laconia and Messenia. At the same time its distance from the sea-Sparta is 27 m. from its seaport, Gythium, made it invulnerable to a maritime attack. I.-HISTORY Prehistoric Period.-Tradition relates that Sparta was founded by Lacedaemon, son of Zeus and Taygete, who called the city after the name of his wife, the daughter of Eurotas. But Amyclae and Therapne (Therapnae) seem to have been in early times of greater importance than Sparta, the former a Minyan foundation a few miles to the south of Sparta, the latter probably the Achaean capital of Laconia and the seat of Menelaus, Agamemnon's younger brother. Eighty years after the Trojan War, according to the traditional chronology, the Dorian migration took place. A band of Dorians united with a body of Aetolians to cross the Corinthian Gulf and invade the Peloponnese from the northwest. The Aetolians settled in Elis, the Dorians pushed up to the headwaters of the Alpheus, where they divided into two forces, one of which under Cresphontes invaded and later subdued Messenia, while the other, led by Aristodemus or, according to another version, by his twin sons Eurysthenes and Procles, made its way down the Eurotas were new settlements were formed and gained Sparta, which became the Dorian capital of Laconia. -
Ideals and Pragmatism in Greek Military Thought 490-338 Bc
Roel Konijnendijk IDEALS AND PRAGMATISM IN GREEK MILITARY THOUGHT 490-338 BC PhD Thesis – Ancient History – UCL I, Roel Konijnendijk, confirm that the work presented in this thesis is my own. Where information has been derived from other sources, I confirm that this has been indicated in the thesis. Thesis Abstract This thesis examines the principles that defined the military thinking of the Classical Greek city-states. Its focus is on tactical thought: Greek conceptions of the means, methods, and purpose of engaging the enemy in battle. Through an analysis of historical accounts of battles and campaigns, accompanied by a parallel study of surviving military treatises from the period, it draws a new picture of the tactical options that were available, and of the ideals that lay behind them. It has long been argued that Greek tactics were deliberately primitive, restricted by conventions that prescribed the correct way to fight a battle and limited the extent to which victory could be exploited. Recent reinterpretations of the nature of Greek warfare cast doubt on this view, prompting a reassessment of tactical thought – a subject that revisionist scholars have not yet treated in detail. This study shows that practically all the assumptions of the traditional model are wrong. Tactical thought was constrained chiefly by the extreme vulnerability of the hoplite phalanx, its total lack of training, and the general’s limited capacity for command and control on the battlefield. Greek commanders, however, did not let any moral rules get in the way of possible solutions to these problems. Battle was meant to create an opportunity for the wholesale destruction of the enemy, and any available means were deployed towards that goal. -
Phalanxes and Triremes: Warfare in Ancient Greece by Ancient History Encyclopedia, Adapted by Newsela Staff on 08.08.17 Word Count 1,730 Level 1230L
Phalanxes and Triremes: Warfare in Ancient Greece By Ancient History Encyclopedia, adapted by Newsela staff on 08.08.17 Word Count 1,730 Level 1230L A lithograph plate showing ancient Greek warriors in a variety of different uniforms. Photo from Wikimedia. In the ancient Greek world, warfare was seen as a necessary evil of the human condition. Whether it be small frontier skirmishes between neighboring city-states, lengthy city-sieges, civil wars or large-scale battles between multi-alliance blocks on land and sea, the vast rewards of war were thought to outweigh the costs in material and lives. While there were lengthy periods of peace, the desire for new territory, war booty or revenge meant the Greeks were regularly engaged in warfare both at home and abroad. Toward professional warfare The Greeks did not always have professional soldiers. Warfare started out as the business of private individuals. Armed bands led by warrior leaders, city militias of part-time soldiers provided their own equipment and may have included all the citizens of the city-state. Eventually, the conduct of warfare started to move away from private individuals and into the realm of the state. This article is available at 5 reading levels at https://newsela.com. In the early stages of Greek warfare in the Archaic period, training was haphazard. There were no uniforms or insignia and as soon as the conflict was over the soldiers would return to their farms. By the fifth century B.C, the military might of Sparta provided a model for all other states to follow. -
The Grand Strategy of Classical Sparta: the Persian Challenge
with the tools to conduct such an inquiry. who perished in the wheat-bearing land of With only a limited bibliography and a Gela; paucity of notes, however, such an in- of his noble prowess the grove of Marathon quiry would prove daunting. can speak, Despite these minor issues, Horne’s work is instructive, especially because and the long-haired Persian knows it well. of the author’s consistent reminder of the fate awaiting those who ignore the It serves as one more reminder of past. In fact, such a theme could have why the past appears to be of little use to easily taken pride of place in this work. Americans who look forward to a brave Horne’s explanation of how the Battle of new world. Tsushima, the 1940 Blitzkrieg, and the Professor Paul Rahe has directly chal- Battle of Verdun persisted as analogies lenged those assumptions that history for the Japanese at Midway, for Hitler is bunk. His Grand Strategy of Classical during Barbarossa, and for the French in Sparta is a brilliant study of Spartan strat- Indochina, respectively, shows the power egy during the Persian Wars (500 to 479 analogies wield within the mind of the BCE) that deserves to be read by those decisionmaker. In fact, Horne’s examples few still interested in the conduct of grand provide additional evidence of the power strategy and the choices, good and bad, of historical analogy, much as Yuen Foong made by leaders under the pressures of Khong described in Analogies at War. war. He has laid out the obvious as well For Horne, the arrogant not only tend to as the underlying factors that eventually ignore history, but they also are heavily The Grand Strategy of Classical led to victory on the part of the Spartans inclined to extend beyond their abilities. -
Companion Cavalry and the Macedonian Heavy Infantry
THE ARMY OP ALEXANDER THE GREAT %/ ROBERT LOCK IT'-'-i""*'?.} Submitted to satisfy the requirements for the degree of Ph.D. in the School of History in the University of Leeds. Supervisor: Professor E. Badian Date of Submission: Thursday 14 March 1974 IMAGING SERVICES NORTH X 5 Boston Spa, Wetherby </l *xj 1 West Yorkshire, LS23 7BQ. * $ www.bl.uk BEST COPY AVAILABLE. TEXT IN ORIGINAL IS CLOSE TO THE EDGE OF THE PAGE ABSTRACT The army with which Alexander the Great conquered the Persian empire was "built around the Macedonian Companion cavalry and the Macedonian heavy infantry. The Macedonian nobility were traditionally fine horsemen, hut the infantry was poorly armed and badly organised until the reign of Alexander II in 369/8 B.C. This king formed a small royal standing army; it consisted of a cavalry force of Macedonian nobles, which he named the 'hetairoi' (or Companion]! cavalry, and an infantry body drawn from the commoners and trained to fight in phalangite formation: these he called the »pezetairoi» (or foot-companions). Philip II (359-336 B.C.) expanded the kingdom and greatly increased the manpower resources for war. Towards the end of his reign he started preparations for the invasion of the Persian empire and levied many more Macedonians than had hitherto been involved in the king's wars. In order to attach these men more closely to himself he extended the meaning of the terms »hetairol» and 'pezetairoi to refer to the whole bodies of Macedonian cavalry and heavy infantry which served under him on his campaigning. -
Ancient Greece Athens and Sparta
ANCIENT GREECE ATHENS AND SPARTA Map of Greece and the cities of Athens and Sparta In Ancient Greece there were two different major forms of government, oligarchy and democracy. Oligarchy refers to a small group of people who govern a nation together. Democracy refers to a system of government in which every person has the right to participate. The two city-states that best represent each form of government were Sparta (oligarchy) and Athens (democracy). Athens focused more on culture, while Sparta focused more on war. The oligarchy structure in Sparta enabled it to keep war as a top priority. ATHENS View of Athens, The Athenian democratic government gave the citizens in Greece more around 3000 years ago. freedom. Ten percent of the total population of Athens had voting rights and all of these citizens were wealthy men who were over thirty years old. The Assembly, which made the laws, was composed by five hundred wealthy men. Women had no freedoms at all. Fathers owned their girls and then women became property of their husbands who then gave them the responsibilities of managing the household and educating the children. Women in Athens took Life was sophisticated and graceful in Athens but the Athenians were often mocked by care of their families. opposing countries for lacking bravery, patriotism and courage. Athens was repeatedly attacked since Athenians didn’t have a war-like reputation. These conflicts eventually led to Athens losing power in Ancient Greece. SPARTA In the city-state of Sparta, an oligarchy controlled the power. The citizens had little say in the decisions made by the government but, at the time, this was the structure that existed. -
The Spartan Defeat at Lechaeum
The Spartan Defeat at Lechaeum One of the most memorable episodes of the Corinthian War (395-386 B.C.) is Xenophon’s vivid account of how a large force of mercenary peltasts under the command of the Athenian Iphicrates gained victory over a mora of Spartan hoplites near the port of Lechaeum in 390 B.C., killing approximately 250 out of 600 hoplites, or about 40% of the regiment’s original strength (Hell. 4.5.11-17). Plutarch aptly describes this heavy defeat as “the greatest disaster” for the Spartans (Ages. 22.2). Given the importance of Iphicrates’ achievement for our understanding of lightly armed infantrymen in Classical Greece, it is unsurprising that scholars have sought to study the confrontation at Lechaeum, both reconstructing the course of the fighting and offering an explanation for the outcome (e.g. Best 1969; Anderson 1970; Lazenby 1985; Konecney 2001). In this presentation I argue that Lechaeum should not be taken as an example, along with Demosthenes’ victory on Sphacteria (425 B.C.), of the Spartans’ supposed inability to adapt to the increased prominence of non-hoplite troops in contemporary warfare, but should instead be attributed to Iphicrates’ exceptional generalship. An assessment of his military career suggests that he was an unusually enterprising and resourceful commander who understood acutely how different types of troops, such as hoplites, javelin-men, and cavalry, should be combined to defeat his opponents (Poly. Strat. 3.9.22; cf. Xen. Oec. 8.6). While he was not an innovator of peltast tactics nor a reformer of their equipment – despite garbled late sources (D.S. -
The Spartan Army at Mantinea and Its Organisation in the Fifth Century Bc
THE SPARTAN ARMY AT MANTINEA AND ITS ORGANISATION IN THE FIFTH CENTURY BC Henk Singor 1. Introduction In classical Sparta there was no clear demarcation between civil and military organisation. An understanding of Sparta's society therefore requires some understanding of its army and vice versa. There is, however, hardly a topic in Spartan history on which there is so little scholarly agreement as the organisation of the army during the classical period. The main reason for this is that our primary source of knowledge about fifth-century Sparta, Thucydides, has been treated more as a stumbling-block than as an informative guide. Moreover, Xenophon's account of Spartan military organisation in the fourth century has almost invariably been used to tamper with Thucydides' description of the army during the Man tinea campaign of 418 BC, and sometimes even with Herodotus' description of the army at the time of the Persian Wars. In my opinion this is totally unwarranted. As I hope to show, Thucydides is not guilty of the ignorance or the errors of which modern scholars have accused him. I shall argue that his evidence is not only to a large extent self-consistent, but can also be combined with the scarce evidence we have from other sources to reconstruct the Spartan army of the fifth century BC and to help us understand how Sparta's military organisation reflected the structures of Spartan society at large. The Spartan army that Xenophon knew in the fourth century consisted of six morai or divisions. Each of these was made up of both Perioikoi and Spartans, whereas Herodotus tells us that during the early fifth century BC Spartans and Perioikoi fought in separate regiments or lochoi. -
ABSTRACT Constantinos Hasapis, Overcoming the Spartan
ABSTRACT Constantinos Hasapis, Overcoming the Spartan Phalanx: The Evolution of Greek Battlefield Tactics, 394 BC- 371 BC. (Dr. Anthony Papalas, Thesis Director), Spring 2012 The objective of this thesis is to examine the changes in Greek battlefield tactics in the early fourth century as a response to overthrowing what was widely considered by most of Greece tyranny on the part of Sparta. Sparta's hegemony was based on military might, namely her mastery of phalanx warfare. Therefore the key to dismantling Lacedaemonia's overlordship was to defeat her armies on the battlefield. This thesis will argue that new battle tactics were tried and although there were varying degrees of success, the final victory at Leuctra over the Spartans was due mainly to the use of another phalanx. However, the Theban phalanx was not a merely a copy of Sparta's. New formations, tactics, and battlefield concepts were applied and used successfully when wedded together. Sparta's prospects of maintaining her position of dominance were increasingly bleak. Sparta's phalanx had became more versatile and mobile after the end of the Peloponnesian War but her increasing economic and demographic problems, compounded by outside commitments resulting in imperial overstretch, strained her resources. The additional burden of internal security requirements caused by the need to hold down a massive helot population led to a static position in the face of a dynamic enemy with no such constraints Overcoming The Spartan Phalanx: The Evolution of Greek Battlefield Tactics, 394 BC-371 BC A Thesis Presented to The Faculty of the Department of History East Carolina University In Partial Fulfillment for the Degree Master of Arts in History Constantinos Hasapis Spring 2012 Copyright 2012 Constantinos Hasapis Overcoming the Spartan Phalanx: The Evolution of Greek Battlefield Tactics, 394 BC-371 BC by Constantinos Hasapis APPROVED BY DIRECTOR OF THESIS ________________________________ Dr. -
Hoplites: Problems, Solutions and Explanations
Jeff Benjamin Curtis Hoplites: Problems, Solutions and Explanations Jeff Benjamin Curtis Abstract: This paper examines closely several commonly accepted models of the manner in which hoplite warfare worked in antiq- uity. Generally through the logical deconstruction of descriptions of hoplites in action such as those in Herodotus, Thucydides and Xenophon. The seemingly counterintuitive charge of the hoplite force at Marathon against the Persian army contrasted to the slowly advancing Spartan army at the battle of Plataea. A cornerstone of the paper’s analysis centers on the difference between professional armies, such as the Spartans or the Theban sacred band and non-professional armies, employed by the Athenians and most other city- states. The difference between professional and non-professional armies is of great importance in considering the means in which they combat each other. The paper also revisits glossed-over points in the mechanics of hoplite warfare such as the “othismos” which can be interpreted in many ways; it attempts to shed some clarity on this concept in particular by examining the use of the word by ancient authors. The article also studies the Greek hoplite in military situations where it was unsuccessful, looking specifi cally at the failure of the allied Greek force at Chaironeia against the Macedonian pike phalanxes. This helps further clarify the strengths and weaknesses of hoplite armies. To construct a working knowledge of warfare in Archaic and An advantage that could be gained from this run would be Classical Greece, one must understand the specifi c capabilities the momentum generated by the sheer weight of a large force of the soldiers themselves; and when the subject is archaic and of hoplites. -
Week 7: the Persians Wars
Week 7: The Persians Wars Lecture 12, Marathon, Key Words Aryans Media Babylonia Lydia Persia Cyrus Achaemenid Armenia Syria Cappadocia Croesus Cambyses Egypt India Sudan Persian Gulf Darius Samos Polycrates Scythia Macedon Miltiades Danube Earth and Water Boeotia Chalcis Corinth Demaratus Cleruchs Aegina Ionian Rebellion Aristagoras Miletus Naxos Sardis Eretria Lade Hipparchus archon 496/5 Phrynichus Chersonnesus Piraeus Themistocles 1 Mardonias Thrace Mt. Athos Rapprochement Datis Artaphernes Delos Carystus Pheidippides Pan Carneia Arête Beach head Cavalry Archers Plataeans Herakleion Marshes Charadra Soros Cynosura Phaleron Dromoi Grundy Stoa Poikile Aeschylus Hastings Spanish Armada Neville Chamberlain Bertrand Russell Churchill Marlborough Holocaust Sophocles Euripides Aristophanes Socrates Plato Aristotle Phidias Parthenon Pericles Scientific Revolution Western Civilization Marathonomachoi 2 Chronological Table for Persian History and the Persian Wars 2000-1000 Indo-Iranians migrate from the Eurasian plains of south Russia, across the Caucasus Mountains and into upper-Mesopotamia; others move east of the Caspian Sea and into the Indus river valley (founders of the Aryan Sanskrit civilization). 1150-1000 Phrygians migrate from the Balkans into central Anatolia; spread of iron technology: early Iron Age (1150-550). 950 Phrygian kings establish capital at Gordium and unite Anatolian plateau. 900-612 Assyria dominates the Near East. 844 Assyrian records refer to the Iranian tribes, the Persians. 836 Assyrian records mention the Medes. 705-690 Phrygian power shattered by Cimmerians (Iranian or Thracian nomads, who swept over Asia Minor and Syria at the end of the 8th /early 7th century); Lydia becomes independent of Phrygia. 700-675 Medes coalesce into a united kingdom under the initiative of the Mede Deioces (Hdt. -
Thucydides on Policy, Strategy, and War Termination Karl Walling
Naval War College Review Volume 66 Article 6 Number 4 Autumn 2013 Thucydides on Policy, Strategy, and War Termination Karl Walling Follow this and additional works at: https://digital-commons.usnwc.edu/nwc-review Recommended Citation Walling, Karl (2013) "Thucydides on Policy, Strategy, and War Termination," Naval War College Review: Vol. 66 : No. 4 , Article 6. Available at: https://digital-commons.usnwc.edu/nwc-review/vol66/iss4/6 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at U.S. Naval War College Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Naval War College Review by an authorized editor of U.S. Naval War College Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Walling: Thucydides on Policy, Strategy, and War Termination THU CYDIDES on POLICY, STRATEGY, and WAR Termination Karl Walling E ven the ultimate outcome is not always to be regarded as final. The defeated state often considers the outcome merely as a transitory evil, for which a remedy may still be found in political conditions at a later date. CLAUSEWITZ W ar is like unto fire; those who will not put aside weapons are them- selves consumed by them. LI CHUAN or decades, Thucydides’s account of the Peloponnesian War has been a staple of professional military education at American war colleges, the Naval War FCollege especially.1 And with good reason—he self-consciously supplies his read- ers a microcosm of all war. With extraordinary drama and scrupulous attention to detail he addresses the fundamental and recurring problems of strategy at all times and places.