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University Microfilms International 300 N.Zaob Road Ann Arbor, Ml 48106

8419003

RobertS'Gassler, Vlckl.Jane

ASPECTS OF THE ECONOMIC SYSTEMS IN THE GERMAN MEDIEVAL "SPIELMANNSEPEN" "KONIG ROTHER," "HERZOG ERNST," "ST. OSWALD," "ORENDEL" AND "SALMAN UND MOROLF"

The Ohio State University Ph.D. 1984

University Microfilms international300 N. Zeeb Road, Ann Arbor, Ml 48106

Copyright 1984 by Roberts-Gassier, Vicki Jane All Rights Reserved

ASPECTS OF TOE ECONOMIC SYSTEMS IN TOE GERMAN MEDIEVAL "SPIEIMANNSEPEN" KSNIG ROTHER. HERZOG ERNST, ST. OSWALD, CRENDEL AND SAIMAN UND MORffiF

DISSERTATION

Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate

School of the Ohio State University

By

Vicki Jane Roberts-Gassier, B.A., M.A.

* ★ * * ★

The Ohio State University 1984

Reading Oomdttee: Approved By

Harry Vredeveld Hugo Bekker I/* David P. Benseler //* Adviser Department of German Copyright by Vicki Jane Roberts-Gassier 1984 for Vandi

i i VITA

November 8, 1946. . • • B o m - Seattle, Washington 1970...... B.A., Washington State University, Pullman, Washington

1975-1976 ...... Teaching Assistant, Department of Foreign Languages and Literatures, Washington State University, Pullman, Washington

1976. M.A., Washington State University, Pullman, Washington

1976-1981 ...... Teaching Associate, Research Associate, Department of German, The ( M o State University, Columbus, Ohio

1981- . . . Lecturer, Department of German and Russian, University of North Carolina at Greensboro, Greensboro, North Carolina

FIELDS OF STUDY

Major Field: German

German Medieval Literature. Professors Harry Vredeveld and Hugo Bekker. German Philology. Professors Johanna S. Belkin and Harry Vredeveld.

i i i TABLE OF CONTENTS Page VITA ...... - . . . ill CHAPTER ONE - INTRODUCTION Outline of Methodology...... 1 The "Spielmann" Theory ...... 5 Patronage and the "Spielmannsepen"...... 12 The Hypothesis of City O r i g i n ...... 16 The Medieval Economic S ystems ...... 20 Summary ...... 21 CHAPTER TWO - THE NATURE AND SIGNIFICANCE OF WEALTH IN THE "SPIELMANNSEPEN" Introduction...... 27 Konig Rother ...... 32 Herzog Ernst ...... 51 St. Oswald ...... 65 O r e n d e l ...... 60 Salman und Morolf ...... 92 Conclusion...... 105 CHAPTER THREE - MONEY IN THE SPIELMANNSEPEN Introduction ...... 111 Konig Rother ...... 115 Herzog Ernst ...... 120 St. Oswald ...... 123 O r e n d e l ...... 129 Salman und Morolf ...... 134 Conclusion...... 140 CHAPTER POUR - THE INFLUENCE OF ECONOMIC FACTORS ON THE RELATIONSHIPS BETWEEN CHARACTERS

Introduction...... 144 Konig Rother ...... 149 Herzog Ernst ...... 175 St. Oswald ...... 197 Orendel ..... 216 Salman und Morolf ...... 231 Conclusion...... 244 CHAPTER FIVE - CONCLUSION ...... 253 LIST OF REFERENCES...... 262

iv 1

CHAPTER ONE INTOODUCITCN

Outline of Methodology

The five medieval epics known as the Spielmannsepen - Konig Rother, Herzog Ernst, St. Oswald. Orendel. and Salman und Morolf - will be investigated here with respect to the economic system or systems reflected within the works. Aspects of the works to be examined in this dissertation include the occurrences of money and golden and silver objects, land ownership, the awarding of gifts or payments, and the context in which gifts and payments take place. The material has been divided into three sections under three sub-headings. Chapter Two considers the passages related to wealth; the questions concern which characters have wealth and what that wealth consists of, whether primarily land or money or costly objects. The significance of wealth in a general sense in each work is discussed. Chapter Three concentrates on one specific form of wealth, that is, money. A

« treatment of money separate from other forms of wealth is justified by its great importance to economic systems as well as by the differing range of its use in these particular epics. Passages concerning money are classified according to the magnitude of amounts and the degree to which the amounts are specified in the texts; other questions involving money are considered as well. The roles which economic considerations 2 play in the relationships between characters are analyzed in the fourth chapter. The points at which payments occur are examined and placed within the context of the individual work, with the intent to discover the eoonanic patterns within which the relationships function. These aspects considered together will form a fair picture of the economic system relevant to each of the works. The economic systems in these five epics have not been investigated previously. The research for this project was undertaken on the basis of the available editions; with the exception of the Salman und Morolf edition of Kamein and the edition of the St. Oswald by Curschmann, the editions are in need of revision.^ The Konig Rother is the only one of the five epics for which there is a manuscript (H, from the late twelfth century) which comes from a time close to the original. I have used the edition of Theodor Frings and Joachim Kuhnt of 1922, which contains a diplomatic copy of H, and the fragments of other manuscripts which are 2 extant. For Herzog Ernst the edition of Karl Bartsch was used; for version B, the so-called Spielmann version which is the only version 3 this study is concerned with, the earliest manuscript is from 1441. The volume also contains editions of h, which is represented by fragments from the late twelfth and early thirteenth centuries, as well as the strophic version of the poem and the Volksbuch. For the remaining three epics only manuscripts and prints from the fifteenth century are extant. One cannot be certain whether the poems actually are twelfth-century products, or whether they were composed only in the fifteenth century. For St. Oswald I have used the Miinchner Oswald as edited by Michael Curschmann; his text aims at a reconstruction of the 3 fifteenth-century prototype of the extant manuscripts. An examination of the Wiener Oswald yielded no information of interest; since this study is concerned with the Spielmannsepen. the Wiener Oswald has been excluded from consideration. I have used the Orendel edited by C Hans Steinger. Also available are facsimile editions of the prints of 1512.6 The available editions of Salman und Morolf are those of Vogt and Kamein."^ Vogt's edition is based on the Stuttgart manuscript (S) and the Strassbourg print of 1499 (d)f as well as on a copy of the Eschenbach manuscript (E). On the basis of these texts Vogt attempted a reconstruction of the postulated late twelfth-century archetype. Kamein, on the other hand, did not attempt a philological reconstruction, but based his new edition exclusively on the reconstruction of the form of the text extant from the fifteenth century. Kamein had the Eschenbach manuscript itself rather than only a copy of it. I am basing this study on the Kamein edition, and therefore on late medieval conditions and the literary reality of the time around 1470. I have also taken the Vogt edition into consideration, however. This study cannot oonoem itself with the original authors of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. This need not affect the validity of the conclusions as long as it is borne in mind that "author" means the writer of the extant text rather than the composer of an earlier archetype. Attempts to reconstruct the archetypes are hampered by wide disagreement even as to the century in which St. Oswald. Orendel and

Salman und Morolf originated. 4

TWo lines of research are especially likely to profit from this investigation, The one regards the hypothesis that the authors of these five works were members of the spileman class. The other is the hypothesis of Brauer that these epics, among others, w e their existence D to the medieval cities. With regard to the spileman theory, since the beginning of serious study of the medieval epics in the early nineteenth century, authorship of these works has frequently, although not exclusively, been attributed to the class of entertainer called, in Middle High German, spileman. These entertainers are knwn to have performed acrobatic feats and played musical instruments, but belief in their authorship of the epics is based on critical opinions as to the quality of the works, on features found in them which seem to indicate they were intended only as light entertainment, and sometimes on a supposed prevalence of gifts in « the works and an emphasis on the generosity of the characters which has been felt to reflect the entertainer's need for largesse from a patron or other audience. This last criterion is of interest, since it implies an economic dimension to the works which has not been specifically examined. The question remains to be asked whether wealth, gifts and regal or noble generosity serve functions in the works other than that of inspiring an audience to generosity. This is one of the questions for which this study ought to provide answers. The second line of inquiry regards a recent study in which Brauer suggested that an important feature common to all the non-oourtly medieval epics was origin in the cities; he called the non-courtly epics "friihstadtbiirgerliche Epen" (p. XV). He might have analyzed economic 5 features In order to demonstrate the appropriateness of his term/ but concentrated his efforts on comparing such aspects as the introductory passages and the basic plots of the stories. Although Brauer dealt with the larger group of GroSepen including both Heldeneoen and Spielmannsepen. whereas the present study is restricted to the Spielmannsepen. the latter may nonetheless have implications for Brauer's thesis/ at least as it relates to the Spielmannsepen. W. J. Schroder has provided a good introduction to the area of g Spielmannsepen scholarship/ and M. Curschmann's research report is comprehensive.10 She bibliography has recently been brought up to date by U. Meves.11

*Ihe "Spielmann" Theory

The Spielmann theory is complicated by many factors, the most important of which is that scholars have held more than one opinion regarding what the exact nature of the Spielmann might have been; two major theoretical constructs appear in the scholarly literature. The one identifies the Spielmann strictly with the low-class entertainer ("spileman") of the medieval period; theories based on this identification are accepted or rejected according to the individual's evaluation of the quality of the work. If one accepts a particular work as a solid artistic product, then one might reject the spileman as author, since no mere traveling player, according to this line of 6 reasoning, could have written something of literary quality; conversely, works felt to be of low quality are ascribed to this type of author without further reflection. The obvious pitfalls of this reasoning are avoided by the other construct, which views the Spielmann as a member of a broad class of epic writers subdivided into upper and lower classes. This assumption leads, however, to the further complication that two separate types of circumstances for production and performance of epics are involved with the upper- and lower-class writers. The scholars who have proposed these theories equate artistic quality with the higher social classes. A higher-class writer, it is assumed, would have worked for an individual member of the upper nobility who was a patron, and would have acocmmodated his work to the tastes and purposes of that individual. A lower-class writer would have written for a more general audience consisting of several persons of various social classes, and would perhaps have passed a hat to collect remuneration. The earlier secondary literature in this field primarily assumes the identification of the epic writer with the spileman class attested to in historical records and literary documents, but more recent work is not closely dependent upon this identification. The historical class of the spileman became identified with the five works still oamonly called Spielmannsepen in a complicated process involving the speculation of a number of literary scholars. This process is best understood through a historical summary of the ideas advanced, such as that undertaken by Bahr. 12 He has argued that the idea of a creative Spielmann was initially developed independently of this particular group of epics. The idea grew from the distinction 7

between Kunstpoesle and Volkspoesie. made among others by the brothers Schlegel and Grim, whereby the oourtly epics were considered Kunstpoesle and the Heldenepen called Volkspoesie (p. 294). Disagreement existed as to hew this Volkspoesie was created and transmitted; A • W. Schlegel believed he had demonstrated that a class of Sanger was responsible for preserving and transmitting the old songs, and "proved" this assertion by analogy to the Greeks (p. 296), while W. Grinin assumed transmission by the Volk itself (p. 295; 300). Neither scholar was precise or detailed as to the mechanism of transmission. Uhland oombined the two concepts by positing poets who were at the same time individual artists and a part of the Volk, but he did so without specifying the nature of the acts of creation or transmission (p. 303). This vague concept of a poet who is part of the Volk was refined further during the later nineteenth century. Models for what such a class might have been were provided by the Greeks and by the bards of the Celts; although the eighteenth-century belief in Germanic bards had been discredited by the early nineteenth century, according to Bahr the ooncept of the bard's function was simply transferred to the skop and his supposed literary heir, the spileman (p. 296). Vogt, for instance,

connected the Germanic stop, the respected, aristocratic singer of tales, with the spileman of the later medieval period; he detailed a hypothetical history of the Germanic singers, who went underground and joined with the mass of low-class traveling players when their songs were virtually outlawed by the Church hierarchy. 13 After # contrasting the officially negative position of the Church with its actual tolerance of this mass of undifferentiated performers, which led 8 to contact between the groups, he suggested in a speculative leap: "Vielleicht hatte solche Beruhrung mit der Geistlichkeit die Folge, dass einzelne Spielleute sich selbstandig in Gedichten der damals herrschenden Gattung versuchten, dass sie hie und da geistliche Stoffe in volksthumlicher Form, oder auch, wenn sie Schulbildung genossen hat ten, weltliche Gegenstande in lateinischer Sprache behandel- ten . . ."(p. 25). Vogt did not explain hew these low-class players might have gained a school education beyond that enjoyed by many of the contemporary nobility; the question of basic literacy of the spileman, let alone education, is insufficiently regarded by Vogt, as by much of the secondary literature. 14 Piper added to Vogt's history of the Spielmann. He described the development of the medieval spileman from the mimus of classical antiquity, envisioning the entertainers as a class of people separate from the true Germans. Not cxily were the entertainers outside the law, a fact which is supported by historical sources, according to Piper they were also morally inferior. The original function of the spileman was light entertainment, especially music but also juggling, pantomime and so on. Piper's prejudice is apparent in his explanation of how the spileman began to perform the old Germanic tales; apparently he considered the entertainers were not part of the Volk, which he viewed as superior: "Bndlich hatten sie auch die Verbreitung der im Volk gang und gaben Geschichten aus der Gotter- und Heldensage und den Vortrag von mancherlei Dichtungen als eintragliches Geschaft ubemomnen " (p. 54). Even more clearly he stated: "Es ist nicht zu bezweifeln, daB im Volk selbst noch eine Oberlieferung von dem reinen 9

Ibne der alten deutschen Dichtungsweise fortlebte. Gewandt hatte freilich der Spielmann auch diese an sich zu reiflen gesucht; allein wo der Heldendichtung der Spielmannsstempel aufgedrLickt war, ward sie sogleich erkennbar als nicht mehr der edlen Vatersitte entsprechend" (p.

59). Piper did not attribute specific works to the Spielmann. Naumann, who was the first to raise serious questions about the Spielmann as author, attacked the concept developed by Vogt and Piper. He asserted that "man . . . das armselige Gesindel der Spielleute zumeist in ungeheuerlicher Weise [iiberschatzt]";1 ^ he examined the various passages from literary works which had been advanced to support the idea of literary activity of the class and found them "gewaltsam interpretiert" (p. 134). If the Spielleute oomposed at all, it must have been limited to short occasional pieces (p. 136); he drew the reader's attention to Tristan and Morolf, frequently used as examples for the creative Spielmann. and noted that neither claims an epic function (p. 137). Another proof frequently advanced he demolished with the statement: "Denn fiihrt man den Umstand, daB die Spielleute selbst eine nicht unerhebliche Rolle in diesen Epen spielen, als beliebtes Hauptargument fiir spielmann!sche Verfasserschaft an, so konnte man mit dem gleichen Rechte auch Konige oder gar Riesen fiir die Verfasser halten" (p. 140). Similarly, he questioned the classification of the five works most often attributed to the traveling players. His alternate suggestion was that the works were created by clerics with religious propaganda purposes, and only performed by the spileman (p. 138); the suggested "Propagandageistliche" have received attention in the secondary literature, but only sporadic agreement. 10

The spileman attested to in historical sources and the Spielmann of the literary historians are not necessarily equivalent; because of this,

Naumann's arguments did not have much effect. Ehrismarm*b definition of the Spielmann is much broader: "Spielmann war im Grunde jeder, der ein Spiel zur Unterhaltung anderer und um Lohn betrieb."1^ He further distinguished between upper and lower classes of Spielleute. and said of the upper class: "Auch sie entstammten allerlei sozialen Kreisen, viele mochten schon von Herkunft der wandemden Gesellschaft angehort haben, . . . verbummelte Scholaren, entlaufene Kleriker,

Vaganten" (p. 187). Ihe difficulties Naumann experienced with the earlier concepts are by-passed with Ehrismann's definition, and Naumann's proposed "Pzopagandageistlicher" is easily subsumed in the very broad class of entertainers posited by Ehrismann. Ehrismann's definition of the Spielmann is so broad and general that it no longer contributes anything to one's understanding of the works. Other factors relating to the various works attributed to

Spielmann authorship complicate the picture extremely. Wareman broadened the field still more by dealing with Spielmannsdichtunq rather than restricting himself to a smaller body of epics.^ He attempted to separate the concept of Spielmannsdichtunq from the works so described, in order to clarify the concept first before applying it to any particular work. His sumnary of the history of the term, which conveys much the same information as Bahr's article and adds the additional perspective of non-German European literatures, indicates the places where researchers have fallen prey to circular reasoning by confusing author and work. He explained as the major theories of the 11

Spielmann one which sees the Spielmann as the heir of the Germanic skop. a creative author who traveled! from place to plaoe performing his cun compositions, and one which views him as a lower-class entertainer, heir to the mime of Roman times, who merely conveyed the tradition without contributing to it in any creative way (p. 22ff.). This theory replaces the spileman as author with Naumann's "Pxopagandageistlicher;" it envisions the spileman as merely performing the text. Besides these two conceptions of the nature of the class, a (less well-defined) Spielmann acts as a missing link in everyone's theory of epic development; Wareman contended that the term is so loaded with various connotations that it is "so gut wie entwertet" (p. 34). He pointed out that the attempt to define the Spielmann through passages in literature from the period is doomed because, although one can gain an impression of the historical class, the spileman. we are sure only that this class participated in juggling, musical activities and so on, and although seme passages support a spileman as composing, there is no way to determine whether the product was occasional poetry or epics (p. 87). Wareman's solution to the difficulties of the term is to redefine it: "Spielmannsdichtung kann demnach vorlHufig nichts weiteres bedeuten als Dichtung, welche einige oder mehrere motivisch-gehaltliche Ziige aufweist, welche fur die spielmannische Lebensform des Verfassers charakteristisch erscheinen" (p. 128-29). His description of the lifestyle of the Spielmann, which he developed from research in German and other literatures, emphasizes as major characteristics mobility and dependence upon at least sporadic patronage. To be quite clear about this: the implication is that there were writers or carriers of the traditional epics who were professionals and who traveled from place to place, supporting themselves by means of their art; and additionally, that one ought to be able to find traces of that life-style within their works. Only if one can find such traces is one justified in ascribing a particular work to a Spielmann. Having set up this restrictive definition, Wareman then found that these elements which reflect the life-style "auf den Verfasser zuriick[weisen), aber kaum den Gesamtcharakter des literarischen Werkes [beeinflussenj, so dafl der Terminus ’Spielmannsdichtung' zur Bezeichnung eines Ganzen nicht genugend gerechtfertigt erscheint" (p. 155).

Patronage and the “Spielmannsepen1*

The concept of the higher class of Spielmann is related to much recent work that has been done an patronage. The work of McDonald and Goebel and of Bumke on the history of patronage does not advance the idea that the particular group of works known as Spielmannsepen are bound together by a oarmon type of authorship, sinoe the two studies have demonstrated that hope for material gain on the part of the author 18 affected essentially every work of the medieval period. As Bumke pointed out: "Solange es kein Verlagswesen im modemen Sinn gegeben hat, . . . waren die Dichter auf die Gunst von Mazenen angewiesen. Alleine die Herste 1 lungskosten fur einen handgeschriebenen Pergamentkodex waren so hoch, daQ sich nur die Reichsten und Machtigsten solche Literatur leisten konnten" (p. 92). McDonald and Goebel's history, which begins 13 with the early period and concentrates on historical works, and Bumke's more detailed treatment of the literature of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, have demonstrated that patrons did indeed support literary production. Sometimes the patron is specifically referred to, sometimes alluded to; even when it is no longer possible to determine the identity of the patron, the existence of a patron is clear. The content of all varieties of works appears to have been adjusted to the tastes or purposes of powerful personages. Among the evidence Bumke has presented are passages from Wolfram von Eschenbach, Heinrich von Veldeke and Gottfried von StraBburg. Indications that the authors of Herzog Ernst and Konig Rother were sponsored by powerful nobles do not support defining them as Spielmannsepen. Bumke did not comment on Salman und Morolf, St. Oswald or Orendel. presumably because they contain no information which could contribute to his study; they make no allusions to actual persons and have no discernible political attitude. Studies concerning the identification of the patron have especially enriched the research on Konig Rother. In their efforts to determine the date of composition more closely, several scholars have studied aspects of the work which allude to twelfth-century Bavarian nobility. The allusions, particularly as embodied in the characters Berchter Herzog von Meran, Lupolt -von Meylan and Wolfrat der Tengelinger, have long led researchers to believe that Konig Rother was written in Bavaria, despite the mixture of Middle Franconian dialects which it exhibits in the major manuscript, H. 19 Attempts to connect the poem more specifically to a particular time and locale have led to conflicting results, but agree in supposing that the allusions represent 14 an effort by the author, a Franconian by birth, to gain favor from a powerful Bavarian patron. Panzer argued that Rother*s real-life prototype was Roger II of Sicily, and therefore dated the work around 1155-56.20 Siegmund built a case for Rother as a literary reflection of Heinrich VI, and dated the piece 1196-97. 21 By using recent work in the genealogy of Bavarian nobility, Urbanek supported his own argument that the work originated between 1155 and 1165; he succeeded in locating a mid-twelfth-century family which may plausibly have commissioned the writing of Konig Rother. 22 Gellinek's attempt to find the time, place and patron for Konig Rother led to results strikingly similar to Urbanek's conclusions.*' He agreed with Urbanek that the epic originated in the Regensburg area in the period around 1156. His choice for patron, however, fell on Heinrich Jasomirgott, Markgraf of Austria 1141-1156, Herzog of Bavaria 1143-1156, afterwards Herzog of Austria. Bumke sumarized Urbanek*s work, but objected to the results achieved, primarily on the grounds that the argumentation is "nur eine Kette von Vermutungen, fiir die konkrete Anhaltspunkte fehlen" (p. 93). Bumke proceeded then, by a series of arguments no less a "Kette von

Vermutungen," to suggest Heinrich der Lowe as the patron (p. 95). Hie kinds of references which might aid in identifying a specific patron are lacking in Herzog Ernst: therefore one cannot make the same sort of study as one makes with Konig Rother. Although Bumke, for instance, discussed the work, he came to no particular conclusions (pp. 96-100). Sufficient references to the politics of the Bnpire occur in the work, however, to make it clear that the interests of the upper 15

nobility are represented in the work, and general conclusions as to the party of the patron can be deduced. The lack of specific investigation into features relating to the more general type of patronage upon which the supposed low-class Spielmann depended has not prevented researchers from making assertions about accom odations the entertainers might have made to their audiences. The concept of generalized dependence is clearly expressed by Ehrismann: "Am liebsten ergeht sich des Spielmanns Phantasie in der Vors tel lung guter Belohnung. Er gehort ja zu den Gehrenden. Wer recht viel schenkt, wird am meisten gepriesen. Solches Lob is darauf berechnet, das zuhorende Publlkum zur Nachahmung zu reizen und ihm den

Beutel zu offnen" (p. 310). Similarly de Vries stated: "eines Spielmanns Gedanken bewegten sich ja inner um Gabenspenden, und das Verhaltnis von Ftirst und Gefolgsmann war von altersher das des Ringausteilers und des Bnpfangers" (p. LIV). No study has questioned whether perhaps factors other than the needs of the author have influenced the instances of gift-giving or payments in the works. De Vries attributed the gift of the shoe in Konig Rother to the fact that "der geldgierige Spielmann in erster Linie an das Spenden von Gold und Gaben £dachtej."^ An interpretation such as this could be accepted only either if one oould demonstrate Spielmann authorship independently of the texts, or if one could show that the author had no reason for using a gift at this point other than that of enoouraging an audience's generous impulses. The demonstration of the Spielmann independently of the text will always remain inpossible, as the many efforts noted above have shown, but this study will aid in the determination of the 16 functions of the various gifts in the texts by showing how they fit into the economic picture which each text presents.

The Hypothesis of City Origin

Confronted with the mass of conflicting opinion regarding sub­ categorization of non-oourtly medieval epics, Rolf Brauer has chosen to group all the non-oourtly epics together under the rubric "fruhstadtburgerliche Epik" (p. XV). By this he means that all the epics were written in and for the cities, presumably in contrast to the courtly epics, which were created by and for the landed nobility. According to his theoretical history, the clerics of the cities responded to the continuing popularity of the old heroic epics by attempting to replace them with more suitable, more Christian, works, which attempts yielded the Rolandslied, Annolled, Alexanderlied and the Kaiserchronik. The clerics failed to eliminate the old oral tradition; Brauer assumes that as the non-clerical city populace began to be literate, it ccnmitted the old epics to paper as a reaction to the clerics. This group of non-clerical epics included the Heldenepen and the five so-called Spielmannsepen. Within Brauer*s theory, the Spielmann is of indeterminate class and performs in the market-place to a mixed audience. Brauer appears to have been interested in showing that the epics have sufficient canton elements to justify grouping them all together, 17 and in demonstrating the adequacy of his term "fruhstadtburgerlich" to describe them. After comparing introductions, he thoroughly analyzed the Brautwerb- schema, which he has asserted is the significant structural element of each work. The argument basing the category on the Brautwerb suffers, however, from two crucially important weaknesses. First, not all of the epics classified as Splelmannsepen can be appropriately called Brautwerb- stories, and second, the Brautwerb- pattem is far from being unique to this group of works. When an epic is designated as a Brautwerb story, one might expect to find the winning of a bride as its main plot. Konig Rother is the Spielmannsepos which most thoroughly fulfills this expectation. The plot is set in motion by Bother's need for a bride to provide him with an heir, and the story is complete when he has succeeded in winning the 25 bride and producing the heir. St. Oswald follows a similar schema, although here the original goal of providing an heir is lost at the end and a chaste marriage is preferred. Orendel has a variation of the schema, but with some frequently occurring elements of other Brautwerb stories entirely missing, notably the obstructive father and the trick required to separate the daughter from his control. In Salman und Morolf the story from the viewpoint of the protagonists is the regaining of a faithless wife, but the Brautwerb schema is used in a farm rather similar to the Konig Rother story for the sequences of 26 events by which each of the two heathens steals Salmon's wife. One might stretch a point and call this work a Brautwerb story even though the schema does not provide the primary plot in the epic, since a close relationship to the Brautwerb exists. Classifying Herzog Ernst as 18 a Brautwerb story, as Brauer does, requires forcing the evidence.

# * Ernst's quest has nothing to do with finding a suitable bride; he neither seeks nor finds a wife. The only marriage in the work takes place between his mother and the Enperor. This episode is described briefly, and rather than being elaborated upon for its own sake it serves the narrative function of making Ernst and Otto relatives; this relationship intensifies the later conflict between them, since they are father and step-son as well as ruler and subject. The major treatments of the Brautwerb- schema in literature, those of de Vries, Frings and GeiBler, show how far the schema is from being unique to the Spielmannsepen or even to the broader class of Groflepen. GeiBler handled the topic on the broadest basis; in Brautwerbung in der Weltliteratur he considered the European medieval literature, folklore and Marchen. as well as oriental, that is, Indian, Chinese, and Arabic literature, and collections of American Indian tales. Rather than offering a theory about the significance of the details of the schema, GeiBler related a collection of possibilities in an anecdotal style, with the variations classified according to such categories as "Liebe 27 auf den ersten Blick" and "Die Liebe durch Horensagen." Beyond the significance of the specific details, GeiBler* s collection demonstrates that the Brautwerb is a motif of world literature rather than a unique feature of the German medieval Spielmannsepen. and in fact that each feature of the Brautwerb as seen in those epics is shared by other literatures to a greater or lesser extent. In his treatment of the Brautwerb schema, de Vries referred repeatedly to the Spielmannsgedichte. by which term he meant not the 19 five poems examined here, but all the medieval German epics not felt or known to be literary products, that is, the medieval GroBepen excluding the courtly literature. In order to develop the Brautwerb's underlying plot in a logical manner, he restricted himself to the actual Brautwerb stories, with Konig Rother as the model (p. 93). Tto this type belong also several stories of the Hildreksaga. St. Oswald, and the Heldenepen Wolfdletrlch and Qrtnlt. Hie Spielmannsepos Salman und Morolf is specifically excluded as belonging to a different type of schema, while Herzog Ernst and Qrendel do not rate mention. Far from upholding the idea that the Brautwerb is unique to the Spielmannsepen or the GroBepen. de Vries shows that it is found in only seme of these epics, and that it is found in a similar form in several other stories, notably in the saga material. Frings' concern was with the growth of epics from the original Germanic songs; according to his theory they progress through the stages Urlied -Erblied-Neulied, followed by a Kurzepos version and finally the epic. He emphasized the role the Brautwerb- schema played in this growth, asserting the significance of the structure especially for the development of the Nibelungenlled and Kudrun. 2B Hiere is also no doubt, he states, "dafl das Ihema 'Erwerb einer Frau' in der ganzen west-, nord- und osteuropai&che Literatur in Gestaltungen erscheint, die den Vergleich untereinander und mit dem deutschen Spielmannsepos und Heldenepos inmer wieder herausfordem . . (p. 199). Like de Vries and GeiBler, Frings therefore has made it clear that the Brautwerb- schema is far from unique to the German GroBepen. 20

By choosing the Brautwerb schema as a major basis for his argument that the GroBepen belong together, Brauer has failed to make his conclusions convincing. The examination of the schema also failed to contribute to the justification of his theory of city origin for the epics, since no connection exists between a city milieu and this schema. In a more premising line of inquiry, Brauer discussed possible migration paths of traditional stories along the Hanseatic trade routes; this provides seme support for his term, but does not constitute a compelling argument by itself. Other evidence is needed to support or refute Brauer*s contentions. An analysis of economic aspects of the epics will yield seme of this additional evidence.

The Medieval Economic Systems

In the era in which all the works under consideration here were composed, two largely discrete economic systems were in operation. The mercantile and feudal systems existed side-by-side for several centuries; the feudal system continued to develop concurrently with the pre-capitalist mercantile system, only to be replaced gradually in the modem era. The domains in which the two systems operated were separate; land was owned by aristocrats and agriculture carried out primarily according to feudal principles, while the trading and manufacturing activities centered in the cities and were carried out in the mercantile ways which were developing. The discrete nature of the 21 systems is evident in histories of medieval economics, as many scholars discuss either the feudal system or its mercantile counterpart in 29 isolation; other treatments do integrate the two. Heilbroner has stated that "towns were clearly a different social unit from manors, and the laws and customs of the manors did not apply to their problems. "Feudal" is a term which involves controversy totally outside the scope of this project;**® salient to this study is the unlimited reciprocal personal bond between lord and vassal. By "ccnmending" himself to a lord, the vassal offered his services, military and other, to the extent that they were needed, in return for the protection and the financial support of the lord.^ City dwellers were merchants and artisans. The merchants traded the products of the city and the countryside with other cities, while artisans produced and marketed their own goods on a small scale. Thus both groups were in the habit of equating products with specific amounts of money; Duby has asserted that by the later twelfth century, for the merchants "wealth was expressed by means of figures and precise references to monetary units" (pp. 252-53). Important among the separate structures developed within the cities was the guild system, by which merchants and artisans banded together in interest groups for their oommon advantage and for self-regulation. Although medieval society included these two separate economic systems, consisting of several different classes of people, only the aristocratic classes and their concerns are the subject of literature. This does not necessarily mean that only aristocrats were involved in the composing and the appreciation of literature; aristocratic ways set 22 the norm for society in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance. The economic system which each author attempted to portray was the feudal system of the nobility. The authors were not all equally successful in this effort, which must lead the reader to ask whether perhaps the authors varied in the degree of their familiarity with the aristocratic life.

Surnnary

The areas of Spielmannsepen research most likely to benefit fran the results of this study of aspects of the economic systems in the epics are the theories about the type of author responsible for their composition, and Brauer's thesis that the non-courtly epics of the medieval period can be correctly designated as "fnihstadtburgerlich." Additionally, however, understanding of and appreciation for the individual works will be enhanced by this analysis. Portions of the works previously dismissed as resulting only from a Spiebnann's need for payment will be re-evaluated for additional significance. 23

CHAPTER ONE - NOTES

Salman und Morolf. ed. Alfred Kamein (Tubingen: Niemeyer, 1979). All quotations of Salman und Morolf will be from this edition. Per Munchner Oswald. Mit einem Anhanq; die ostschwabische Prosabearbeltunq des 15. Jahrhunderts. ed. Michael Curschmann (Tubingen: Niemeyer, 1974). The text will be referred to as St. Oswald; all quotations will be from this edition. 2 Konlg Rother. ed. Theodor Frings und Joachim Kuhnt, 3rd ed., (Halle: Niemeyer, 1968). All quotations of Koniq Rother will be from this edition. 2 Herzog Ernst, ed. Karl Bartsch (Wien: Braumuller, 1869, rpt. Hildesheim: Gerstenberger, 1974.) All quotations of Herzog Ernst will be from this edition. * Per Wiener Oswald, ed. Georg Baesecke (Heidelberg: Winter, 1912). 5 Orendel, ed. Hans Steinger (Halle: Niemeyer, 1935). All quotations of Orendel will be from this edition. ® Orendel (Per Graue Rock). Faksimileausgabe der Vers- und der Prosafassung nach den Drucken von 1512. ed. Ludwig Penecke (Stuttgart: Metzler, 1972). 7 Salman und Morolf. ed. Friedrich Vogt (Halle: Niemeyer, 1680).

O Rolf Brauer, Literatursoziologie und epische Struktur der deutschen 'Spielmarms1- und Heldendichtung (Berlin: Akademie. 1970). q Walter Johannes Schroder, Spielmannsepik. 2nd ed., Realienbikher fur Germanisten, Abteilung D: Literatuigeschichte, 19 (Stuttgart: Metzler, 1967). 10 Michael CUrschmann, 'Spielmannsepik:1 Wege und Brqebnisse der Porschung von 1907-1965: Mit Erqanzungen und Nachtragen bis 1967 (Stuttgart: Metzler, 1966). Uwe Meves, Studien zu Konig Rother, Herzog Ernst, und Grauer Rock (Orendel) (Frankfurt/Main: Lang, 1976). 12 Joachim Bahr, "Der 'Spielmann1 in der Literaturwissenschaft des 19. Jahrhunderts," ZDP, 73 (1954), 174-96; rpt. in Spielmannsepik. ed. Walter J. Schroder (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1977). 24

13 Friedrich Vogt, Leben und Dichten der deutschen Spielleute . im.KittelaIter. Vortrag. qehalten im wissenschaftllchen Vereln zu Grelfswald am 29. November 1875 (Halle: Niemeyer. 1876). pp. 3-32; rpt. in Spielmannsepik. ed. Walter J. Schroder (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesel1schaft, 1977), pp. 18-48. ^ Paul Piper, "Allgemelnes uber die Spielmannsdichtung," Die Spielmannsdichtung. pt.l, Die reine Spielmannsdichtung (Berlin, Stuttgart: Spemaim, 1887), pp. 3-31, Deutsche National-Literatur, Historisch kritische Ausgabe, ed. Joseph Kiirschner, Die Spielmannsdichtung. II, 1; rpt. in Spielmannsepik. ed. Walter J. Schroder (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1977), pp. 49-71. . 1S.Hans Naumann, "Versuch einer Einschrankung des rcmantischen Begriffs Spielmannsdichtung." DVLG, 2 (1924), 777-94; rpt. in Spielmannsepik, ed. Walter J. Schroder (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1977), p. 126. 16 Gustav Uirismann, Geschichte der deutschen Literatur bis zum Ausqang des MittelaIters. (Munchen: Beck, 1927), II, 1, p. 285. 17 Piet Wareman, Spielmannsdichtung: Versuch einer Beqriffs- bestiirmurtg (Amsterdam: van Campen, 1951). 18 William C. McDonald and Ulrich Goebel, Literary Patronage from Charlemagne to Maximilian I: A Critical Carmentary with Special Emphasis on Imperial Promotion of Literature. (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1973). Joachim Bumke, Mazene im Mittelalter: Die Gonner und Auftraggeber der hofischen Literatur in Deutschland 1150-1300 (Munchen: Beck, 1979). 19 The major dialect studies, those of Edzardi and Kramer, have arrived at opposite conclusions as to the exact nature of that dialect. Both agreed that the extant manuscript is a copy, though perhaps still not of the original, but Edzardi, "Zur Textkritik des Rother," Germania. 20 (1875), 403-21, believed that the dialect of the prototype was from the lower Rhine, a Middle German bordering on Low German, and that the scribe of H corrected in favor of his own relatively higher Middle German, while Kramer, "Zum Konig Rother. Das Verhaltnis des Schreibers der Heidelberger Hs (H) zu seiner Vorlage," PBB (Halle), 82 (1960), 1-82; 84 (1962), 120-72, concluded that the prototype was south Rhineland, Rhine-Franoonian, and that the scribe was from farther north on the Rhine. Both scholars made assumptions about how scribes copied texts which can be evaluated logically but never proven, or proven for all scribes. De Boor, Die deutsche literatur von Karl dem Grossen bis zum Beginn der hofischen plchtung. 8th ed. (Munchen: Beck, 1971), p. 252, pointed out the impossibility of separating the dialect layers and added that "Wir miissen mit literatur-sprachlichen Mischungen im rheinischen Kulturraum rechnen . . . ." F. Panzer, Italische Normannen in der deutschen Helden- sagen. (1925; rpt. Hildesheim: Gerstenberg, 1974). 25

21 Klaus Siegmund, Zeltgeschichte und Dlchtunq lm Konig Rother: Versuch einer Neudatlerung (Berlin: Schmidt, 1959). 22 Ferdinand Urbanek, Kaiser, Grafen und Mazene im Konig Rother (Berlin: Schmidt, 1976). 22 Christian Gellinek, “Konig Rother:” Studle zur literarischen Deutung (Bern: Franeke, 1968). 24 Jan de Vries, "Die Brautwerbungssagen," GRM. 9(1921), 330-41 and 10 (1922), 31-44; rpt. in Spielmannsepik. ed. Walter J. Schroder (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1977), p. 122. 2^ Support for viewing Konig Rother as a typical Brautwerb story is found in the fact that it is featured in the article "Brautwerbungsmarchen," Handwortertauch des deutschen Marchens. ed. Johannes Bolte and Lutz Mackensen, Handworterbuch zur deutschen Volkskunde, Abteilung II, Marchen, I (Berlin, Leipzig: de Gruyter, 1930-40), pp. 316-20. The authors of this reference work apparently agree that the term "Brautwerb" is appropriate for the Rother story. 26 I have followed Kamein in the spelling of proper names of Salman und Morolf: altliough he has followed Vogt in the spelling of the title of the stor*, within the text the characters are Salmon, Morolff and Sal one, for reasons which he explains on pp. L and LI of his introduction. 27 Friedmar GeiBler, Brautwerbung in der Weltliteratur (Halle: Niemeyer, 1955). 28 Theodor Frings, "Die Entstehung der deutschen Spielmannsepen," Zeltschrift fur deutsche Geisteswissenschaft, 2 (1939-40), 306-21: rpt. in Spielmannsepik. ed. Walter J. Schroder (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1977), pp. 191-212. 2Q The classic treatments of feudalism include F.L. Ganshof, Feudalism, trans. Philip Grierson, (London: Longmans, Green, 1964); Guy .Poqrquin, Lordship and Feudalism in the Middle Ages, trans. Iris and A. L. Lytton Sells (New York: Pica, 1976). The collection Feudalismus: Zehn Aufsatze, ed. Heide Wunder (Munich; Nynphenburger Verlagshandlungen, 1974) reveals the problematic nature of the oonoept(s) labeled "feudalism" in an introduction by the editor and further contains the articles by Marc Bloch, "European Feudalism," pp. 125-39; and Heinrich Mitteis, "Die Ehtstehung des Lehnswesens. Die Imnunitat," pp. 79-86. Other helpful sources are R e n & Doehaerd, The Early Middle Ages in the West: Economy and Society, trans. W. G. Deakin (Amsterdam: North-Holland, 1978), and Georges Duby, The Early Growth of the European Economy: Warriors and Peasants from the Seventh to the Twelfth century, trans. Howard B. Clarke (Ithaca, NY: Cornell Univ. Press, 1974). 26

Ocmmercial life is discussed in Henri Pirenne's books, including Economic and Social History of Medieval Europe (London: Keg an Paul, Trench, Trubner, 1936), and Medieval Cities: Their Origins and the Revival of Trade, trans. Frank D. Halsey (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1956), have since been augmented but not superseded. Karl Bosl, Die Sozialstruktur der mlttelalterllchen Resldenz- und Ferrihandelsstadt Regensburg; Die Ehtwicklunq ihres Burgertums vom 9.-14. Jahrhundert (Munchen: Beck, 1966) was helpful, as were treatises on the crafts guilds: Rudolf Eberstadt, Der Ursprung des Zunftwesens und die alteren Handwerkervertoande des Mlttelalters, 2nd ed. (Munchen, Leipzig: Duncker 4 Humblot, 1915)) C. Neuburg, Zunftqerlchtsbarkeit und Zunftverfassung in der Zelt vom 13. bis 16. Jahrhundert: Ein Beitrag zur okonomlschen Geschichte des Mlttelalters (Stuttgart: Fischer, 1880), rpt. Wiesbaden: Sandig; Julian Welter, Studien zur Geschichte des hamburgischen Zunftwesens im Mittelalter (Berlin: Vogt, 1895); Frank Gottmann, Handwerk und Bundnlspolitik; Die Handwerkerbunde am Mittelrhein vom 14. bis zum 17. Jahrhundert (Wiesbaden: Steiner, 1977). Among the works which consider both agricultural and ccrrmercial life I would like to mention K. Bosl, Staat,'Gesellschaft, Wirtschaft im deutschen Mittelalter. in: Bruno Gebhardt, Handbuch der deutschen Geschichte, vol. I, 9tn ed. (Stuttgart: 1970); P. Boissonnade, Life and Work in Medieval Europe: The Evolution of Medieval Economy from the Fifth to the Fifteenth Century, trans. Eileen Power (New York, Evanston: Harper & Row, 1964); N. J. G. Pounds, An Economic History of Medieval Europe (London: Longman, 1964); Robert L. Heilhroner, Ihe Making of Economic Society, 5th ed. (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1975). 30 Hie controversy is discussed especially in Wunder's introductory essay in Feudalismus: Zehn Aufsatze. 31 This follows Fourquin's definitial, pp. 11-14. 27

CHAPTER TWO

THE NATURE AND SIGNIFICANCE OF WEALTH IN THE "SPIELMANNSEPEN"

This chapter investigates wealth in Konig Rother, Herzog Ernst, St. Oswald, Orendel and Salman und Morolf. The major questions to be posed are which characters in each epic are wealthy, and of what that wealth consists. In instances where the author especially emphasized wealth, the ramifications of his emphasis will be explored. After a few introductory remarks, each individual work will be discussed separately in order to arrive at an interpretation of wealth in that work. A comparison of the results for the five epics will conclude the chapter. "Wealth" is defined for the purposes of this study as "prosperity consisting in abundance of possessions; 'worldly goods,1 valuable possessions, esp. in great abundance, riches, affluence." The adjective "wealthy," when applied to people, signifies "having wealth or abundant means at command; rich, opulent."1 The English word "wealthy" has an additional possible dimension of meaning relating to spiritual welfare which the German equivalent "reich" does not share. Only the economic dimension of the concept "wealth" is of concern to this study. As a departure point for determining which characters in each work are portrayed as wealthy, use of the adjective rtche (riche, reich) and of the related words richen, richeit and rrchtuom in each epic will be 28

analyzed. Only limited information can be gained fron this analysis, for two important reasons. First, the Middle High German adjective riche cannot simply be equated with the concept "wealthy," as will be elaborated below. Second, as discussed in the sections pertaining to each work, the adjective is frequently used as part of a formula or as a metric filler without any intent on the part of the author to highlight the quality or qualities signified by that adjective. The Middle High German adjective r£che is closely related to the substantive rtche. "das Reich," meaning "the empire," and referring to the land, the political entity, and/or the person of the ruler. Hie substantive derives from the Indo-European *reg. as seen in Gothic reiks, "a ruler." This is cognate to the Celtic base *rlg. "a king," 2 from which it was borrowed into Germanic. The adjective form derives from *rik1oz; the original meaning of the adjective was "koniglich" (p. 592); according to Kluge the word had a transitional stage when it meant "machtig," then it became "der Gegensatz von arm" (p. 592). Kluge does not specify the chronology of this development of meaning, and indeed such a specification cannot be made; as Grimm asserts, during the whole of the Old and Middle High German periods the word could mean either "powerful" or "wealthy," and it became restricted 3 to the economic dimension only during the modem era. The meanings of the adjective listed first by both Lexer and Grimm are those pertaining to extra-economic qualities of the ruling class; according to Lexer it means, "von hoher abkunft, vomehm, edel, machtig, gewaltig . . . ."4 The meaning "reich" is stated only after several examples of the first meaning have been given. Although the adjective 29 had several possible meanings, according to the dictionaries the associated nouns rlchtuom and richeit were always restricted to the economic dimension. These substantives thus potentially are relatively more informative as to each author's attitude regarding wealth than the adjective riche, but they occur only rarely within the five epics under consideration here. Of particular significance to this study is the connection between the concept expressed by "riche" and the ruler, which had not been lost during the period when the so-called Spielmannsepen were composed. The formulaic use of the adjective riche results from two factors, its meaning and its rhyming properties. Because of the close connection between the concept "riche" and the ruler, the adjective is always an appropriate descriptor for a monarch. It is likely to appear when an adjective for a ruler is required. Additionally, since it rhymes with any adjective or adverb ending in -liche. it is a very useful generator of pure rhymes. Since analysis of the use of the adjective riche, the verb richen. and the nouns richeit and richtuom is insufficient to determine which characters are portrayed as wealthy, it is necessary to consider additional evidence. Such evidence would ideally include other words in the epics which refer to wealth, but no such words are found in any of the five epics. The other attributes of characters which occur relate to prowess in battle or to virtues in a generalized sense. In Herzog Ernst, for instance, the hero is referred to as gemeit. bait, guot. maere, kuene. lobesam. ellenthaft. stolz and so on, but no synonym for riche is found. 30

Because word study is of limited aid, evidence regarding possessions described for each character must be examined as well* In the medieval period possessions constituting wealth were gold, silver, objects fashioned wholly or partly of these metals, jewels, costly fabrics, money and land. I have extracted and analyzed occurrences of all these signifiers of wealth and will discuss representative passages. A consideration of the relative importance of the various possible signifiers of wealth as they occur in each work will augment this examination of the components of wealth. Information about real-world economic attitudes and conditions aids in the evaluation of the conditions portrayed in the fictional worlds of the epics. In discussing the attitude of early medieval nobility toward wealth, Duby has pointed out that stores of gold and precious objects were necessary possessions of the pre-Carolingian and Carolingian kings, and constituted one way of demonstrating royalty.^ Pounds has further asserted that "Kingship was inconceivable without trade, because the outward symbols of royalty and authority were invariably esoteric objects of high value and distant origin."** As the strong kingdoms of the Carolingian period disintegrated, various attitudes and prerogatives of kings were taken over by the powerful nobles, who became in effect kings over smaller realms; the possession of visible wealth was required for nobles as well as for kings. Although the German-speaking areas fluctuated between centralized and decentralized government with attendant fluctuations in the relative power of nobles and kings, wealth as a sign of power and prestige continued to be valid throughout the medieval period. The erphasis was on possession of wealth, with little attention to how it was achieved. 32

Konig Rother

In Konig Rother, analysis of the adjective riche as a first step in determining the significance of wealth yields sane preliminary information as to which characters are wealthy. The impression conveyed by the usage of this adjective is that all three kings and most other characters as well possess the quality which it denotes. Comparative frequency for use for particular characters further implies that the kings have more of it, and that Rother himself has the most of it. The extent to which "riche" is equivalent to "wealthy" in this work can be evaluated with the assistance of a few passages. In addition, formulaic uses as opposed to more meaningful ones must be examined in order to determine the extent to which the adjective riche is used in a significant way. In some passages the context makes it clear that only "wealthy" is meant by riche. For example, when Rother prepares to travel to Constantinople for the first time, he is advised to take a substantial treasure along: 590 Nu vore golt vnde schaz Des ein michil mancraft. indiner kameren. is gelegit zo samene. des bistu kuninc riche nu tielene vrumeliche. min vil lieher herre. da mide stent din ere. The association of golt and schaz with the adjective in the phrase "des bistu . . . riche" removes any ambiguity. Similarly, when Berchter 33

advises Rother to aid the poor of Constantinople, he reminds Rother of his wealth: 1229 Ir lazent sie der sorgin. Vnde var 20 den herrebergen. Daz die ellenden mozen genezzen. Des der din vater lleze. Der hie vil maniger vnbe gat. Vnde habit vil gxozen vnrat. Von deme armote. Got durch sine gote. Der irgezze sie ir leides. lo mochtin sie helme. Wole wesen riche. Sie lieben iamerliche. Daz ir barmit mich sere. Nu hil fen dur dine here. Du bist richir dan oonstantin. In this passage, the contrast between wealth and poverty, brought out on two levels, makes it clear that riche signifies "wealthy." On the one hand, the present condition of these people is contrasted with their former state, "lo mochtin sie heime. / Wole wesen riche." Iheir current poverty is described in terms that leave no doubt as to their lack of material goods; they live in a fashion characterized as "iamerliche," and Pother's help even takes the form of feeding them (1295-96). Additionally, Berchter encourages Rother to help the poor because he is more able to do so than Oonstantin, "Du bist richir dan oonstantin." Ihe comparison of Rother and Oonstantin on the basis of their respective material wealth is one of several motifs that run through the work. Reasons for this particular motif will be discussed belcw. In reference to this passage, it is interesting to note that Pother's source of wealth, the inheritance from his father, is referred to, "Des der din vater lleze." In the reward scene which follows the second winning of the 34

Princess, Rother is designated as "der riche" just as he begins to give fiefs to his men (4817-20). The association of riche with the bestewing of vast, rich lands indicates that riche here means "wealthy"; however, since power was involved in gaining and holding the lands, "powerful" could be meant as well. The passages cited show that riche was potentially associated with the ooncept of wealth, but also with pcwer. Other passages further emphasize that "wealthy" was not the only dimension of the medieval idea expressed by riche in this work. In fact, the adjective riche is not used to signify "wealthy" unambiguously in the case of characters other than Rother. That wealth is only one ocmponent of the concept as applied to Oonstantin is shown when the Princess persuades her father to have a feast for Rother-Dietrich's people. She suggests: 1539 Daz duchte mich ein ere getan. Vnde sameneten v were man. Daz die recken sagin. ob ir ieht riche waren. The feast is intended to be very expensive and thereby to demonstrate that Oonstantin has money, that he is "riche” in the sense of "wealthy."

But the Princess appears to be emphasizing the gathering of the men, which will indicate Constantin's potential political and military power

rather than his possessions. Showing that Oonstantin is "riche" involves demonstrating both his wealth and his power. The events of the

feast itself bear this out; first Oonstantin commands his men to attend, then during the course of the feast he encourages his men to provoke

"Dietrich's" men. His man Friedrich starts an argument over precedence at the table (161 Iff.) which leads to a brawl involving many of Oonstantin's men as well as Rother's giants. Since Oonstantin is forced 35

to yield (1731ff.), this effort has the opposite effect from that which was intended, as Rother is shown to be the more powerful in potential military strength. Several other passages demonstrate that the quality "riche" is a crucial one for Oonstantin as well as for Rother, but all oould imply their power as well as their wealth. For instance, when the Princess is proposed as a suitable bride for Rother, the fact that her father is wealthy and/or powerful is the first fact mentioned by Luppolt (64-66). Likewise, when Rother's ambassadors arrive at Constantin's court, this quality, "riche," is the first of the Western king's attributes which Luppolt asserts to Oonstantin (290-93). Presumably both qualities, wealth and power, are of importance here, and the author did not need to

distinguish between the two, since both are subsumed in the concept

"riche." Formulaic uses of riche occur in the work as well. An example of convenient rhyming is the pair "Do sprach der koninc riche. / Harde wischliche" (3965-66). In this episode, Rother has been captured by Ymelot, and immediately following this introductory statement he requests to die by hanging. Rother's wealth and pcwer are not very appropriately referred to, since he is totally in the power of his enemies with only the choice of the manner of his death remaining to him. The adverb wischliche, "wisely," however, is essential here sinoe the author is reminding the reader that Rother is actually in control of the situation; riche is used because it rhymes with wischliche. In addition to several further instances where Rother is described as "riche" in this way, Oonstantin is also described as "riche" in several 36

rhyme pairs; for example: 4291 Do ulo ein spileman. Die widolden ouch hie uore intran. Vor cons tan tinen den richen. Karde hasticliche.

As in the phrase above which refers to Rother, the immediate context does not support either "powerful" or "wealthy" as the quality signified specifically by this phrase; the "spileman" is reporting to Oonstantin that the Eastern forces have been defeated in battle, and wealth is not at issue at this point. With respect to Rother, the impression that he is the wealthiest (suggested by the usage of the adjective riche) is confirmed by an examination of possessions depicted as belonging to him. The bulk of his treasure is portrayed in the course of two major incidents; on both trips to Constantinople, the assembling and transportation of a considerable store of goods and money form prominent parts of the description of the preparations for departure. The ambassadors who are sent to present Rother's proposal to Oonstantin carry a store of gold and golden objects, as becomes evident when Constantin's people view the contents of their ships. 386 Der kuninc heiz do hinen gan. beide mage vfl man. Daz sie die cirheit gesahen. 389 die inden kielen lagen a Do giengen die ivnwrowin. b dure wnder schowen. c mit in zo den schiffen d da sie daz got wistin. e nv nekan v nichien man gesagen. f die wunder die inden kielen lagen. 390 Da inne was daz golt rot cleine gewierot nvskele vn vingerin. 37

daz die botin mit samin. he tin bracht den vrowen. 395 wnf dusint bovge. die sie al geben wolden. so sie widir keren solden. Rosse cleit vnde vanen. lac dar ein michil teil ane. 400 vnde wehe gescelde. wole geworcht mit golde. gaben in ir holden. The author conveys the impression of a beautiful treasure by mentioning categories rather than by describing individual objects in detail. This treasure consists of jewelry destined for the ladies of Constantinople and of clothing and armor for the men. The phrase cleine gewierot (391) expresses the intricacy of the jewelry. The word gescelde is disputed in the text. It may be a collective of scllde. "Schild;" since wehe. from MHG waehe. is "glanzend, schon, kunstreich, zierlich, kostbar" the line would then mean costly, beautifully ornamented shields. This fits well with the "Rosse cleit vnde vanen" of line 398; all these items oould appropriately be presented as gifts to the male members of Constantin's court. The variant "gezelde" is noted; highly ornamented tents are also known to medieval literature, and would be used in the same battle context as the shields. As Oonstantin confiscates and preserves the contents of these ships, the impressive size of the treasure is re-emphasized, but no further details about its composition are added (408-17). When Rother himself prepares to depart for Constantinople, the gathering of a substantial treasure is again stressed as an important part of the preparations. Berchter advises the inclusion of this treasure in lines which reveal that it is large, but omit details as to its precise nature: 36

590 Nu vore golt vnde schaz Des ein mi chi 1 mancraft. indiner kameren. is gelegit zo samene. des bistu kuninc riche nu tielene vrumeliche. Frcm the considerable treasure which Rother has available: "ich han gewisse michelin schaz" (600), he is to take "golt vnde schaz / Des ein mi chi 1 mancraft" (590-91). Beyond confirming Rother* s wealth, the passage indicates that this wealth is to be a visible sign of Rother*s ere (597). In this time of not (609) the king is obliged to expend his

wealth in order to fulfill his obligations to his subjects. How he will expend it is not explicitly stated, except that Berchter advises him "tielene vrumeliche" (595), and he agrees that "nu moze er gevinnim gothis haz./ der sin inner icht gespare" (611-12). Thus Rother's lavish generosity, which is shown later by his actions, is stated as a matter of necessity as well as of conscious policy. The description of this second treasure being loaded onto the ships is somewhat more specific as to the nature of the items involved.

» 779 mit golde waren sie geladen, vnde mit grozer cirheit. samit vnde pfellile breit. Den schaz man ane zale nam. vnde trogin allez daz an. vz des kuningis kameren. 765 sie vortin vffe den wagennin hinne zo den kielen. iranigerslachte gewire.

Even this specification cannot be considered detailed. The treasure oonsists of gold, jewelry, costly fabrics and of weapons. Various weapons (manigerslachte) are included, but the emphasis is not on the 39

diversity or the ornamental nature of the objects, but on the bulk of this treasure. Only the word cirheit (780) hints at the beauty of the individual pieces. This emphasis on the magnitude of Rother's portable wealth is expressed hyperbolically when all is transferred to a storehouse in Constantinople: 1026 Do gingen die kamerare. Die mit tethiriche da waren. Vnde gewunnin zvelf wagine. Die gingin sibin nacht geladene. Sie trogin golt vn schaz. The numbers twelve and seven are formulaic. Later, when Rother leaves Constantinople, the same treasure is loaded into the ships again in a very short time, vil drate (2884). The other major area in which Rother's wealth is depicted is in description of clothing, armor and equipment. At the appropriate points in the narrative, clothing and/or armor is portrayed in sufficient detail to indicate its costliness. The ambassadors' attire is to suggest the importance of their monarch: 222 Ire man tele waren gesteinit bider erden. Hit den besten iachanden die ge dorten gewerten. Die drachen uan schiren golde. 225 also siez haben wolden. herze vfi hinden. manegerslachte wnder. trvogen die helede gode. vz uan golde an ir gewede. 230 mit samitte vn pfellele. waren die sadilschellen gezirot dat was michil loph. sie quamen schone uffe den hof • Die herren ritin uffe oonstantinis hof. 235 Da int fenc man inde ros. Do luchte manic yachant, uou en ander in daz gewant. The depiction of the Eastern court's further reactions shows that all this finery has the effect intended; Herlint points out that their king 40

must be worth seeing (280-87). The elements which stand out in the clothing descriptions are gold, jewels and fabrics. Apparently the ambassadors are envisioned as clothed in velvet and silk encrusted with gold and precious stones. This finery is to reflect on the ruler who sent the ambassadors, and the people of Constantinople correctly

interpret the message that the ruler is an Impressive one. Rother in his "DietridV'-identity reinforces the Impression of wealth and importance earlier oonveyed by his messengers; his armor is described: 1098 Der hette sich ge cirot. van ume schen daz golt rot. Her troch eine brunien guldin. Der bezeichnote den richeturn vnder en. Dar ober trohc der helit got. einin stalinen hot. Deme was die liste. 1105 gewracht mit alien vlize. gewierit vile cleine. Do troch her an den beinen. zowo hosen schonir ringe. Die schowetin die iuncgellge. 1110 Einen goden waphen roch trocher an. Do sprachen constantinis man. Hute gesie wer daz beste gewant. Daz ie quam in diz lant. Dise rekken sin alle riche.

2695 Dietherich ginc zo den rossen sin. Do luchte ein brunie guldin. Andaz mark lossam. Die trok der zvringistc man. Der von adame. 2700 zo der werlde ie beguerae. In these passages only gold stands out, but apparently the armor itself is made of or plated with gold. The earlier passage explicitly states that the gold is to signify Rother's wealth. The later passage is hyperbolic in its statement that Rother is the most well-adorned man ever (der zvringiste. apparently related to zierunge = Schmuck). (The 41

variant zvmigiste, suggested by MeiBner, Roediger and von Bahder, would have the meaning "zommutig" which has nothing to do either with this passage or with Rother's character as depicted in the story, and therefore seems less plausible.) Not only the king is beautifully armored, his horse is also outstandingly good-looking. And once again the positive effect the wealth has on by-standers is related. The rich attire of Rother's followers confirms his wealth: 183B Ir nehortit e nodi sint. Gesagin von bezzerme gewete. Dan die recken hetin. Ir himede waren sidin. Sie trogin bonit guldin. Da inne got gesteine. Einnen karbulkul schone.

Here as elsewhere in Konig Rother the costliness of apparel can be expressed by golden or jeweled ornamentation or by golden armament. As in the case of Rother himself, the author uses the superlative in his depiction of Rother's followers, as he asserts that one could not speak of bezzerme gewete. As in the earlier descriptions, silk, jewels and gold are mentioned to oonvey that the clothing is costly. Rother1 s followers are ornamented again when they return to Constantinople to rescue the Princess. Luppolt carries a banner decorated with gold (3531-34), the men wear jewels (3555-56), and are finely dressed, in costly fabrics and in gold (3565-74). Even in actual battle equipment adorned with gold is possible (4220-21). Like Rother, Oonstantin has treasure, which becomes evident when the "spileman" volunteers to recapture the Princess. The "spileman" suggests that Constantin stock a ship with luxury items and send him to 42

Bari as a merchant. 3059 Hir mozin auer einin Kiel hauin. Die maniger hande wondir trage. Golt unde steine. Wazzer perlin cleine. Scarlachin un pellen. These, combined with the description of items given as they are loaded, confirm Constantin's wealth. 3083 Der sigel zo deme kele. Wart gereit schire. Dar in trovh man golt rot. Alse der koninc gebot. Nuschen un boge unde harbant. Selzene cram gewant. The particular articles which the author specifies are not materially different from those which are attributed to Rother. Constantin has jewels, gold and expensive fabrics. The ship is described as carrying all sorts of wondir, in which it again resembles Rother*s ships. But the word selzene. "seltsam," implies that these articles do differ from anything known in the western nations of the time. On the other hand, the word may signify "rare” in the sense of "very fine” or "costly.” Besides the wealth revealed by this treasure, Constantin also has the means to support a fighting force. This is apparent when he has his wife offer rewards to the men he hopes will help him regain his daughter. 3045 Si was des goldis milde. Si legedit uf die scilde. Vbrsten den richen. Gaf si riclichen. Vnde lonede den godin knechthin. As in the case of Rother, Constantin's wealth is apparent in the manner of dress of the members of his court. His men arrive for the festival which is to impress "Dietrich" in finery similar to that 43 depicted for Rother's men: 1573 Dar ne hette nlchen matil namen. Her newere mit golde besclagen. Vnde mochte daz so lichte sin getan. Daz sin nleiman nlhelne wa m e nam. In Constantin's court one hears more of the women, however. The Princess Is sumptuously dressed when she appears at oourt with a large number of female attendants: 1811 Die urowe begonde vore gan. Hundert megede lossam. Die uolgeden ir zwaren. Alle vale here. 1815 manigin armbovc rot. Trogin sle gewirot. Vrvs sagit daz liet mere. Wie sle gewazzlt weren. Daz aller uordirste wiph. 1820 die hette gecierlt den liph. Mit einer cronen guldin. Daz gebot ir vater constantin. The other women of the court also express the wealth of the court through their dress (1823-30). The women function to remind the reader of Oonstantln's wealth again later in the story when he shields himself behind them:

4571 Si trogin kurzebolde. Gelistet mit deme golde. Vn mit edelen gesteine. Gewiret uile cleine. Vor constantin in den richin. Giengen ge zogenlichen. Athtich soone urowin. Mit goldinen cronen. As in the descriptions of the apparel of the men from the West, the costliness of the ladies' manner of dress is conveyed above all by gold. In addition, jewels are found on the garments. The phrase "Gewiret uile cleine," found also in the description of Rother's treasure, implies delicate craftsmanship as well as costly materials. 44

Die emphasis on the women is particularly interesting When one considers the underlying schema of the story. Rother, with his entourage of men, must go to Constantin for a bride, since no suitable wanan is available in his land, lhe descriptions of wcmen in Constantin's court reinforce the idea that this is where one finds a bride. Some evidence exists in Konlq Rother to support the hypothesis that for a-ruler wcmen constitute wealth in and of themselves. When the ambassadors first speak with Constantin, the fact that Rother has women at his court is given as an argument in favor of his qualifications as a suitor for the Princess (300). Perhaps the ability of Constantin's court ladies to signify his wealth goes beyond the fact that they can appear in costly attire; possibly their very presence in his court proves his wealth. lhe passages cited demonstrate both Rother and Constantin are wealthy and powerful. Rother may be wealthier than Constantin; certainly the Westerners never react with the open astonishment at seeing Constantin's wealth that the Eastern court expresses when Rother's men appear. Constantin's court is continually impressed with Rother*s material wealth. X agree with Szklenar's interpretation of this facet of Konig Rother with respect to the image of the Orient as held in the contemporary West and as reflected in this particular 7 work. He asserts that Constantinople always has had the reputation in the West of having a luxurious lifestyle; all descriptions of the city in chronicles and travel reports mention gold, jewels, and most 45 especially ornate, costly clothing. The Konig Rother author assumed his audience would have this Image of fabulous wealth in mind. Szklenar correctly noted therefore the effect of Rother's wealth on the Eastern court: "Dali es Rother gelingt, in Konstantinopel durch kostbare Gewander aufzufalien, stellt daher eine Art Hyperbel dar; Byzanz wird von ihm auf seinem eigenen Gebiet ubertrumpft" (p. 130). Me oontinued: "es sollte offenbar . . . dem byzantinischen Reichtum ein gleichwertiger, ja uberlegener abendlandischer gegentfbergestellt werden" (p. 131). Wealth is, in and of itself, a positive value in the work: because Rother is the superior ruler, just as the West is superior to the East, Rother's wealth must exceed that of Constantin. Despite the descriptions of portable goods, the most significant form of wealth, in Konig Rother as in the historical medieval period, is not these portable goods, but land. This fact becomes clear when the final rewards are given. Rother premises rewards to his followers on two occasions, first to the ambassadors, then to the men who accompany him. Only the first promise is detailed: 190 er sprach suvil w e r d a m e wil scaz memen. deme salichin ane zale geben. wil er aber burge vn lant. des gibich ime in sine gewalt. vnz indes seluen dunket uil. we g e m e ich daz don wil. un helfe ime daz beherten mit mines silbes suverte. One may assume that the offer to the men willing to accompany Rother is similar. This is confirmed by the reward scene at the conclusion of the adventure, in which Rother apportions lands. Ymelot is designated as riche (or rike) three times, but no description of his material wealth is given, although one might assume 46 that he has wealth corresponding to the pcwer indicated by his military force. His role is so minor that the lack of detail is not surprising, and the wealth which he may be assumed to have plays no role in the story. Somewhat more detail is given regarding Berchter. No treasure is mentioned, but his wealth is revealed in costly clothing. When he departs for Constantinople the second time he is dressed in costly finery: 3494 He reit ein ros louesam. Vnde uorde indeme scilde sin. Eine bukelen guldin. Der scilt was also getan. Daz he alse ein uur bran. Von deme ouer glaste. He troch eine brunien uaste. For his departure from court at the conclusion of the adventure he is again attired in conspicuous elegance: 4931 Der uorte an den beinin. Mit edilime gesteine. Zvo hosin vol gecirot. Mit golde gewirot. Er worte an sime schilde. Ein tier samt iz spilde. Vz deme golde erlich. Eime capelune gelich. Dar uirme lagin steine. Groz vnda cleine. Die daz leicht barin. Alsiz sterren waren. Ime stunt vntne des s chi Id is rant. Manich got iachant. Indeme satilbogin sin. stundin swanin guldin. Vffe deme he Ime lac ein stein. Der vnvne mitte nacht schein. In alien den gebaren 4950 alsez liecht tac ware. Den brachte alexander. Von uremidime lande. Dar nie nichein cristin man. Weder e nodi sin ne quaih. Der stein hiez claugestian. For Berchter, as for the kings, the more important wealth stems from possession of land, and therefore of pcwer over men* This is evident when Rothar's men are planning the campaign to regain the kidnapped Princess; Berchter volunteers 20,000 men (3449-53). Hie portrayal of Berchter*s power and wealth serves two purposes. Berchter1s positive qualities add lustre to the ruler, since he stands in direct association with Rother. In addition, all researchers who have investigated Konig Rother in the attempt to determine which historical person might have carniissioned its writing have agreed that g the character Berchter is based on a patron. As such, the details which are given in the work to support his wealth and power may well be meant as allusions to the personal possessions and qualities of that patron. Certain patterns for the use of wealth are discernible in the passages which have been analyzed to discover the extent and nature of Pother's and Constantin's wealth. Frequently the passages concerned something being given away, while at other times a display of wealth was made. In broad general terms these constitute the only uses which are made of material wealth in Konig Rother. While wealth is generally a positive quality in Konig Rother, its limits are pointed out in two connections. On the one hand wealth is inferior in importance to the loyalty of Rother's men. Luppolt expresses this thought in the form of a rhetorical question when he takes upon himself the blame for the Princess' abduction: 3314 Waz bedorfte ein got kenc. Richetumes mere. 48

Behelde he truwe un ere. Nu ich des nine han getan. Nu laz ir mir anden lif gan. Of course, by stating that he has not been faithful, Luppolt proves the opposite, that he has kept faith and is worthy of the trust which Rother places in him. lhis kind of loyalty, which Rother receives frcm all his men, enables him to rule his lands and to win the Princess. Although the loyalty is more important than wealth, it exists in part as a result of that wealth, since the financial generosity which Rother practices is one important basis of the loyalty given to him. lhe relativization of wealth is also brought out in the final portion of the epic, in which Rother decides to retire to a monastery. Ihis scene contains the only truly negative statement about wealth to be found in the work, lhe statement is made by Berchter: 5142 Berker sprach ime aber zo. Daz ist war koninc edile. Idi ne rade dir nicht ovele. Nu oovfe dir selve got wate la his der schaz alse ein hor Leider unreine. Wir ne uindin sin nicht dar he ime. Swe uil der man gewinit 5150 Wie schire ime zerinnit. Daz ist us alle tage schin. Nu uolge deme rade min. Vn helf der armin sele. Die levet imnir mere. 5155 Nu ne laz dich nicht betragin. Swer der gotis genadin. Rechte wirdit innin. Der moz sie imnir minnin. IXi were ie riche. 5160 Din dinch stunt grozliche. Waz helfit nu daz. Getot ein ander bat. Er wil din ouer genoz sin. Nu uolge mir trut herre min. 5165 Vnde zewir hin zo walde. Swer genesen wolde. 49

Der mochte dar geme broder sin. Wir muni chin uns trut herre min. Wir sulin der armin sele wegen. Dir ist ein unstade leuen. Hie passage seems to contradict the positive attitude toward wealth expressed in the remainder of the work. Whereas Rother's wealth was one of his major qualities, and the quality which enabled him to practice generosity, which in turn made him a successful king, here his very wealth is called unreine. and Berchter states that it will not help him new. A basic ambiguity of Christianity emerges, the idea that the

demands of this life are incompatible with the demands of God. A compromise between the two value systems is reached by a sequential solution— after living out his earthly life and satisfying its demands by ruling well and by producing and raising an heir, Rother can begin to earn his way to heaven by relinquishing the trappings of his earthly existence and leading a life of prayer for his remaining years. Within the context of life on earth wealth and power are positive, but they have no place in the heavenly scheme of things, which is seen as a separate and superior domain with its own requirements. In sunmary, in Konig Rother the characters who are wealthiest are Rother and Constantin, the two major kings, although lesser figures like Berchter are also portrayed as wealthy. Rother'a wealth consists of portable objects, gold, clothing fashioned of costly fabrics and jewels, and golden armor (and, ultimately, the Princess he takes from Constantin); although the material objects function as visible signs of wealth and thus of kingship, the true substance of Rother's wealth is the land which he controls, as becomes clear when he rewards with fiefs the men who have aided him. Constantin's wealth is comparable to 50

Rother's in nature, with more emphasis on women, either as wearers of the symbols of wealth or perhaps as representing wealth by their very presence in his court. The exotic qualities of products of the East, actual and in the popular imagination, are reflected to sane extent in the vocabulary used. From the fact that Constantin's people are greatly impressed by Rother's wealth, whereas Rother's people do not react to the Eastern court with awe, one may infer that the author intended to portray Rother as wealthier than Constantin; confirmation of this inference is found in Berchter’s statement to Rother that "Du bist richir dan constantin" (1243). By portraying the Western monarch as wealthier than his Eastern counterpart the author implied the dominance of West over East; the comparison is rendered more effective by the fact that conspicuous wealth was an area in which Constantinople was definitely accounted the superior region. All characters who are depicted as wealthy use their possessions primarily to demonstrate wealth, and to increase their military presence by supporting warriors. Wealth as an attribute of a character is portrayed with a positive attitude which co-exists with the belief that material belongings contradict the religious values. This simultaneity of belief is reflected in the course of Rother's life; he can only earn redemption at the end of his life by relinquishing the possessions which he had used so effectively during the "worldly" portion of his existence on earth. 51

Herzog Ernst

A valuable clue to the meaning of the adjective riche in Herzog Ernst is offered by its penultimate passage. Otto, having reconciled his differences with Ernst, restores the duke to his former position; as a result Ernst “was rJche als e." Through examination of precisely what the Emperor returns to Ernst, one can gain a good understanding of the prerequisites of the quality riche in this work, lhe passage reads: 6010 dd liez er allez stn lant wider dem furs ten h@ren. s?t gesaz mit grozen §ren bt sinem erbe der ziere degen. er begunde herltche phlegen sther manne undAslner lande, gellche einem wigande, daz er gap unde l£ch. der keiser in niht verzSch unze er was rJche als 3: es wart niht min, es wurde m£. The Dnperor gives Ernst land, the source of both power and wealth, lhe passage makes no mention of gifts of money or luxury articles passing to Ernst. Ernst regains control of his inherited lands; one may assume that Otto also gives him additional lands, since he is not merely again "riche," but "es wurde me." In his earlier period of enjoying the favor of the Eiqperor, Ernst had apparently received lands beyond his inheritance. After the wedding, Otto stamens Ernst to court: "der keiser gap im do gewalt / vil maniger gr&ser richeit" (580-81). The nature of this wealth is not specified, although the fact that it is considerable is repeated 52

(586-89, 602, 605). Land is surely included, though; the Bnperor requests that Ernst: "uber lip und iiber lant / gebiut weldecllche" (594-95). As was implied in Konig Rother. land, while the most important possession, is not the only significant factor in being "riche," however. With the land are the men. lhe lines "er begunde herllche phlegen / slher marine und siher lande" show that Ernst gains vassals by giving them land, and is powerful because he has many vassals. All this slants the emphasis towards the power aspects of the concept "riche." Thus riche includes but is not restricted to the concept "wealthy." Possession of land is important to the quality "riche," because it ocmes with power over men. For Ernst "riche" is not the primary attribute; in addition to the penultimate passage the adjective is associated with him only three other times, lhe first association of Ernst and rlfche occurs in the introduction to the epic, in the statement about his knighting. 137 DS der helt vil lobesam mit eren also swert genam und grave Wetzel der helt bait, do hate er rlchen gewalt. The adjective riche emphasizes Ernst's power, which is great, but does not refer to his wealth. When Ernst is besieged by Heinrich, the text asserts: 911 der edel riche maere er wiste daz ez waere von des riches gewalt. In the context of the battle riche likely signifies "powerful"; the author intended to emphasize the duke's military capabilities. The other passage wherein Ernst is referred to as riche occurs in a somewhat analogous context; after the duke has acknowledged defeat and dispersed 53

the greater part of his force with appropriate gifts, the narrator apologetically states: 1904 er was in alien dingen ' ein rltter vll tugentlich. waz mohte des der furste rich, daz man in “ane schult vertreip? lhe use of the adjective riche does not demonstrate that Ernst Is wealthy, although the text does state that Otto gives Ernst rlcheit. "wealth.” lhe word riche is used far more often for the Bnperor Otto than for Ernst, which is not surprising since the concept of "riche" was associated with the ruler; the duke would logically be less "riche" than his Emperor. While Ernst is called "riche" only four times, the adjective designates Otto on thirteen occasions, lhe portrayal of the Bnperor in general implies that the power aspect of the concept "riche" predominates over the economic aspect. Otto is presented not primarily as a generous leader of men, but first and foremost as a powerful ruler. He is introduced thus: 176 do hielt in den stunden daz roemische riche ein kunic gewaltecllche, der was Otte genant. lhe author points out the extent of Otto's realm: "dem diente manic furs ten lant / in diutscher und in welscher z ungen" (179-60). He adds that Otto himself has augmented his tributary lands by conquest: "ouch hete der kunec betwungen / der Winden lant und Friesen" (162-83). lhe vocabulary of this opening passage communicates an impression of force: the Bnperor has "betwungen" these new lands, and they "muosen keren (an in)1' (185). lhe author mentions Otto as a dispenser of justice and a 54

protector of the needy only after establishing him as a powerful ruler, lhe importance of his power is seen in its beneficial effect: 192 er schuof den aller besten fride beide viir unde wider der § oder sider oder inner mi werde Gf der Sahsen erde. Ihis excellent peace is grounded in military superiority, as is evident from the indications of how Otto gained his new lands and from the way in which he deals with the Ernst incident, which he perceives to be a

threat to the peace of the realm. lhe adjective riche is used for Otto in a way that indicates it is considered one of his virtues; it is employed early in the environment of Otto's tugenden when the narrator comments: "ich sage iu daz der kiinic rich / Hoher tugende kunde phlegen" (222-23). Later, when his messenger presents his proposal to Adelheit, the text explains that:

330 der helt dd mit muoze der frouwen redellch sagete, als ir enboten habete von Rdme der keiser rtche. lhe possibility always exists that the adjective is being used more formulaically than meaningfully, especially since in eleven of the

thirteen instances for Otto the adjective occurs in rhyming position. It does not seem to mean "wealthy;” support for understanding it more as "powerful" is found in the fact that it sometimes appears near the* substantive riche, meaning "Reich," the Bnpire, as in: 5748 do enb&t im der kiinic rich daz er tougenllche kaeme viir daz rifche. lhat stress should be placed on Otto's power is not surprising, since the part of the epic in which he plays his role deals with the power 55

struggle between him and Ernst; the Bnperor's power is emphasized in order to clarify why he is victorious in the conflict. Insofar as the adjective rtche is used meaningfully, it aids in emphasizing Otto's power. Some omissions in the description of Otto become important when compared especially to the section of the epic describing Ernst's adventures in the fantasy realm of Grippia. Although the wedding of Otto and Adelheit is described as sumptuous, the author does not exploit this opportunity to support the statements regarding Otto's magnificence by amplifying extensively upon the rich foods offered the guests, or by detailing the clothing of the principals or guests. No individual luxury item in his possession is singled out for special notice. Otto's wealth is appropriate to the demands of his position, but not so impressive as to be worthy of especial attention. Where gold is mentioned in connection with Otto, it is often in the form of money, although not in specified amounts, and it has a utilitarian purpose since it acts as gifts or rewards rather than merely glorifying the ruler by its possession. Several of the other rulers whom Ernst enoounters In his travels are described as rtche. although, as with Otto, none possesses this epithet to the exclusion of other qualities, lhe king of Constantinople is twice called rtche (2084, 2108); since the function of this king in the epic is to provide Ernst's party with the means to continue its journey, which involves providing them ships fully supplied with goods and gold with which to purchase more food, as well as sending an armed escort, both "wealthy" and "powerful" are appropriate descriptors for 56

him. lhe Arimaspian king is called "rtche" three times (4584, 4612, 5041), but in each instance the word is used in a rhyming position. Like the other kings in the work, the Arimaspian king is both powerful and wealthy, and stress oould be on either aspect of meaning. Finally, the heathen king of Babylon is "riche" (5569). In stannary, when applied to a person, rtche means both "powerful" and "wealthy," with the emphasis apparently on "powerful." lhe persons so described are most often kings, although Ernst himself is seme times designated in this way. No real conclusion regarding possession or significance of wealth can be reached on this basis. lhe adjective rtche is relatively more informative when it is used to describe objects, however. lhe adjective rtche is applied to an object rather than a person in twenty instances in Herzog Ernst, and fifteen of the objects so described are located in the kingdom of Grippia. When applied to objects, the adjective rtche has the meaning "ansehnlich, gross, kostbar, herrlich."1^ ihis apparent concentration of luxury articles in Grippia has significance which must be explored by comparison of the items within Grippia and the items outside the crane-people1s realm. Of the five occurrences of objects described as "rtche" outside Grippia, two occur in the context of the wedding of Otto and Adelheit; the ceremony takes place in the "rtchen stat" of Mainz (459) and Otto presents his people with "richen solt" as largesse on the happy occasion of the marriage (500-505). lhe Arimaspian king's dwelling is a "richez pa las" (4537). During his stay in Arimaspia, Ernst accumulates luxury 57

items, which are described most fully when he leaves (5404-17). Ernst offers seme of these items to churches and shrines on the way heme; when he visits the cathedral of St. Peter in Rone, the text explains:

5803 d£ gap er ouch daz ocher nth von guoten toochen sidfn, rtche pheller von golde, daz niht bezzer wesen solde* Each of these objects either has the function of indicating the prestige of the ruler, or is destined to be given away. None of the objects is described in further detail, indicating that no particular emphasis is placed upon them as objects. Two passages merit a closer analysis. The first deals with the beginning of Ernst's crusade. When he departs from the Empire after his defeat, Ernst and his small band of men are richly attired and well-provided with weapons; after mentioning the weapons, the text

states: 1874 mit s8 rfchem gwande rOmten sle daz rfche, daz man waerrfche in keinem lande funde noch inner vinden kunde die mit der rehten warheit zer verte waren baz bereit. e m wolde unschulde rechen, nieman getorste sprechen daz die helde guote durch ir azmuote gerumet haeten ir lant. Ernst and his men find it important to convey the impression that they

still have wealth by dressing well and carrying good weapons because this demonstrates to the rest of the world that Ernst still has ere; wealth is one component of this concept of honor. The impression of wealth is contrary to the truth, however. In the speech which Ernst 58 gives prior to this passage he Implies that annuote is precisely the reason for giving in gracefully. When he cannot go on he calls for his best men, "sit ichz durch not muoz ldn" (1743); he says his land is devastated: "nu liget vervuestet min lant / beide beroubet und verhert" (1758-59). He further points out that in defending themselves against the Empire they have used up their resources: 1799 wir habenz umb uns gar verhert und unser selber guot verzert, daz wir miiezen verderben.

Not all of Ernst's followers are aware of the seriousness of the problem. They want to believe that his wealth is endless: 1762 nu wellent mlnen schatz han die lieben helfaere min. sie wellent des gewin sin, ich habe goldes die fluot. The followers are mistaken in this belief. Ernst's mother provides him with the necessities of the journey by giving him money and the equipment he will need: 1894 sin muoter diu kiinigin sande im d£ funf hundert marc ze stiure und manic pheller tiure, hernun unde slden wSt, mit golde harte wol genat und manic h&rllch bettecjwant. die g&be enphienc der wigant und neic ir ze lfihe. These gifts do not reflect the wealth which Ernst actually possesses, but he is given the trappings of wealth because he is obliged to keep up appearances. For a nobleman, wealth is seemly. The second passage of interest deals with Ernst's departure from Arimaspia. Ernst collects his belongings, all of which have been given 59

him as gifts and rewards by the Arimaspian king: 5404 eins abendes spate hiez der vil kliene man daz beste daz er mohte hSn von silber und von golde und an and em rtchen solde, phelle und sfden gewant, 5410 swaz er des besten gevant, berltn und edel gesteine, allez daz gemeine swaz man genutzen mohte und im ze fiieren tohte, 5415 swaz im dar uber geviel, daz kam allez in den kiel mit fl'Jze vil wol verholn. Gold, jewels and clothing are the indicators of wealth here as in Konig Rother. Ernst's possessions also define the wealth of the king of Arimaspia, since they all came from him. lhe passage again makes clear Ernst's obligation to travel in style, with that which "im ze fiieren

tohte." Items in Grippia described as "r£che" include the food at the feast (2469), the table service (2379), the furniture (257Q, 2600, 2628), the palace (2563), the city as a whole (2696), and the clothing worn by the king and his attendants (2800, 2867, 2998, 3078, 3178) — in short, everything in the Grippian environment is apparently copious and costly.

None of these objects has any particular emphasized significance which would justify discussing it individually; it is the accumulation of objects which is ijqportant. I found that the same types of articles which are called rtche also shismer with precious metals and jewels, and are also oonoentrated in Grippia. The author has deliberately portrayed the Grippians as possessing many expensive things which the people of other kingdoms are not said to possess. Since the Grippians are revealed to be evil, the imbalance between their, wealth and the wealth

of other societies must arouse suspicions as to the author's intent. 60

Outside Grippia fabulous objects are found only in the death-ships in the sea near the Magnetberg. Here the heroes see: 4065 silber golt und edel gesteine, purpur samtt phelle und S&ien mine lac d s 3 maniger slahte deiz nieman ah ten mahte. No narrative ccninent supports the conclusion that the author intended to portray the vanity of worldly goods, but as he comments only obliquely at any point, one may assume despite the lack of explicit emphasis that this intent is present. The dying Princess* statements to Ernst are somewhat analogous. If she had lived, she could have given him untold wealth, but her death precludes that possibility (3520-76); all her parents' wealth failed to save them, just as the wealth of the previous victims of the Maqnetberg failed to be of any help to them in the extremity of death. Occurrences of gold and silver outside Grippia and the Magnetberg are generally in the form of money, although not stated in specified amounts. No golden armament, clothing or elegant table services seem to ornament the courts Ernst visits. More strikingly, every single mention of gold occurs in the context of giving, either frcm one character to another or in the form of grants to the church. In addition, excluding the religious, all gifts have seme connection to military prowess, either as rewards or as promise of payment. Ernst uses gold to secure the support of his men: 154 er ensparte silber nodi daz golt vor keinen sfnen Sren. des warden dem vil hSren mit triwen bereit sine man swa ez an die ndt solde g3n. As discussed above, this material wealth is also a visible sign of 61 prestige. Ernst gives the appearance of being wealthy whether the appearance is strictly true or not. In persuading Otto that Ernst is conspiring against him, Heinrich reminds the Brperor of his generosity to Ernst, and claims that Ernst has used the Bnperor's money to subvert the other nobles: "ez h£t gemachet dfn golt / die furs ten sint im alle holt" (687-86). Although Heinrich's accusation is a lie, the fact that it is made demonstrates that money could be used in this way. lhe Bnperor gives gold to Ernst in the early period of favor: "silber unde golt rfit / gap er im dicke ungewegen” (640-41). After their reconciliation he again gives gold (5958). lhe Bnperor secures the support of others of his following through gifts also, on the occasion of his marriage: 500 er gap den wlganden manigen samtt breiten die mu] mit den gereiten dar zuo silber unde golt unde manigen rtchen solt hiez er dar den rtchen tragen.

In both cases the gifts of gold and other things are connected to military service, since they are given to actual or potential supporters of the Biperor, who will aid him in military actions, lhe deceased father of the Indian Princess had used his wealth in the same way as

Otto, as she explains: 3536 nitnem vater was undert&n vil manic helt vermezzen. al die im Warn gesezzen, graven unde herzogen, dienten im vur unbetrogen mit vil gr8zen icon* swar er sie wolde Keren, da hulfens im ze stner n3t. d $ gap er in daz golt r6t: des muose er in alien 62

von schulden wol gevallen die wile daz er mohte leben. Ihis connection of gold to the solidification of loyalty for military support is clear also in the way the Arimaspian king uses gifts; he gives Ernst gold on at least two occasions (4664-65; 5290-91). Ernst receives these gifts in return for military services, and he in turn uses the money to guarantee the support of his subordinates:

4791 d 6 der herre daz lant gewan, dd machte er im sfhe man beide willic unde holt, er gap in silber unde golt. For his part in the wars in the Middle East Ernst receives further rewards (5638, 5656). lhe promise of military service appears not to play a role in the gifts Ernst receives from the king of Constantinople: 2074 der edel kiinic lobesam hiez si in daz schef wisen und vollecliche sptsen mit guoter frischer llpnar diu sie werte ein halbez jir, und gap in dar zuo sin golt. 2098 d& hiez im der kiinic wegen sines goldes genuoc. Since Ernst visits the city only briefly and then departs, the likelihood of his aiding this king in a war is remote. However, Ernst earns the respect of the king through the report of his military exploits, so even this gift is made in recognition of prowess, as if all monarchs had a duty to reward accomplishments in battle wherever they occur. Besides using his rewards to secure his own following Ernst nekes offerings at shrines on his way heme (5791-93; 5800-5806). 63

The passages quoted indicate a strong contrast between the realm of Grippia and the world outside it. Since the other kingdoms, including the fantasy country Arimaspia, function in the same way as the German Ehpire, the differences between Grippia and the other kingdoms cannot be dismissed as simply resulting from the fact that Grippia is a fantasy land. One must look further for the reasons the author had for creating

this discrepancy. One possibility for interpretation has to do with courtly values. Ernst B has been considered by several researchers in light of its relationship to courtly literature, and generally opined to be pre-courtly.11 Szklenar lias addressed himself to the question of courtly values; I would take issue with one of his conclusions, because of the way Grippia is portrayed in the work. He has correctly noted that "Hofische Pracht... sich vor unseren Augen in Grippia (entfaltetl; sorgfaltig hat der Dichter den Schauplatz vorbereitet. . • ." (p. 170). He concluded that the author, by juxtaposing the outer magnificence of the Grippian life-style to its moral inferiority, exemplified especially in the gruesane attack on the innocent captive woman, wished to demonstrate that the nature of the crane-people "... nicht vollendet hofisch sein jkonntej, weil das Ideal der hofischen Bildung das asthetisch-ethisdie Ideal der ritterlichen Gesellschaft ist, nicht aber der ’Kranichschnabler"' (p. 172). If the author had wished to present the courtly ideal, surely he would have presented a positive realization of the ideal elsewhere in the story as a contrast to the negative Grippian model, but that is precisely what he did not do. Hie fabulous wealth of Grippia is ncwhere 64 echoed, let alone exceeded, lhe wealth and power of the other kings is impressive without being overwhelming; a king is expected to live in a fine palace, Demand large numbers of men, give festivals on suitable occasions and grant fiefs and money to his followers, but not to go into battle with gold-plated armor. In Herzog Ernst, as in Konig Rother. the author portrayed his royal characters as wealthy, primarily by depicting them dispensing gold in return for or in anticipation of military service, lhe wealth possessed by kings outside Grippia is substantial but is restricted to that which is seemly for a monarch, lhe great concentration of conspicuous wealth is found in the kingdom of Grippia, which is also portrayed as morally evil. Throughout Herzog Ernst, wealth consists of land, of portable objects of high value and of gold. Land is held by the positive characters, while portable luxury items are owned primarily by the Grippians. lhe crane-pepple use their wealth only for display, while in the other kingdoms gold is mentioned primarily when it is exchanged, either as a religious donation or in the form of gifts to knights. While wealth is a positive value in Konig Rother. in Herzog Ernst the possibility of negative aspects is pointed out. The good ruler, least ambiguously portrayed in the king of Arimaspia, has wealth from which he gives freely in order to reward military service and retain military support, but his wealth is not an end in itself. 65

St. Oswald

The term "reich" (as riche is spelled in the Curschmann-edition of the Mlinchener Oswald) is closely oonnected to the concept of what a ruler should be in St. Oswald as in Konig Rother and Herzog Ernst. In all but four instances, the adjective is applied to a ruler. lhe cases where a king is "reich" will be discussed first; then the exceptions will be considered. When the extent to which "reich" can be equated with the state "wealthy" has been determined, the further evidenoe of wealth will be examined in order to reach conclusions regarding who is wealthy and what significance wealth has. As Oswald prepares tlie Rabe to carry his proposal of marriage to the heathen Princess, the suggestion is made and carried out that the bird be decorated with gold, lhe text explicitly states that this display is to reflect Oswald's wealth: 515 beschlacht im daz gevider sein (und tuot daz durch den willen mein) mit euren kunstreichen henden, wan ich wil in ze poten senden, (und] wurcht mir im also schon 520 auf sein haubt ein guldein kron, wenn er chan under die h&ldem frei, daz man sech, daz er a ins reichen kun(i]gs pot sei." lhe information given here is that Oswald is "reich," that this fact ought to be conveyed, and that the heathens can be apprised of it through a conspicuous display of wealth, lhus reich is equivalent to "wealthy." lhe two occasions upon which the heathen king Aron addresses Oswald as "reich" demonstrate that the meaning "powerful" can also be applied 66 to reich. 3013 er sprach: ''Oswalt furst reich, hiet ich siben haub(e]t erleich auf melnem leib stan als idi doch nur ain(e]s ban, die liefl ich mir alle abnemen (des wolt ich mich nimner geschamen), e daz ich gelaubt an deinen got, wann darumb war ich a He r haiden spotl" 3051 also sprach er traurichleich: "Oswalt, edler furst reich, du giCch]st dein got sein ein hailant: sichstu dort die stain [ejs want? In both instances Aron is addressing Oswald after he has been defeated in battle by Oswald's superior military force; thus this constitutes an admission on the part of Aron that Oswald has power, although he is still not ready to convert to Christianity as a result of it. In the seven verses in which the adjective reich is applied to Oswald, the word is usually employed as part of a formula. When the chamberlain speaks of his failure to find the Rabe on board ship, for instance, the text reads: "ich want, edler furst reich, / ir hiet in selber gefuert gar taugenleich" (1717-18). The quality "reich" has no direct bearing on this scene. Clearly the sole function of the adjective is that of metric filler and rhyme generator. In the sixteen lines in which the heathen monarch is referred to as "der reiche kun£i]k Aron," the variation among the verses is restricted to orthographic realizations, presence car absence of the definite article, and adjustments in case and adjective endings: the phrase is a formula. However, the adjective reich is so closely associated with Aron that it essentially becomes part of his name, so that when he is baptized, Oswald says: 67

3126 [vor hlest du der reich kung AronJ] nu soltu werden Zentlnus genant uber alle cristen lantl In most instances vhen a character calls Aron "reich," neither the power nor the wealth possibly associated with the adjective plays any role within the imnediate context. For example, when the Rabe is in the process of tricking Aron, the text states: 865 er fragt in also schon: "sag mir, reicher kun[i]g Aron: wer isset dein prot und trinket dein wein dem tuostu doch nicht an dem leben sein?" The power and wealth which Aron may have bear only indirectly on this particular scene. In the same scene in which Aron addresses Oswald as "reich," Oswald also calls Aron "reich:" "sichjjsjtu, reicher kun£i}k Aron, / wax zaiche[n]s mein got hat getan?" (2996-99). Here again Aron's power and wealth are not particularly at issue. In this way most individual instances when "reich" is used with Axon are insignificant. Nonetheless, the word is used so consistently with him that the reader is impressed with the fact that Aron does in fact possess the attribute reich. Thus, although the specific instances of use of the adjective reich for any character are not especially significant when considered as individual verses, the overall effect is created that Axon has more of the quality "reich" than Oswald does. In order to determine what the author meant to convey with the adjective reich, the way in which each character is portrayed as a whole must be examined. Throughout, Aron is portrayed as powerful, even invincible. As Oswald is informed when he begins his quest, only with the help of God can the heathen Princess be won from her father; the pilgrim Warmunt explains: 68

271 Oswalt, hochgeporen degen, du solt dich der maid verwegenl daz ich dir han gesait daz 1st mir mit treuen laid. hiet ich dir ez nicht geraten, furst her, ich geriet dir ez nlmner mer. du macht ir nicht gewinnen mit alien deinen sinnen, ez tuo dann got sein steur darzuo paideu spat und fruo. Oswald, on the other hand, has many high-ranking men, both civil and ecclesiastical, in his service: 8 zwelf kunftjkreich; zwelf kunk die dienten im schon, ieglicher under seiner gulden kron; vier und zwaitzig hertzogen her die dienten im durch sein grosse er; sechs und dreissig grafen lobsam die dienten im mit mangem werden man; neun edel pischof die dienten im auf seinem hof; ritter und-knecht die dienten im gar recht. This constitutes a clear statement that Oswald, too, has considerable power. The text also indicates material possessions for the two kings, but not in great detail. Of Aron's fortress the text states: 1642 ein purk was her und lobsam, deu leucht von golt als ob si prun und stucnd auch schon gen der sun. On the other hand, Oswald has enough gold for the raven's ornamentation, for 72,000 golden crosses and for the golden hlrsch ornamentation. Emphasis on Aron's power can be accounted for as an attempt to build up the antagonist in order to intensify the reputation of the protagonist who ultimately wins in the conflict. To the extent that reich also means "wealthy," Aron's wealth fits in well with the concept of the wealthy heathens. Fabulous riches formed a prominent part of the 69 medieval stereotype of the heathen. However, rather than asserting Aron's wealth by describing his sumptuous surroundings in detail, the author created the effect simply by referring to the character repeatedly as reich. Except for the golden fortress in which Aron lives, his material possessions are almost entirely emitted. One might speculate that the author was not sufficiently familiar with the lifestyle of the nobility to provide the kind of detail which the authors of Koniq Rother and Herzog Ernst occasionally supplied to support the contention that their characters are wealthy, but this would remain speculation. The author may simply have been incapable of creating the descriptive detail which would support his assertion of wealth. Once the impression of Aron's wealth and power has been established by frequent use of the adjective reich. the author can contrast the two kings on this basis. Ihe contrast is sumnarized in a passage which describes Aron hurrying from his fortress to greet the goldsmiths: 2249 ir funf hundert zogten schon mit dem reichen kun[i]g Aron, der milt kunfrlg Oswalt gie her zuo dem haidem paid. No compelling reason exists for this passage to occur at this particular point, since it does not especially pertain to the immediate context, but the contrast it pinpoints is a motif of the entire epic. While Aron is wealthy and powerful, Oswald is milt, generous in every way. Ihis does not mean that Oswald is not "reich," but that for him the quality "milt," which Aron does not share with him, is of more significance than the quality "reich." 70

The fact that the concepts "wealthy" and "powerful" are thoroughly intertwined within the concept expressed by the term reich is shewn in the three exceptional cases where a non-ruler is associated with the adjective. When the author wanted to specify the economic dimension of the concept "reich," he resorted to the limiting genitive quotes to clarify his intention. This occurs in all three instances of characters becoming "reich," 1931, 2113, and 2278. In the first instance the cabin boy who first sights the raven on the way from England is lavishly rewarded for his luck. 1929 er sprach: "() mein lieber rab, nu fleug gefuog auf mich herabl ich wil dir dienen immer willichleich, ich pin von deinen schulden worden guotes reich."

* In the latter two instances the wealth belongs to the twelve goldsmiths who help Oswald; they apparently assert the wealth they have obtained to prove their excellence at their trade. 2113 wir sein all sampt goltschmid () tund varo durch deu lant nach unserm sit] und Bein worden guotes reich. daz gelaubt uns furst lobleich. 2278 auf dein trost sei wir her chomen und wur[d]en geren guetes reich." On the one hand the limitation of reich to the economic aspect when it is applied to non-rulers underscores the association of power and rulers, but interestingly enough, although the cabin boy and the goldsmiths are "reich" only in material goods, they also become ritter. by a method connected in some unspecified way to the wealthy state which they achieve. Power and social standing result in part at least from wealth. 71

Because the adjective reich is not always restricted to the economic dimensions of the-concept, the information which it yields regarding which characters are wealthy is limited. Investigation of the possessions which are ascribed to each of the characters is a little more informative. Oswald and Aron are portrayed as having gold, and Aron has his magnificent fortress. However, the treasures, golden furniture and lavishly decorated clothing which were described in Konig Rother and in Herzog Ernst, especially in the portion of that work depicting Grippia, are largely lacking. Comparison of the few descriptions of possessions in Oswald with the other two works will demonstrate this point. Like the kings in the other works, Aron has an

imposing residence: 1638 do waren die werden cristen chanen frolich all[e] sant hin gen Aron in daz lent, nu sahen si pei dem mer stan ein purk was her und lobsam, deu leucht von golt als ob si prun und stuond auch schon gen der sun. 1645 von zwelf turen guot was die vest wol behuot; die tur[e]n waren rot marblein und stuonden auch () gen der sunnen schein. The description includes a few details; the castle stands near the sea, and has shining gold and red marble on it. More important than the gold, however, is the impregnability of this fortress. Not only are the towers mentioned in the description, but Oswald and his men react exclusively to the formidable nature of the structure, rather than to the indicators of wealth or to aesthetic qualities which the castle displays: 72

1658 do gieng sand Oswalt zuo rat: er sprach: "ratt mir al^ me In dienstman: wie wel wir ez greifen an? In comparison to the castle in Grippia, Aron's palace Is presented quite briefly and with very few details. Similarly, where in Konig Rother clothing was described in several lines, here the author contented himself with a one-line indication of the proper knightly attire when portraying Oswald's men caning to court: 1501 si chamen gen hof geriten nach ritterleichen siten: si waren berait mit guotem fleiB; ir hamasch was silber weiB. While one is left with the impression that Aron is in fact the wealthier of the two kings, this Impression is given solely by the use of the adjective reich. The text is somewhat more explicit regarding the general uses of seme forms of wealth. Uses of money will be covered in Chapter Three of this study, as will the transactions involving goldsmiths; therefore these aspects will not be discussed here. In order to arrive at conclusions regarding the general significance of wealth in this epic, the function particularly of gold will be considered, as well as the author's statements regarding wealth. One of the major functions of gold is to symbolize kingship. The formulation "zwelf kunk die dienten im schon / ieglicher under seiner gulden kron," specifying Oswald's retinue, occurs with minor variations four times in the text, at 9, 92, 951 and 1489. The gold of these kings' crowns is both a sign of their individual royalty and an enhancement of Oswald's power; the silver of the armor of his men ("ir haroash was silber weifi," 1504) functions in the same way. (The silber 73 oould be an epithet for the white of the armor.) As mentioned, in the extensive passages discussing the golden adornment of the raven-ambassador the text makes clear that the raven's gold is to signify the majesty of the king who sends him; the raven himself commands: 439 haiQ mir beschlahen daz gevider mein, Oswald, durch die er dein all sampt mit rotem golt. The text further states that a gold crown is to shew that he is the messenger of a powerful, wealthy king (520-22). In keeping with the story's simultaneous presentation of the raven as a human-like messenger and a real bird, the gold also serves to protect the raven from the ordinary fate of birds, i.e. from being captured or shot (449). One may assume that the way the Princess suggests Oswald's ship is to be equipped is also meant as an indication of his royalty: 1167 haifl Qln] des kiel(p]s maspaun (und haiQ im die wort nicht wesen ain traum) beschlahen mit edelm gestain: daz daz sei lauter und rain: war er var des nachtes auf dem mer, er und auch sein cluoges her, daz im daz edel Qgestain] erglast vollichleichen () vierdhalb rast. These same lines are repeated later (1395), but they represent a blind motif.12 Gold is associated with the Princess to signify her royalty also. When she and her aoocmpanying maidens approach Oswald, he recognizes her by the golden object she wears:1^ 2601 si was im aus in alien erchant, wann si truog ain guldeins harpant: demit bezaichent si daz, daz si die jung kungin fselber] was. 74

Earlier, when the Princess and her women disguised themselves for their escape, they included golden spurs in their outfits, but apparently because this was a customary part of the heathen knight's attire: 2535 die vier maid hochgeporen gurten umb () guldein sporen in alien den gepMr(eln, als ob si haidnisch ritter waren. The author of St. Oswald made his cements about wealth Indirectly, through the plot, and primarily in two episodes, the hirsch trick by means of which Oswald wins the bride, and the banquet scene where Jesus appears in the beggar disguise. Research on the various epics which use a Brautwerb- schema has indicated that there is generally a trick used to win the bride, but little attention has been paid to the relationship of the particular trick employed in an epic to that epic as a whole. The specific trick the author employed may be very important to the overall interpretation, as a comparison of the tricks in Konig Rother and St. Oswald shows. In Konig Rother the suitor ultimately arranges his escape by maintaining his disguise, separating himself from King Constantin and then lying to the court in Constantinople in order to get the Princess peacefully onto his ship. Constantin loses his daughter because he is outmaneuvered on several points; although he has many faults which contribute to his loss, and in spite of the fact that he is depicted as a negative contrast figure to Rother, no one single fault leads him to fall for Rother1 s trick, or rather for Rother's series of tricks. Rother's success is based on a combination of diplomacy, power politics, the Princess' cooperation, and deceit in a good cause. The situation in St. Oswald is much more straightforward. By following his intended bride's advice and his own dream, Oswald tricks Aron by playing 75

on his greed and his pride. Oswald masquerades as a goldsmith in order to cane near the palace, where he and the Princess appeal to Aron's pride, as the Princess suggests: 2217 so bedarftu, reicher kun[i]k Aron, selber wol ein guldein krai: die wurchent si dir aus golt; vater, darumb gib in reichen solt. des muostu immer er haben, wo man ez sol singen oder sagen. Aron's desire for the work of the goldsniths therefore causes him to allow the Christians near his fortress: he desires their work to add to

his consequence. After a long delay Oswald is inspired with the second part of the plan. He has the hlrsch, which was specifically included in the possessions he was to bring along from Qigland with him, decorated with gold, then leads it out to draw Aron away from his fortress. The way the hirsch is ornamented is described with care; Oswald directs his goldsmiths: 2343 da von seit niir all [el fro und wurcht () dem hirschen () guldein clo, so wil ichs im mit schnueren seidein pinten .zuo’den fiiessen sein." also sprach der furst hochgeporen: “und macht mir zwai guldeiniu hirsch[h] oren: macht mirs schon und innen hoi, 2350 als si der hirsch auf dem haubt tragen sol. nodi wil ich euch mer sagen; ein guldein dek muoQ ich haben, daz si neben des hirsch ge auf die erd. When Aron's guards alert him to the presence of the animal, he correctly notes that the Christian goldsmiths have sent it, but misunderstands its nature. He thinks it is an artificial mechanism driven by the wind: 2400 daz geticht get von den goltschmiden her. die sind all sampt kunst vol 76

und habent den hirsch innen ganacht hoi, daz er lauft von den winden. The kind of mechanical art object which Aron believes he is dealing with is known to other medieval epics; similar mechanisms appear in Floire und Blancheflur and in Orendel. 14 In St. Oswald the fact that the Christians create a device which is Oriental in its associations, and successfully deceive the heathens with it, constitutes a form of defeating the enemy with its own weapons. The function of the hirsch is fulfilled when it has led Aron and his retainers away, thus enabling the Princess to escape from her father's fortress. It then escapes Aron and readies Oswald's ship. At the conclusion of the episode the heathen king has neither the gold he sought to gain nor the daughter he intended to keep. He is betrayed by his own greed. As prefigured in the contrast reich/milt, which was mentioned above, the author's development of Oswald emphasizes the quality "milt" as the depiction of Aron emphasized "reich." The scene where Jesus visits Oswald's court in pilgrim disguise clarifies this contrast and the author's basic intentions for the work. The plot of the Brautwerb is complete at this point; not only has the bride been won, but the victory has been confirmed by the defeat and conversion of her father.

Oswald's sainthood, established through the stunning miracles of restoring an army to life, bringing forth a spring from stone, and winning thousands of heathen souls for Christianity, hardly requires additional evidence. By inserting the scene the author demonstrated how a saint should lead his earthly life. The "himlisch trachtein" comes because he wishes to discern whether Oswald will keep the promise he 77 made in his prayer on the sea (3227-30). The supposed beggar asks for and receives alms (3280ff.), a place at the king's table (3313ff.), a » golden chopf (3353), a twehel (3370), Oswald's land and crcwn (3427ff.) and even his newly-won wife (3440). Oswald is left in possession of his lands, wealth and wife because of his willingness to relinquish them. In response to the "beggar's" final request, Oswald replies: 3460 pilgrein, nu gib mir dein gewatl daz wil ich nun legen an und wil mich geleichen () ainem armen man. .von dem meinem alien wil ich nu willichleichen wallen hin in fremde lant, do ich pin unerchant. reichtucm wil ich meiden und willikleichen leiden schmach und armuot, huntz got sein genad an mir tuot.

Oswald volunteers to trade places with the "pilgrim" completely. He will clothe himself as a poor man and travel on a pilgrimage in strange lands where he is unknown. He will avoid the wealth which until now has been his lot in life. It is interesting that schmach is associated with armuot as the opposite of reichtucm. The substantive reichtucm. as will be recalled from the introduction to this chapter, signifies "wealth" in the economic sense. The significance of Oswald's action is understandable if one keeps in mind that the supposed beggar is actually Christ. Oswald is willing to live as Christ did, which means to live in poverty and suffer the shame which is associated with poverty. Through his willingness to sacrifice all that has been his life to this point, Oswald satisfies his promise never to deny any request made in Christ's name if he is saved from the heathens (2799ff.); he thus passes the test 78

which was the purpose of Christ's visit. He further demonstrates how a saint is to behave. A discrepancy between the way the ideal Christian should live and the obligations placed upon the worldly ruler is at the base of these scenes in St. Oswald. The conflict between worldly values and religious demands, which was resolved in Konig Rother by having the hero live a normal life until old age and then earn redemption by repentance and self-deprivation, is resolved slightly differently here. Oswald will remain in the world surrounded by his possessions, because he is not attached to them, and he retains his wife but is to forsake worldly pleasures — "du solt aber chainer sunden mit der frauen pflegenl" (3510). He can possess the wealth and pcwer expected of a king, as long as he is not possessive of them. Little has been said here of land as an indicator of wealth because the text gives little information in this regard. A scene wherein Oswald might reward his faithful followers by grants of land is lacking.

In many ways the portrayal of wealth in St. Oswald is equivalent to what was found in Konig Rother and Herzog Ernst. Hie characters who are wealthiest are monarchs, their wealth and power appear to be inter­ dependent, and the role of wealth as a symbol of kingship is developed. In St. Oswald the function of gold as a visible sign of majesty, especially as expressed in gold ornamentation, is more explicitly portrayed than in the other two epics. Hie differences between St. Oswald and the other two epics occur in two areas. First, while in Konig Rother wealth is regarded as a purely positive value, relativized only at the end of the epic, and in Herzog 79

Ernst it is portrayed as negative only when used for display to the neglect of military strength, the St. Oswald author reveals a suspicion of wealth per se, or at least of the love of wealth. The king whose wealth appears to be greater is the negative king, Aron, and he loses in the conflict in part due to his love of gold. In contrast, Oswald, the positive character, demonstrates his total lack of attachment to his possessions. Second, in portraying wealth (and power), the author relied more heavily on the cumulative effect of repetition of the adjective reich than the Konig Rother and Herzog Ernst authors. Although Oswald is supposedly wealthy, the details which would support the designation are lacking. 80

Qrendel

In its use of the adjective riche, as in other respects, Qrendel contrasts sharply with Konig Rother and Herzog Ernst. The word is used

far less frequently than in the other epics, appearing only eighteen times in the poem. The concept expressed by the adjective seems on this basis less important than in the other epics considered in this study. Other indicators of wealth also occur less frequently. In most of the instances where a character in Qrendel is designated as "riche," he is royal. Apparently neither positive nor negative associations are connected with the concept, since the word is applied equally to Orendel and to his various heathen opponents. Nor is it ever the sole or primary modifier of a character. As in the other works investigated, the adjective signifies one quality of a ruler. Usually the context is not sufficient to indicate whether material wealth or power is indicated. For example, when the Roc first changes hands, King Herod is in possession and yields it to an unnamed "alder Jude," following the letter's request: 50 ein richer kunic [und ouch] Herodes, hude saltu mir lcnen [desj [piles] des dienstes, so ich dir han gedan volleclichen deu and zwenzic jar. ein richer kunic fcmdj schone, daz saltu mir [nodi] hude lonen. gip mir den grawen roc vil here, den an druc der kristen bredigere, vil richer kunic here, so bitten ich dich nit mere. When the old man addresses Herod as "richer kunic" three times in ten lines the intent may be to remind the king that he has sufficient goods 81 and therefore does not need to retain the Roc. but it could as easily be a statement of the power associated with the ruler; or it could rather be simply a metric place filler. No further description of Herod provides any information which could be used for comparison. Qrendel's father Ougel is called riche: 164 er was ein rehter meister und ein here richer uber zwolf kunicriche, die warent ime alle underdan. Here the context indicates an emphasis on power, since he is here over twelve kingdoms. The first two of his sons are to be understood as riche in the same sense as their father: "der zwene ouch wurden riche" (170). The prose version (P) has at this point "Der zwen auch machtig vnd reich wurden," which suggests that its author separated the concepts of power and wealth, and that both were qualities appropriate to a ruler. In the verse version of the epic the concepts "powerful" and

"wealthy" are apparently integrated, and thus expressed in the one word riche. Qrendel does not start out "riche," but only becomes so after his conquest of the Holy Sepulchre, as is indicated in an early passage as well as in a much later one: 173 Ler wart also rich und also hercQ ime wart underdan daz [heilige] grap unsers heren und daz lant zu Jerusaleme. 3014 an dem vierden morgen sprach frouw Bride, die schonste 6b alien wiben: 'her Grawer Roc, ir sint worden riche, daz wizzent sicherliche. The second passage quoted is an important one which will be discussed below. 82

Queen Bride also is called riche on two occasions. 1925 er liez sich schcne uf sine knie, unsem heren bat er ie also schcne und. dugentliche. also det ouch jfrouw Bride]] die kuniginne riche. 2450 do quatn ein twerg wunnesam, cJer was geheizen Alban, er sprach: 'slafent ir, frouw Bride, die schonste ob alien wiben? nu stant uf, edele kunigin rich. No direct reference to power or wealth is made at these precise points in the story; a connection to military power is established in the seoond instance, since Bride enters the field of battle after the announcement, but the connection remains tenuous and, particularly in the case of Alban, this is primarily simply a way of addressing the queen. Little information is given about Bride's possessions in the epic, although the objects she does own are very impressive, since they include the crown and sword of David. She is not surrounded by beautiful and luxurious articles, the way Salome is. Her possessions are symbolic. The reader knows that she controls the site of the Holy Sepulchre as well as the men who serve it, and that large numbers of warriors appear anytime she needs them; therefore, the emphasis for her seems to be on power. In the instances where Qrendel'8 heathen enemies are called riche. their power also is emphasized. In two instances the numbers of followers of the kings is specified: 1368 dannoch hielden uf dem plan vor dem Grawen Rocke [zwolf kunige] lobesam zwolf kunige vil riche, [mit iedemj sehshundert heiden freisliche. 2626 do sprach der bode wunnesam: 'daz dunket midi nit wis gedan, 83

daz ir daz enbiedent widere zwein also richen kunigen, die wol in ander halben dagen drizic dusent manne nugen haben. In both cases the threat to Qrendel stems from the number of men the kings oonvnand. The author does not describe the material wealth of these kings either here or elsewhere in the epic. In spite of the fact that Orendel is never depicted as leading a large force into battle, he and a heathen king together are designated as riche; "also wider sage te munt wider munt / von zwein richen kunigen zu der stunt" (2608*09). Power, signified by the adjective riche, stems from military force, whether that force is realized through ccnmand of large numbers of men or through strength in single combat. The heathens have large numbers of soldiers, but Orendel has the Roc, which makes him invulnerable to attack. Orendel is referred to as riche in the material sense in a passage late in the epic: 3014 an dem vierden morgen sprach frouw Bride, die schonste ob alien wiben: 'her Grawer Roc, ir sint worden riche, daz wizzent sicherliche. nu koufent ros und ... daz uch die fzouwen in dem lande schouwen. This incident takes place during the journey bade to Trier; Bride

suggests that Orendel purchase horses because he is riche, and ought to demonstrate his wealth by traveling in proper style. Thus the wealth which Orendel has acquired is referred to in a practical context, with the associated idea that wealth is a sign of prestige. In all the other passages examined, riche could have exclusively the sense of political or military power, although sometimes wealth may be inplied as well; in 84 this instance the word unequivocally means "wealthy." Interestingly, the horses Which Orendel requires are not purchased but are presented to him as a gift, so that even here Orendel *s wealth turns out to be of

little significance. Although riche is usually used in connection with a ruler, it is also applied to the actual fisherman Ise and to the supposed fisherman Orendel. As Orendel pleads with Ise to spare his life, he asserts that he also was a fisherman: 541 ja was ich gestem fru ein vischer rich und here als du: mine g a m sint mir versunken und mine gesellen erdrunken. do half mir got mit sinen genaden her ab dem wilden wage.1 All this is, of course, a lie Which Orendel tells Ise in order to gain the fisherman's aid; Orendel justifies the lie by necessity (547-58); he needs help desperately since he is stranded and naked in the Holy land. Without a convincing story, he fears the assumption might be that he is

a thief: 500 wer mich nu hie siht nacket stan, der spricht an disen stunden, ich si von einer roupgaline entrunnen und si ein rouber und ein diep. His fears are justified, as Ise and his wife respond with precisely this interpretation of his state. Being entirely without possessions is a

very dangerous condition. Orendel mentions that he was rich while practicing the fishing profession in order to state indirectly that he is excellent at his trade and therefore successful in a monetary sense. As the text states, the qualities rich and here were lost when the fisherman's equipment, 85 which constituted the whole of his material possessions, was lost. Ihus rich appears to be limited in meaning to "wealthy." When Ise responds to Qrendel's story, he confirms that he himself is rich: 563 du hast dich berumet, wizze Krist, du werest ein vischer rich als ich. den gesach ich nie zware in zwein und sibenzic jaren. In addition to wealth, however, Ise has eight hundred fisherman serving him, so that he too is a sort of ruler, and a holder of power. Even in a merchant-artisan context wealth and power are thus both potentially represented by "riche." Especially in Konig Rother, and to an extent in Herzog Ernst as well, the impression of a particular character as wealthy or powerful ooronunicated by the adjective riche is confirmed by indications as to the nature and extent of the power and/or wealth of the characters so designated. The significance of wealth in Orendel is more difficult to determine because the text does not specify the material goods of the characters closely, nor is any information regarding land, either already held or newly granted, forthcoming; to an extent the military power of a character can be inferred, but only from the number of men in his army. For the aristocratic characters the state designated as "riche" is presented as a fact but not elaborated upon. Only the power and wealth of the fisherman Ise are specified in greater detail, since as mentioned above, he is described as having ships and men at his ocnmand. The precious articles mentioned are not as closely connected with the concept of "riche" as was the case in both Konig Rother and Herzog Ernst; they are not necessarily found in the possession of the characters defined as riche, and they are not always described in order 66

to demonstrate that the possessor is wealthy. Ise, for instance, is associated with gold only when he has been proclaimed a noble, although he was already "riche.-1 Instances of a ruler bestowing gold as largesse \ are lacking; the ramifications of this lack will be explored further in the fourth chapter of this study, but the fact is mentioned here to point out that an entire dimension which would have revealed which characters the author conceived of as wealthy is missing frcm Orendel. Because of the lack of correspondence between possession of gold and the state of "riche," examination of golden objects serves more to open up new questions for the interpretation of the epic than to answer questions regarding wealth which have been raised here, as will be shown. This lack of correspondence becomes evident when occurrences of gold in the epic are examined. Gold first occurs in the passage describing Orendel's preparations for his quest. Smiths are oonmissioned to form golden spurs for all the would-be crusaders: 2B6 daz silber sie do wurkten, uz [dem] golde sie do smidten vil manigen guldinen spom. Ihe result is that "zwene olbende warent wol geladen / mit manigem guldinen spom" (310-11). Orendel also has an image made of gold in order to have a worthy gift to present at the Holy Sepulchre:

327 der junge kunic lobesam ein bilde giezen do began von dem rcden schonen golde als erz [zu JerusalemeJ zum opper haben wolde. As with the golden spurs, the gold image is meant for strictly religious purposes. Several golden and silver objects are described in the epic as belonging to the heathens. Some evidence exists that the author 87

conceived of the heathens as placing a high value on gold and golden ornamentation: the pirate Belian, who attacks Orendel1 s convoy during the journey to Palestine, is motivated by his lust for the gold they are carrying. He says: "umb das golt also rot / die krisben muzen liden den dot" (429-30). The text does not state either that the Christians are motivated by a desire to retain the gold, or that they have sane other motivation, but merely that they fight and win. Other golden objects that heathens own include a chess set and spear belonging to Mercian and Sudan, against whan Orendel begins his career of defeating heathens. Both objects are not only made of the precious metal, but are also highly ornamented: 915 sie zugent ime schachzagelspil in eime brede was vischin, und daz gesteine was guldin, ergraben harte cleine. The spear which Mercian gives to Orendel is described in great detail . (984-1000). The most extensive example of rich ornamentation is the description of the heathen Men twin' s armor which 1b given just before Orendel engages him in battle; the passage includes lines 1209-1277. Men twin not only has gold and jewels decorating every part of his equipment; the jewelry also exhibits intricate and cunning craftsmanship. None of the motifs used is original to the Orendel author. He even repeats himself; when he describes singing birds on Men twin's crown, he is reiterating the motif already used in the decoration of the heathen spear. Hie author exploited an opportunity to reveal his knowledge of the wonderful devices of the heathens. The intent of the passage is contained in Orendel1 s comment when he has defeated the giant: 68

1351 ir heren, swigent durch got: er 1st vil suze entslafen mit sinen klugen vafen. All that Men twin has, his gold, his size, the zouber that is mentioned in connection with his crown, is totally overwhelmed by the Christian Qrendel, who is favored by God and wears the Roc as a sign of this favor. The ornamentation of Men twin's person is revealed to be vanity. The great detail given serves to intensify the contrast between Orenael and the heathen, thereby underscoring the superiority of Orendel and his apparently plain robe. Each of the opponents is a representative of his religion, and the less-wealthy Christians are clearly victorious. Besides the gold intended for religious offerings, the Christians have ceremonial items which symbolize kingship. In this class of objects belongs the helmet of King David which Bride gives to Orendel, of which the text states "dar umme lac vil schone / von golde ein liehte krone" (1670-71). This couplet is repeated in 2756-57. There is also a sword with a golden sheath which is mentioned twice: 1652 er swur mit duren eiden, ez stahte in einer guldinen scheiden, ez were scharph und ouch breit, stahel noch isen ez nie veimeit.

The first two lines are repeated at 1647. In the first instance Orendel is preparing for battle; in the second he places the sword between himself and Bride in their bed to remind them to remain chaste. Bride also has a costly shield: "einen schilt hiez sie dar strecken / mit rodem golde decker" (2231-32). Nearly identical passages describe the breast plates which first Bride and later the newly ennobled Ise wear:

2067 die selbe brunige here die hede vier guldine geren, 69

daz man da bi solte sehen, daz ez frouw Bride were. 2336 die selbe brunige here hete dri guldine geren, daz man da bi solte sehen, daz meister Ise ein herzoge were. The context clearly indicates that the function of the gold is to display Bride's and Ise's high status; the fact that Bride has four geren and Ise only three reflects the difference in their respective ranks. While in Konig Rother expensive clothing decorated with gold and jewels adorns the monarchs and nobles, the clothing described in Orendel is somewhat more modest. Just as the ladies of Constantinople wear their finery to exhibit the wealth of the oourt, the apparel of Ise's wife and her women is meant to demonstrate his wealth. They have only fine fabrics, however, rather than precious metals and stones: "sie waren becleit in peller und side" (610). The relative modesty of the finery is not limited to the fisherman's wife; when Bride calls her nobles to court to celebrate Ise's advance in rank, and has suitable clothing brought out, its luxuriousness, too, is expressed only in the fabrics: 2366 frouw Bride hiez uf den hof dragen manigen peller durchslagen, bade brun und ouch bla. Much later in the story, when Bride has been captured by Minolt, she is dressed in the same fabrics as Ise's wife: "do cleit man frouwe Briden / mit peller und mit side" (3618-19). The author makes explicit the thought that fine clothing, consisting of costly fabrics, is suitable when Bride exclaims as she sees Orendel: 90

1129 wolte got, er were becleidet gar in peller unci in sablar, des gunde ich ime rehte wol, als man billichen sol, unb slner marihelt willen. The queen reacts thus to Orendel's gray robe, which falls short of what is expected of the nobility, although it is a well-made fabric. Although the author contrasts Orendel's simple garment with the more elaborate ones of his opponents to the detriment of the opponents, he nonetheless supports the basic idea that the rank of a character should be reflected in his clothing. On occasions when Orendel is functioning as the king of Bride's realm, he wears the appropriate garb without protest; he wears the robe when he functions as a Christian warrior. Although Orendel gains important symbolic signifiers of kingship after he wins Bride, the bulk of his material possessions sinks with his ships before he reaches the Holy Land, and there is no indication that this wealth is replaced later. The great religious offering Orendel intended to make is lost. Where costly objects are neither religious nor demonstrations of kingship, they are the belongings of the heathens, who are defeated by Orendel and the Roc. One might argue that the author intended to criticize wealth by associating it with the heathens; Qrendel's destitute state upon his arrival and the way he defeats the heathens with nothing but his robe would support this interpretation. The contrast between the morally pure Orendel and the wealthy, evil heathens is not carried out with complete consistency, however, since Orendel too has sane costly possessions and is not criticized for them. In fact, even Jesus and the Virgin Mary seem to support the idea that Orendel deserves some of the marks of wealth; when he mounts the 91 heathens' horse, his peasant shoes will not fit in the stirrups, so a pair of shoes is sent him from above: 1020 do sante ime Krist von hlmele zwene guldine schuhe her nidere bit eime engel also here, dem guden sant Gabriele, do er die schuhe an geleit, do was er ein stolzer ritter gemeit. lhe shoes have the utilitarian purpose of enabling Orendel to ride the horse, but they are golden to make him again a "stolzer ritter." Rather than making an issue of wealth, the Orendel author has depicted wealth, as well as he could, in those quarters where it would be expected. Heathens were stereotypically wealthy so the heathens have more elaborate possessions than the Christians, and are defeated in spite of them. Kingship requires wealth, so the kings are wealthy. All the possessions described are less elaborate than analogous possessions in Herzog Ernst or in Konig Rother. 92

Salman und Morolf

The initial impression one receives on reading Salman und Morolf is that wealth is thoroughly developed within the poem and quite important to it. The adjective riche appears frequently and in contexts which seem appropriate; it is attributed most often to Salmon. A number of golden objects are mentioned in the work, including a store of treasure.

To sane extent the objects belong to the characters who are "riche." And yet, a closer look reveals that the concept of wealth has less importance and less definition than seemed at first to be the case. The frequency with which the adjective riche occurs implies that it is an important word for this epic; it appears sixty-one times in Salman und Morolf, an incidence far in excess of the eighteen in Orendel and the thirty in St. Oswald, and comparable to the seventy-eight of Koniq Rother and the seventy-one of Herzocr Ernst. Analysis of the use of the term riche to describe Salmon demonstrates the formulaic nature of its employment, however. Out of thirty-six occurrences, twelve are identical: "richer kunig Salmon" is used as a form of address (57, 82, 87, 89, 118, 158, 471, 496, 511, 529, 560, 616). A further four add only "vil" to this formula (444, 475, 558, 721). In the dative case only the definite article is added to form "dem richen kunig Salmon" (8, 40, 481); the genitive case is used similarly (138). The major variation to the "richer kunig Salmon" formula is the phrase "der riche keiser," which like the first expression can be used in any grammatical case; it is occasionally replaced by the metrically equivalent "der riche kunig." The content of the remainder of the line determines which of the two formulas, "richer kunig Salmon" or "der riche keiser/kunig" will occur. A line may have a varying number of unstressed syllables, but only three or four stressed syllables. When "der riche keiser/kunig" is used, there is at least one additional stressed syllable in the line, usually two (363, 390, 417, 447, 451, 453, 467, 516, 590, 601). In two instances (167, 172) the adjective appears after the noun rather than before (der kunig rich). The syllable "vil" can be added to "richer kunig Salmon" without altering

the metrical structure since it is unstressed. One phrase uniting Salmon with the adjective riche which does not fit one of these two patterns is "richer kunig edel" (349); it is quite similar to the "richer kunig Salmon" formulation. The twelve lines in which Fore is referred to as "riche" are similarly formulaic; they use the same two formulas under the same metric conditions. When the extra stress of the adjective riche is not needed in a line, the phrase "der kunig Salmon" is used under conditions otherwise equivalent to those where "der riche kunig Salmon" appears (1, 15, 30, 42, 47, 48, etc.). Sometimes he is "der edel kunig Salmon" (50, 67, 78, 141, 399) for variation. If the adjective riche, despite the similarity of the metric environment in which it always occurs, nonetheless added to its immediate context or to overall themes of the epic, one might accept it as something more than a meaningless filler. This does not appear to be the case, however; individual incidence of the adjective is without particular significance. The most striking example of this principle is provided by the direct address variation of the formula, "riche kunig 94

Salmon." In the twelve occurrences of this formula, it is never associated with a request for land, money or goods. Nor does the character speaking necessarily need to remind Salmon of his power. For example, in stanza 82 Morolff attempts to persuade Salmon to execute the defeated foe, Fore; after pointing out that Fore is too treacherous and too dangerous to Salmon's interests to be allowed to live, Morolff says: 82 Richer kunig Salmon, gedarest du Foren nit bestan, so antwurt mir in, ufierwelter degen. ich gibe dir des mine truwe, ich han midi der eren gar erwegen. Reference to Salmon's wealth is not appropriate in this context, and his power does not appear to be at stake either, since his army has already killed all Fore's men in battle and he has the heathen king totally at his mercy. Ihe designation "riche" is chosen for reasons of versification in the formula for address rather than to contribute any enhancement of meaning. One striking feature of the general use of riche in Salman und Morolf is that it is employed only in association with monarch s. The three kings and the queen, Salome, are the characters designated as "riche." Morolff is never so described. In order further to evaluate how the author portrayed the char­ acters as wealthy, the possessions ascribed to each must be examined. Land does not play a striking role as a signifier of wealth in this epic; it will be discussed as it pertains to the topics of the fourth chapter of this study. Objects whose high value is indicated by means of the adjective "riche" are lacking. The objects most revealing of wealth are those made of gold and silver; sometimes they include jewels 95

as well. Hie following list shows the golden articles according to owner , in order to give an overview of which characters have indicators of wealth. The listing is given in an abbreviated form for the sake of clear comparison. The pages following will elaborate further upon the articles.

Owner Stanza Article Salmon 166 gulden vingerlin 168 das vingerlin 170 din gulden vingerlin 376 din silber und din golt so rot 378 it Fore 95 rot gulden fingerlin 96 golt (of the ring) Princian 605 das goltfafl 653 rot gulden vingerlin 655 brinige . . . von golde 746 alrot gulden vingerlin Salome 7 ein smaler bortt . . . von golde 13 salter . . . mit guldenen buchstaben 14 alrot gulden vingerlin 18 kopff . . . von golde rott 133 Morolff goB ir heiB golt durch ir sne wifl hant 143 sarck rot guldin 144 It 226 schachzabel brett . . . mit golde wol beslagen 603 kopff . . . rot guldin Morolff 72 von golde ein bilde 282 kopff rot guldin 546 vil rottes goldes 548 golt und edel gestein 631 kopff . • • von golde Elian 54 hennelin gewant . . . mit golde wol durch slagen juncvrouwe 151 silberin rauchfaQ

The list shows that all the characters designated as "riche" own seme precious items; seme characters never so described also are associated with luxury possessions, most notably Morolff. But the total 96 amount of gold mentioned is considerably less than is the case in Kenlq Rother. for example. Of twenty-six passages, which is not a large number to begin with, seven refer to rings - actually four rings are involved - and a further six to drinking vessels. Only three passages (376, 377, 548) refer to gold in a general sense. The only extravagant golden object mentioned is Salome's coffin; this Morolff is quick to criticize as wasteful: 144 Da sprach der tegen Morolff: "es ist schade, daz man verwusten sol das golt. ich wil es uch werlich sagen, der mins rats hette gevolget, man hette sie in ein wildes mos getragen." Further explanation of the rings is desirable both to show that they do not function primarily as indicators of wealth and to analyze their actual purpose. The first ring is one of several golden articles worn by Salome. Hie next ring functions as the means by which Fore wins Salome's love. The text reports that Fore's nephew Elias, a master magician, works an enchantment into a ring (93) which Fore persuades Salome to wear (95). The magic has the desired effect: 96 Da sie das fingerlin angesach, von dem zauber das geschach, vil schiere geliebte ir das golt. dem richen kunig Foren dem wart sie ufier der mas sen holt.

The third ring mentioned in the story is given by Salmon to Morolff, who then returns it to Salmon. Morolff, disguised as the Jew he has slain, asks for and receives first money and then the ring from the king (166-67); when he returns without the disguise, the ring is his proof that he was the supposed elderly man. The ring functions therefore as a recognition sign. 97

Another ring appears when Morolff visits Princian's kingdom. Morolff, disguised as a pathetic, diseased beggar, is extorting a series of gifts from Princian and his people when he notices Princian's ring: 653 Da er die gabe zu im genam, dannoch sach er dem kunig an der hant ein rot gulden vingerlin, da was mit starcken listen groB heiltum verwircket in. In response to Princian's offer of a brunige. Morolff asks instead for the ring. 657 Da zeigte er uff das vingerlin. er sprach: "were es dusent marck wert, so solt es sicher wesen din," alsus sprach der kunig Princian: "nu reiche von dir din hant, wol 1 test es g e m von mir han." The first description of the ring hints at some magic associated with it, but the hint is not further developed; the ring acts instead as a sign for recognition. When Princian returns to Salome she notices the absence of the ring at once and states the consequences: 669 Das gab mir Salmon min man, da ich im jungest entran. du vil edeler furste her, und wuhst er mich uber tusent milen, er suchte mich uber den wilden see. Just as it demonstrates to Salome that Morolff has located her, the ring will prove her discovery to Salmon. Morolff presents the ring to Salmon only after he has convinced the king that Salome is found, however (723) so that it loses seme of its effect. The same ring proves the identity of its wearer once again when Morolff returns it to Princian after he has destroyed the heathen king's secret passageway (742-43); Morolff takes it once again after capturing Princian (746). 98

Singer discussed the significance of rings to the Solomon legends in an article about the tradition in European literature.15 Referring the rings to their counterparts in other versions of the Solomon story is interesting, but they do have functions which are carried out within this version, even though the hint as to associated magical power in the ring in Princian's possession points to a lost dimension. Within the poem, the rings identify the characters who wear them, lhey do not function to prove the wealth of the characters, but only their identity. Although Salmon is. frequently called "riche," he is directly associated with gold only in the form of the rings, which have functions not restricted to demonstrating his wealth, and on one occasion when he is advised by Morolff to offer rewards to his men. Hie rewards are described merely as silver and gold: 376 Er sprach: "kunig, nu folge der lere min, heiQ uff slieJJen die kamenaten din und gip den helden din silber und din golt so rot. war ich dan den fanen leite, dar volgent sie mir in die not. Morolff, who was never referred to as "riche," apparently has as free access to gold as Salmon does. Hie list of possessions is misleading with respect to him, however. In the case of the other characters the gold associated with each person actually belongs to that person, but Morolff uses golden objects belonging to others. When he has a golden picture worked into a banner (72) he is doing so on behalf of Salmon, for whom he will be fighting, and Salmon presumably finances the banner. On two occasions he drinks from golden vessels, once in Fore's kingdom and once in Princian's. Hie former is one he finds while imprisoned, the latter is handed to him while he begs. The one occasion where Morolff is depicted with a large amount of wealth occurs when Fore's sister gives him the location of her brother's treasure. Acting in accordance with her advice, he immediately relinquishes possession of the gold and silver to his men in order to ensure their continuing loyalty to him (549-51). The unusual aspect of this transaction is that it happens without reference to Salmon; since he is the king and therefore the true leader of the men, consulting with him seems appropriate. However, no conflict between Salmon and Morolff develops; perhaps one should consider Morolff as Salmon's agent, who acts in the best interests ot the monarch here as elsewhere. Even though Salome is not frequently referred to as "riche," she is associated with golden objects more often than any other character in the work. These golden objects seem depicted not so much to portray her as wealthy and powerful as to intensify the feeling of luxurious beauty which surrounds her. When Salome plays chess, she plays on a golden board (226-27). When she reads prayers, she reads from a book with golden letters (13). When she is buried, only a golden coffin is appropriate for her. This gold expresses and enhances her beauty rather than acting, as it generally does, as a sign of wealth and power. All the gold adds lustre to the image of Salome. It seems somehow fitting that Morolff should check to see if she is truly dead by pouring molten gold on her hand (133). The molten gold is not used merely because Salome is the one being tested. The traditional association of gold with magic plays a role in this scene; Morolff correctly suspects that Salome has been enchanted since her color has not changed although she 100

is not breathing; molten gold, he hopes, will break the spell and reveal the truth. His ploy is unsuccessful. Although this magic results from a special root which Salome has consumed, the magical properties of gold were also exploited in the ring which caused her to fall in love with Pore. Salome's gold is associated with her independently of the man she is with at a given time. In the initial passage of the epic her beauty and the gold around her are described in alternating passages. She is a malevolent individual force from the beginning. In contrast to Konig Rother, where the beautifully adorned women of the Eastern court display the wealth which belongs to Constantin, Salome is surrounded by gold because she is Salome; she does not merely display the gold which constitutes the wealth of Salmon, Pore or Princian. Although neither Salmon nor Morolff is depicted in costly apparel, Salome does wear the gold, jewels, and luxury fabrics seen also in other epics. At the beginning of the epic she is described at length, if not in precise detail. The reader learns of her ancestry, her features, and then her clothing: 7 Die nehste wat, die sie trug, das was ein hemde von wiBer siden dug. ir gebende, die sie umb trug, das was ein snaler bortt und was von golde unnassen gut. 8 Ein felle drug die kunigin, die mochte besser nit gesin. sie was von edelm gestein urmassen liecht. dem richen kunig Salmon was sin schone frouwe liep. As with the gold which surrounds Salcme, her expensive clothing seems to amplify her beauty rather than demonstrating wealth. Her beauty is 101 referred to when she is introduced; she is "die frauwe wol gethan" throughout the story. In the other epics under consideration, characters are frequently depicted preparing for important occasions by dressing in a special way; their clothing and armor generally act as indicators of wealth. The motif of special clothing is used in Salman und Morolf also, but not always in a way that reflects either the importance of the character in the story or his wealth. For example, when Fore needs a messenger to Salmon's court, a hertzog Elian volunteers; he readies himself in much the way that Rother's ambassadors prepared themselves for Constantin's court: 54 Der selbe hertzog Elian ein hermelin gewant leit er an, das was mit golde wol durch slagen. Elian is a very minor character, appearing only at this point of the story; he is also associated with the villain. While the Konig Rother author used the same idea to display the wealth of his character Rother and the astonishment of the Eastern court at beholding this wealth when he described Rother's ambassadors going to court, the Salman und Morolf author's scene does not employ more than the briefest possible realization of a clich£. Generally, when characters are depicted dressing up for an occasion in Salman und Morolf. they are in disguise. This nay account for the lade of luxurious clothing seen in connection with Salmon and Morolff. TVo similar scenes describe Morolff and Salmon respectively putting on armor (361-62; 390-391). In both cases the armor itself is utilitarian and the emphasis is on the cunning way it is concealed, the mail under 102

the clothing and the steel helmet under a harmless-looking piece of headgear. In several passages of the epic Morolff dresses in other disguises; interestingly the only one which involves any display of wealth is the spllenan costume with which he tricks Princian's men: 688 Einen rotten siden rode leit er an, ein dutsche harpffe er in die hant nan. hoffelich stundent im sin clelder an. er ging in alien den geberden, als obe er were ein spielman. Thus, while the pattern of use of the adjective riche suggests that the author viewed wealth as an attribute of kingship, the characters are not further depicted in a detailed fashion as endowed with the trappings of wealth. One might expect Salmon to be portrayed with the fabulous wealth traditionally associated with the biblical Solomon, but such is not the case, although this tradition could account for the adjective's presence in the formula of address for the king. One needs somehow to account for the contrast between Salmon, so often called "richer kunig," and his brother Morolff, who appears to have neither power nor wealth. This contrast must be deliberate.

Vogt's interpretation of Morolff is that the author combined the two separate traditional characters, Morolf the brother of king Solomon, and Markolf the figure of low comedy who constantly defeats Solomon in verbal contests, into one character, ignoring the inherent contradiction between these two figures, and created "das Bild einer neuen und fur ihn idealen Personlichkeit .... Morolf wurde ihm der ideale Vertreter des eigenen Standes, der Typus des Spielmannes" (p. CXXII). According to Vogt, all the alterations and especially expansions to the tradition which the author undertook make Morolff more central to the story and 103 more the cunning, resourceful hero with a bag of somewhat questionable tricks. Leaving aside the question of Spielmann authorship of this or other epics, one finds that the character Morolff does conform to what is known of the historical splleman class; he has a lovely voice, entertains, travels the world over and knows how to turn any situation to his advantage. The avoidance of the term riche fits with this. The spileman had neither wealth nor power. However, even if one agrees with Vogt that Morolff is a spileman type, this cannot be said to prove the author himself a member of that class. The contrast between heathens and Christians with respect to wealth, which was important to the other works examined here, is not exploited by this author. The heathens possess golden articles, but not to the degree that Salome does. They neither surpass the Christians in this respect, nor are they surpassed. This corresponds to the overall portrayal of the heathens, since the author does not develop the contrast between heathens and Christians in other respects either. He envisions the heathens attending a heathen mass, for example. His lack of recognition of the heathens as being distinct fran the Christians does not entirely prevent him fran drawing upon stereotypes regarding heathens; he does equip Fore at least with a treasure, as is revealed when Salmon has defeated the heathen king. Morolff divides the treasure with the men, and it is never mentioned again. The author does not do anything interesting with the motif. Wealth thus plays little role in Salman und Morolf. Although the adjective riche is used frequently, with kings and especially to designate Salmon, the immediate context of each occurrence is not such 104 that great significance can be ascribed to it. The metrical environment in which the adjective appears is so regular that one must conclude the adjective is used primarily as a formula. The author seems to wish to portray Salmon as the fabulously wealthy king of legend, but the luxurious possessions which would have amplified this portrayal are mostly lacking. Gold is associated with the demonically beautiful Salane and with magic, even more than with characters who are otherwise expected to be wealthy. A contrast between the wealthy kings and the usually possession-less Morolff is developed to an extent. Morolff's role as a representative of the poor is clearer when uses of money and the significance of economic considerations in relationships between characters, the topics of the third and fourth chapters of this study, are examined. 105

Conclusion

Each of the five "Spielmannsepen" is distinct from the other four with respect to the significance of wealth. However, in all five the assumption that rulers possess wealth and ought to possess it underlies the depiction. Material wealth, particularly gold, functions as a symbol of majesty to a greater or lesser extent. Most of the same categories of wealth appear in the entire group of epics. In each, abundant wealth is associated with heathens and/or with the East. Each epic recognizes a limitation upon the positive value associated with wealth. The assumption that the ruling class ought to have wealth is expressed very similarly in each of the five epics. All rulers and aristocrats are depicted as having an abundance of gold with which to reward their followers, as well as fine clothing and appointments. The Konig Rother author handled this aspect of his poem in a particularly convincing manner, while the Herzog Ernst author made clear the obligation of the aristocrat to give an appearance of prosperity. The Orendel. St. Oswald and Salman und Morolf authors are relatively less detailed and more stereotypical in their portrayal of the wealth of their rulers. lhe function of gold specifically as a symbol of majesty is portrayed in all the epics, but is most clearly stated in Orendel and in St. Oswald, which otherwise have the least emphasis on wealth as a quality of the good ruler. In Konig Rother the fact that rulers do and 106

ought to display gold is taken for granted, with its importance to be inferred fran the depiction rather than stated by the author through his characters or by means of narrative eminent. There and in Herzog Ernst more stress is placed on hew the rulers use gold. In Salman und Morolf gold has magical properties which do not appear in the other poems, and is associated more strongly with the demonically lovely Salcme than with the rulers. The kinds of wealth attributed to royal and aristocratic characters in the epics include money, gold, silver, jewels, fabrics, and land. With respect to costly metals, jewels and fabrics, the epics differ again in the degree to which description of a variety of objects is included in the poem, with Konig Rother and Herzog Ernst far exceeding the other three epics in the number and detail of such descriptions. The two longer epics also differ from the other three in that land is the most Important component of wealth in them; it is both promised and granted to the individuals who aid the kings. In St. Oswald and in Salman und Morolf land is promised on occasion, but the ruler is never shown actually granting the land; the promise appears to be part of a

literary cliche rather than an aspect of the story. In Orendel land plays not even this stereotypical role. The association of vast wealth with the heathens is emphasized most in Herzog Ernst and in St. Oswald; in both cases the material goods of the heathens far surpass those of the Christians, and the heathens are condemned for their wealth, which is reckoned as one of their evil traits. In Orendel and in Salman und Morolf the wealth of the heathens is a stereotypical factor which remains in the background of the story 107 rather than being developed as a motif. In Konig Rother the heathens play a very minor role and the conflict is rather between the West and the Christian East of Constantinople. The East is depicted with all the wealth traditionally associated with it, but the West is so much wealthier that the citizens of Constantinople are awestruck. Wealth becomes one more area in which Rother is able to demonstrate his superiority over Cbnsbantin. All of the epic composers dealt to an extent with the basic Christian dilemma vis-a-vis material possessions. While the ruler must have wealth for practical reasons, his wealth is seen as a hindrance to his spiritual welfare. Renunciation of material goods plays a role in all of the epics except Salman und Morolf. In Konig Rother the king actually gives up his possessions and enters a monastery, while Oswald, once he has proven his willingness to relinquish everything, is left in nominal possession of his goods for the short span of life which remains to him. Although the Orendel author is not perfectly consistent in his condemnation of riches, Orendel is deprived of his material goods as well as his men by a storm, and shows his superiority later in part through his apparently simple attire, the Roc worn by Christ; both these facets of the story indicate the limitations of wealth. In Herzog Ernst the questionable nature of wealth is shown mainly by its association with the evil inhabitants of Grippia, but the author seems more to warn against misuse of wealth for mere display than against its possession as such. Ernst uses his riches properly by sharing them with his followers and giving lavishly to churches, and he ends the story richer than ever. 108

In Salman und Morolf a critical stance toward the people who are wealthy is more in evidence than a caveat regarding wealth itself. Although many common factors enable a comparison between the various epics, in some important ways the "Spielmannsepen" form two groups with respect to the depiction of wealth. The authors of Konig Rother and Herzog Ernst are comfortable with aristocratic norms; land is the most important possession of their characters, but they also have costly portable goods which are described in sufficient detail to convince the reader of the author's familiarity with valuable objects. The other three authors depict the wealth of the upper classes in far less detail. Land plays only an abbreviated role, or no role at all, and the descriptions of wealth are colorless, revealing no first-hand experience with the possessions of the wealthy. 109

NOTTS - CHAPTER TWO

''Wealthy/1 The Compact edition of the Oxford Owlish Dictionary: Oanplete Text Reproduced Micrographics llv (Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press, 1971). 2 Friedrich Kluge, "reich," Etymologisches Worterbuch der deutschen Sprache. 19th ed. rev. Walther Mitzka (Berlin: de Gniyter, 1963), p. 592. Jacob Grinm and Wilhelm Grimn, "reich," Deutsches Worterbuch (Leipzig: Hirzel, 1893), VIII, cols. 579-84. 4 Matthias Lexer, "riche," Mittelhochdeutsches Handworterbuch (Leipzig: Hirzel, 1872), II, ool. 416. ' ^ Georges Duby, The Early Growth of the European Eooncmy: Warriors and Peasants" fran the Seventh to the Twelfth Century, trans. Howard B. Clarke (Ithaca, NY: Cornell Univ. Press, 1974). 6 N. J. G. Pounds, An Economic History of Medieval Europe (London: Longman, 1974), p. 97. Hans Szklenar, Studlen zum Bild des Orients in vorhofischen deutschen Epen. Palaestra, 243 (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1966).

O This passage, which ocmprises forty-two lines of description of Berchter, is especially interesting for its reference to heraldry. Ferdinand Urbanek, Kaiser. Grafen und Mazene im Konig Rother (Berlin: Schmidt, 1976), analyzed the passage in detail and concluded that it was less affected by topoi than other descriptions of armor and that the shield might reflect the Burghausen ooat-of-arms, a possibility which would lend further credence to his hypothesis that Gebhand I von Burghausen was one of the patrons of Konig Rother. q These include Joachim Bumke, Mazene im Mittelalter : Die Gonner und Auftraqqeber der hofischen Literatur in Deutschland 1150-1300 (Munchen: Beck, 1979), Christian Gellinek, Konig Rother: Studlen zur literarischen Deutung (Bern: Franke, 1968), K. Sle^nund, Zeitgeschichte und Dlchtung im Konig Rother: Versuch einer Neudatierung (Berlin: Schmidt, 1959), and F. Panzer, Italische Normannen in der deutschen Heldensage. Deutsche Fbrschungen, 1 (1925; rpt. Hildesheim: Gerstenberg, 1974), as well as the Urbanek monograph cited above. Lexer, "reich," Taschenworterbuch. ^ Helmut de Boor, Von Karl dem GroBen bis zum Beglnn der hofischen Dlchtung. 9th ed., (Munchen: Beck, 1974), p. 250; Gustav Ehrlsmann. Geschfchte der deutschen Literatur bis zum Ausgang des Mittelalters (Munchen, 1922), II, 2. 110

12Rolf Brauer, Das Problem des "Spielmannischen" a us der Sicht der St.-Oswald- flberlleferung (Berlin: Akademie, 1969). 13 The CUrschnann edition gives the variants "guldin IS; gwant M, halsspant W." 14 Johanna S. Belkin, "Das mechanlsche Menschenbild in der Floredichtung Konrad Flecks." ZDft. 100 (1971), 325-46. 15 The possible significance of these rings in the development of the Salman story cycle is discussed in: S. Singer, "Salcmosagen in Deutschland," ZDA, 35 (1B91), 177-87. CHAPTER THREE MONEY IN THE SPglMRNNSEPEM

In the previous chapter the various forms which wealth takes in the five Spielmannsepen were examined; money was one form of wealth which appeared in all the epics to sane extent. This chapter will more closely examine money in the epics. An investigation of this one aspect of wealth is justified by the importance of money in economic systems and by its differentiated functions in the medieval feudal and mercantile systems; an understanding of the functions of money within each epic will add to understanding the economic system in each work. Economic historians are able to provide a general account of the availability, significance and use of money in the medieval period, although statistics are scarce. They are agreed that money never disappeared entirely from use in Europe; its use experienced a decline (after the fall of the Roman Empire) which coincided with a decline in trade and a widespread lack of available goods. The political chaos of the period brought disorder in the monetary field with it, as unauthorized mints produced coins, profits were made by debasing the coins, and citizens lost faith in the value of the coins, which were not backed by royal authority. Pepin the Short initiated changes in coining practices which Charlemagne built into a sweeping monetary reform. Although he was not entirely successful in creating confidence in the ooins of his realm, the monetary system which Charlemagne introduced persisted in Europe for hundreds of years, and in

111 112

Great Britain almost to the present day. Ihe first aspect of the system was a switch fran the gold coin, the solidus, which had been the basis of the Reman system and continued as the basic coin of the Byzantine Uipire, to silver coins. The pound, equal to 491 grams of silver, was the basis for the Carolingian system. In each pound were 20 solid! (also called sou or shilling) and in each solidus. 12 denarii (denier. penny, or Pfennig), therefore a pound equalled 240 pennies. Only the silver penny and a half-penny actually existed as coins; the shilling and the pound signified money of account for which no coins existed.^ The purity and weight of the silver pennies steadily declined, especially since the Carolingians died out and the strong centralized government which might have controlled minting collapsed. Hie function of government involving oontrol of the monetary system, like other functions, was divided between numerous lords; again many profited by 3 debasing coins as they were re-minted. As trade increased, particularly after the beginning of the twelfth century, more and more coins were in circulation. Eventually new coins were introduced: the Heller, named for Halle in Swabia, was a denier (Pfennig) of improved weight, introduced in the late twelfth century, while the more successful gros toumois (grossus denarius turonensis), introduced in France in 1266, supplanted the old denier by a coin of superior weight; 4 this coin had reached the Moselle by 1276. Gold coins were reintroduced in the thirteenth century; the first to achieve wide circulation was the florin, struck in Florence starting in 1252, which represented the pound, now present for the first time as an actual coin 113 instead of exclusively as money of account. Within a century gold coins were minted in all the European nations. During the period when trade was at its lowest ebb in Western Europe,5 some money was used, mostly in very small amounts, but barter combined with a manorial system, and the majority of items needed were produced locally. The exchange system within the aristocratic warrior class was not based on money even much later, when monetary transactions may have dominated in the relationship between lord and peasant.5 The warrior-vassal owed the lord service, primarily military in nature, which was unlimited within the parameters of the broadly-defined system, and the lord owed the vassal protection and financial support. Within the merchant eooncmy of the cities, virtually all dealings must have used money as the basis of exchange. While many products and services were still performed within the landed aristocrat's own household, a city-dweller was required to make purchases to satisfy all his needs. City life was much more specialized, with each individual providing only one type of goods or service, and buying the rest fran other similarly specialized individuals. Thus it seems likely that a city-dweller, whether merchant or artisan, would have been accustomed to thinking in terms of money, and of money in small, specified amounts. Konig Rother and Herzog Ernst contain very few instances of money, and several instances where gifts/payments or treasures consist of large, undifferentiated amounts of gold. In Salman und Morolf and Orendel specified amounts of money predominate, with a lesser occurrence of undesignated gold. In St. Oswald payments of money and gifts of 114 undesignated gold occur in equal numbers. The evidence implies that the authors of Orendel and Salman und Morolf thought in terms of money, While the Konig Rother and Herzog Ernst authors thought only of lavish amounts of gold. The evidence in St. Oswald is inconclusive. The particular amounts which are given also vary fran epic to epic. In Konig Rother only the mark, the pound and the penny are mentioned, that is, only the extremes of very large and very small amounts. The 500 marks in Herzog Ernst is noticeable for being the only exact amount of money found in that epic, and for its realistic tinge; it is not a thousand, the typical amount found in Konig Rother. but five hundred. The amounts in the other three epics are much smaller. The range of money designations is fairly completely represented in Orendel and Salman und Morolf, with shillings and pennies, as well as either pounds or marks; sane significance may attach to the fact that none of the epics except Konig Rother mentions both pounds and marks. Orendel and

Salman und Morolf have very large amounts of money, that is, dusent punt or dusent marke wert, as well as the small amounts. When money is used in Konig Rother and Herzog Ernst, the quantities are very large. In St. Oswald the balance between specific and non-specific amounts is joined with a mixture of large and small amounts. In the following discussion, the passages in each epic which involve money will be analyzed. The ramifications of the particular amounts will be explored, with emphasis on the context in which the monetary transactions take place in each epic. Significance of the use of money to each text will be considered. 115

Konig Rother

The six separate passages in Konig Rother which deal with money represent four situations; of these, one is merely a figure of speech. Therefore, money actually only occurs three times in Konig Rother. These three ocurrences, and the figure of speed), are quite informative as to the author's oonoept of money. The gift of money to Amolt will be considered first, discussion of the spileman -merchant's utilization of money will follow, next the general statement regarding Rother-Dietrich's generosity will be examined, then the one penny associated with the giants will be approached. Rother gives Amolt a gift in response to Berchter's advice. Amolt, an impoverished, exiled nobleman in Constantinople who appeals to the supposed "Dietrich" for help, is given a generous amount of money, a thousand marks; Berchter advises: 1434 Nu helf in vzir der note. Nu wiltvs minen rad haven. So hiez den schaz her vore tragin. Hir newirt der boheit nicht geplegen. Man sal en dusint marc geven. Vnde it waz geven mere. Further reasons for and results of this gift will form an important part of the fourth chapter of this study. Of significance with respect to use of money is that only Amolt of all the men Pother aids or rewards is given money. The offer of rewards to other characters may in fact include money, but money is not made an explicit part of the offer or the actual granting of rewards. The repetition of the amount of money 116

given to Amolt when the gift is mentioned again later implies that sane importance might attach to this particular amount. Hie later statement acknowledges the source of Amolt's wealth in a passage sisrmarizing what he has accomplished with the wealth: 4035 Do hette gebuuvit harte. Mit dusint marken. Die ime rothere gaf. Ime dieneten in der stat. Siuin hundrit lossam. Die war in mit hand in sine man. Der heiz graue amolt. Her hette silver unde golt. Des was der helit milde. Zvelf hunderit schilde brachter zo deme schalle. One thousand marks is not necessarily the exact amount which Amolt receives and invests in warriors, however; he is actually given one thousand marks and "mere" (1439). Hie choice of a large rounded number demonstrates, in fact, that the specific amount is not important. One thousand marks stands for a great deal of money. "Dietrich" logically can only give money, since he has supposedly been exiled from his land. Money is not the preferred gift; Bother rewards his close subjects with land. Furthermore, A m o l t is not eligible to receive land from Rother since he is not Rother's subject; later Constantin corrects his landlessness by giving him the kingdom of Greece. Both pennies and pounds are mentioned in connection with Constantin's spileman. Hie spileman, disguised as a merchant to take the Princess bade from Rother, does not distinguish between pounds and pennies in the usual way. Hie fact that he sells expensive goods for a penny causes amazement in the people of Bari. 3115 Si ueilsceden golt unde pellin. Wie biedet ir dat geselle. 117

Dane was ne chein so ture dine. Her ne geuit unbe einin penninc. Do duchte die burgare. Daz he ein tore ware. They are still more surprised to find that not even a thousand pounds will buy his pebble: 3125 Do bolt he einin ander stunt. Nit wan umbe dusint punt. Des allir bestin gold is. The merchant conception that goods have value in specific amounts of money contributes the background for this scene; it is the monetary system of the merchants that the spileman perverts in order to reach his goal. For an actual merchant the goal is to exchange goods for money; the spileman's goal, however, is first to attract attention, which he accanplishes by selling his goods for prices all the citizens realize fail to correspond to the real value of the articles. He achieves his first goal by this means; the citizens of Bari notice him, and bring him to the Princess's attention. His second goal is to entice the Princess onto his ship. The way in which he accomplishes this goal has been oversimplified in the secondary literature, particularly in plot 7 summaries in literary histories. The merchant trick which the incident alludes to would end with the Princess entering the ship to look at the merchant’s wares, but this kind of curiosity or cupidity plays no role in the capture of the Princess. She enters the ship only because she is convinced that she, as queen, will be able to cure the sick in conjunction with the spileman's pebbles; it is therefore her duty to enter the ship, and thereby to help her people. The merchant trick, instead of demonstrating the Princess’s susceptibility to the promise of luxuries, shows the opposite, that she is above such 118

considerations. Rother and the Princess are separated by Constantin because each of them is concerned with performing the duty of a monarch; Rother is absent because he must restore peace and justice in his realm, and the Princess is tricked because she too acts as the monarch by attempting to help the people. The author uses this modified merchant trick to further his portrayal of the Prinoess as the worthy bride for Rother, equal to him in personal qualities as she is equal to him in birth and physical beauty. Neither the baubles the spileman sells nor the relatively small amounts of money he asks for them affect the

Princess. Rother also does not distinguish between a penny and a pound in the ordinary way, although for very different reasons than the spileman. When the anonymous citizen of Constantinople recapitulates the events of the first part of the epic by telling Rother, here disguised as a pilgrim, about Rother, he pinpoints this confusion about the value of money as the essential characteristic of the Western king vis-a-vis money: 3723 Sin hof stunt offin uxomeliche. Den armin vnde den richen. Die uvndin an deme gotin. Uatir vnde motir. Sin wille was zo gebine. Her ne rochte nicht zolebine. Mit sicheinis scazzis vbersite. Dar better urloge mite. Her sante in nacht vnde tac. Sver Indusint pfunde bat. Her gab sie ime also ringe. Also zvene penninge. In this statement both the vast extent of Rother's wealth and his boundless generosity are summarized; Rother neither wants nor needs to be oonoemed with specific amounts of money. He can afford to give away 119

the fortune as easily as the pittanoe, and he does so. The emphasis is always on his generosity rather than on the specific amount of money. A penny is mentioned in connection with the giants when they first arrive at court. When Berchter sees them being led by Asprian, he exclaims at their size and strength, and states that anyone who attempted to oppose the one with "der s tang in" with a sword would have scant chance of surviving the encounter: 665 swar sie einin zorn willen han. so wilich in intwichet uor der stangin. vnde her in mit deme swerte gelangit. Der ne dorfte vmbe daz sin leben. nlmmir einin pfennlc gegeven. The phrase constitutes an idiomatic use of "penny" which does not deal with money per se. Two of the occurrences of money thus further emphasize Rother's extreme wealth and generosity. He gives Amolt a lavish gift, and he feels neither need nor inclination to differentiate between large and small amounts of money. When depicting the spileman merchant, the author accurately reflected the merchant way of handling money, although only to show that the spileman was not a true merchant. The author was aware of the mercantile system, which equates objects or services with amounts of money, but he portrays his aristocratic characters as not needing to think in this way of money. 120

Herzog Ernst

In Herzog Ernst only one mention of an amount of money occurs. When Ernst decides to concede victory to the Emperor and leave for the Holy Land, Adelheit gives him the money to aid him in the crusade: 1894 sin muoter diu kunigin sande im dfi fiinf hundert marc ze stiure und manic pheller tiure, hermtn unde s£den wSt, mit golde harte wol geridt und manic her itch bettegwant. die gSbe enphienc der wtgant und neic ir ze lone. The way the presentation of the gift is described differs also from the norm in the work, since the purpose for which the money is be used, the support of Ernst and his men while on their crusade, is explicitly stated ("ze stiure"). That Adelheit also gives Ernst the materials necessary for him to travel in state does not detract from the inpact of this single reference to a specified amount of money. The number 500 seems an unusually practical detail in this epic. The practicality of the money which Adelheit gives Ernst is mildly echoed in the scene where the king of Constantinople gives Ernst the means to continue his journey. 2074 der edel kiinic lobesam hiez si in daz schef wfsen und vollecltche spfsen mit guoter frischer llpnar diu sie werte ein halbez j3r, und gap in dar zuo slh golt. 121

The fact that the gold is mentioned in connection with the stores of food suggests that it might be meant for the purchase of additional food, although this is not made explicit. No amount of money is specified in the gift from Constantinople' s king, and the author does not assert that the king gives Ernst coins; indeed, unless the accepted dating of Herzog Ernst to the early thirteenth century is incorrect, gold ooins would be impossible. The marks which Adelheit gives are not mark ooins, but she gives an amount of gold equivalent to five hundred marks. The custom of weighing gold was wide-spread in Western Europe throughout the medieval period. In the case of the king of Constantinople, although no exact amount is named, the author indicates that the king has gold weighed out for Ernst: 2098 dd hiez lm der kunic wegen slne£ goldes genuoc. ze sinem schiffe man daz truoc. As the crusaders approach Grippia later, their intention is to land and obtain food; Ernst states: 2258 mich dunket vil wol get&n, sit daz uns got hat gesant her in ditze schoene lant, ze dirre burge wol getan, sit wir so lutz el splse han, daz wir hie umb splse werben, 8 daz wir gar verderben. The first verb Ernst uses in connection with obtaining food, werben. does not specifically refer to purchasing, but rather could mean "ask for" or simply "get," among other things. The word is associated with Q trade, however. The use of kouf clarifies the method Ernst hopes 122 to use to get food: 2272 daz sulen wir hiute ervam, ob sie heiden din od cristen, unde handeln daz mit listen, daz sie uns spftse ze koufe geben. Ernst intends if possible to persuade the unknown people of this city to sell him food. Hcwever, this effort is quickly abandoned, and Ernst actually has hlB men take the food they need, although he scrupulously avoids taking anything else that belongs to the citizens of Grippia (2407-15). No purchase ever takes place, and money is not actually mentioned in relation to the Grippians. The attention to the practical needs of life is restricted in Herzog Ernst to the recognition that food is a necessity of life. Although the need for food is mentioned, the characters are never portrayed purchasing it. Such everyday details apparently did not interest this author. Even in the episode involving merchants, when Ernst arranges to leave Arlmaspia, no specific referrence to money occurs. Although when Ernst requests that the merchants take him away from the cyclops' kingdom he offers to reward them for doing so, the nature of the reward is not detailed: "ob sie im dar mohten frcmen, / er lande es in mit guote" (5392-93). Money is thus not an explicit part of the payment, and no subsequent scene portrays Ernst actually paying the merchants. Even in a context where money would seem appropriate, none is mentioned. Merchants and their activities, like the actual transactions by which food is procured, were of scant interest to this author. The gift of a specific amount of money from Adelheit to Ernst remains an isolated occurrence in the epic. 123

St. Oswald

Money occurs in St. Oswald in three different situations, lhe goldsmith who prepares the Rabe for his mission first asks for and then receives twelve marks, the cabinboy who sights the Rabe is to be given thirty marks and knighthood as his reward, and Christ disguised as a beggar is to be given twelve pennies. These occurrences will be discussed with respect to the oontext in the order of their occurrence in the narrative. The potential of the numbers twelve and thirty for symbolic significance will be investigated. The twelve marks paid to the goldsmith who decorates the Rabe is the first instance of a specific amount of money in St. Oswald. This episode merits a close examination with respect to the use of money even though it will be handled in detail in the next chapter again for the sake of the information it yields about relationships between characters. Since goldsmiths occur also in Konig Rother and in Orendel, a comparison with the episodes involving the smiths in these other two epics ought to clarify the unusual aspects of this episode in St. Oswald. In each work the artisan is present to make an object needed by the protagonist; Rother's shoes, Orendel's golden spurs, and the golden outfit for Oswald's bird. The role of the smith in Orendel is impossible to evaluate, since he vanishes from the story once he has accomplished his task and without the reader learning anything further about him. Therefore Orendel is of no help in this comparison. The snith in Konig Rother. on the other hand, provides a useful contrast to 124 his counterpart in St. Oswald. He is part of Pother's household, specifically mentioned as being included in the party which travels to Constantinople, and most importantly, no mention of paying him for the special task of making the shoes oocurs, although presumably he is supported by Pother. The goldsmith in St. Oswald is an independent artisan who is sent for when he is needed, and offered money for his work. When the smith is sumnoned he is told only that he will be rewarded generously: 511 ir suit mir roeinen raben (daz wil idi euch fur war sagen) beschlahen schon mit golt, darunib gib ich euch reichen soltl When the reward is given it is precisely specified. Apparently the goldsmith sets the price for his work himself, since he is the first to name the sum: 551 er sprach: "lieber her mein, ich han gelaist den willen dein; edler furst wolgetan, zwelf mark golts ich hart verdient han." Without further ado Oswald pays the amount requested. 555 do sprach der hochgelobt degen: "maister, ich wil euchs geren geben." der milt kun[i]k Oswalt hieB den kamrer pringen paid zwelf mark () goldes rot: dem maister er daz pot. The fact that the smith himself determines the price underscores his independent status. While the KSnig Rother author thought in terms of an artisan being generally supported, and practicing his trade as needed, the St. Oswald author equated a particular task with a set sum of money, at least when a goldsmith was concerned. 125

The cabinboy is rewarded for being the first to see the Rabe. who had accidentally been left behind when Oswald went to win the Prinoess, as the bird catches up with the ships. Oswald offers money and knighthood: 1921 "und 1st mein rab choroen aus Ehgellant, dreissig mark golts geb ich dir in dein hant und mach dich zuo rittex," sprach der furst her: "chain schefchnecht pistu nirrmer merl" The amount of money is offered first, perhaps as the first kind of reward to occur to the author, but is clearly not felt to be an adequate reward, sinoe it is ismediately augmented by the additional offer of an elevation in social status. The amount of money is very large without being hyperbolically lavish. Interestingly, the cabinboy is to be given more for a chance occurrence, the sighting of the bird, than the goldsnith received for several days of skilled labor. Comparing the magnitude of the amounts given only reveals inconsistencies. A similar inconsistency is noted when Oswald has twelve pennies given to the supposed pilgrim, who is really Christ disguised in order to test Oswald. One might ask why only pennies are given, instead of marks. The gift of money occurs in an initial group of items, which includes food: 3283 der milt kun[i]g Oswald hiefl im her tragen paid zwelf fleisch fund} zwelf prot, so mir got helf aus aller noti dar[zuo] gab er im ringGe] zwelf guldein pfenning [e]. These gifts are part of a series of things Oswald would willingly give to the pilgrim; the gifts ascend in importance and culminate in Oswald's offer to give up all he has to the pilgrim and become a pilgrim in his 126 stead* Money forms part of the king's possessions; the money is in the relatively small amount because it occurs toward the beginning of the series. The numbers which occur with amounts of money in St. Oswald, twelve (554, 559, 3283ff.), and thirty (1922), require sane further elucidation. Along with other numbers in the poems, such as the force of 72,000 men, and the listing of kings, nobles and bishops who serve Oswald, these numbers appear to be deliberate choices made on grounds other than realistic portrayal. The numbers may simply be stereotypical formulaic quantities, or they may rather be carefully selected symbolic quantities whose significance, once grasped by the reader, will enhance understanding of the author's intent. One may best proceed from the hypothesis that the numbers do have symbolic value, and attempt to q determine what they signify. The twelve pennies which Oswald gives to the supposed pilgrim seems a number particularly appropriate to the religious context of the incident in which it occurs, and the number qualifies as symbolic on this basis. The number twelve suggests the twelve tribes of Israel, the twelve apostles, and the twelve months of the year.10 The reference to the twelve apostles especially is appropriate in connection with Christ. The author gave internal motivation for the number twelve in this episode, since he has the pilgrim-Christ assert: 3280 do han ich zehen kindlein and ain armje]s weib an der herberg gelan, die machten nicht mit mir her gan. When Oswald has "zwelf fleisch {und] zwelf prot" (3265) and the twelve pennies brought for the pilgrim, this seems logical, since the pilgrim's 127

family numbers twelve members. Any further interpretation seems forced. But ten, the number of children the pilgrim claims, is fraught with significance for the numerologist. Ten, since it is the sum of the series 1 + 2 + 3 ♦ 4, is said to contain all the numbers. It is also the product of seven, the creation, plus three, the Trinity, but the idea of the series was more intriguing. Two is the combination of the pilgrim Christ plus his "arm [e] s weib," which must signify the Church. Two additionally is Christ's own number within the Trinity. From all this the suggestion arises that Oswald, by contributing these twelve meats, loaves and pennies, is making the proper sacrifice to the Trinity or to Christ and to Creation. None of this seems especially relevant to the twelve marks the goldsmith is given, however; in this case the number appears merely formulaic except that it carries a positive connotation. Similarly, the thirty of the cabinboy's reward is without significance; no thirty to which an allusion might be made is appropriate to this context. The author generally used numbers stereotypically, but was aware of the symbolic potential of numbers, which he used in the case of the twelves in the gifts to the pilgrim. Amounts of money are not specified in St. Oswald when a reward is offered to a warrior or when the gold is mentioned as a sign of the prestige of its royal possessor, but are specified when a payment for a stated non-military service is made, as to the goldsmith, or when a non-warrior is rewarded, as in the case of the cabinboy. Thus, with respect to whether amounts are precise, actual social conditions may be depicted realistically. The particular amounts which are given, however, are not meant realistically, but are rather stereotypical in the case of the gifts to the pilgrim, symbolic* 129

Orendel

In Orendel the specific amounts of money, which are much more frequent than in Konig Rother and Herzog Ernst, are all connected to ocmercial transactions. Money is involved when Orendel buys the Roc, when Ise and his wife supply Orendel with clothing, and when Orendel gives robes to Ise and his wife. These occurrences of money seem to

point to a mercantile world view. The mercantile outlook which this preponderance of money exchanges implies is confirmed by other aspects of the poem, but especially by the episode in which Orendel obtains possession of the Roc. Several lines depict the selling of the Roc, and reveal a merchant's way of viewing and dealing with the world which must have been deeply held and quite unreflected. First the fact that the Roc, the garment worn by Christ, should be sold at all seems to imply a merchant-dominated system. In addition, Ise inmediately sees the garment in terms of its monetary value, and hopes to profit from it: "er gildet mir geme und ringe / funf schillings guldiner penninge" (649-50). The author does not criticize Ise for this. Then, although the fish in whose stomach the Roc is found is among the catch which Orendel has pulled in, it belongs to Ise, presumably because it was caught from his boat. When Orendel asks for the garment, Ise responds that he must pay for it: "er sprach:

'nu wirt er rammer din, / duQe vergeldest in [dan} a*s ^ wer^ mu9e sin'" (655-56). Lines 749-50 betray a further merchant conmonplace; the 130

pennies must be good and will be checked: "und were der penninge einer falsch, / der roc queme [dir) rummer an dinen hals" (749*50). No hint of reproach for Ise's mercenary attitude occurs in the epic; he is in fact treated as a faithful friend by Orendel, and later made a duke. The Virgin Mary and Jesus also approve of the selling of the Roc: after consulting with Jesus, Mary intercedes to have Orendel given the thirty gold pieces necessary to buy the garment: 710Do sante ime unser frouwe geringe drizic guldiner .penninge mit eime engel also here, dem guden sant Gabriele. • » • 726 'nu nim hin vil geringe die drizic gulden penninge, und koufe den grawen roc vil gut, den got zu siner marter druc: dar in bistu baz beslozzen dan in stelen ringen, dich enmac kein swert [noch wafenj dardurch gewinnen.'

Thus the transaction is imbued with the point of view of the merchant or artisan. In view of the merchant slant in the selling of the Roc, it seems odd that the amount which Ise asks for the garment is double what he is paid. Five shillings, the asking price, is equal to sixty Pfennige at twelve Pfennige to the shilling, but the garment is finally sold for thirty pennies. There is no question of the author forgetting what he said, since Ise's offer, line 747, is followed immediately, in line 759, with the payment. 747 do bot er in ime geringe unb funf schillinge guldiner penninge: 759 do gap er in ime vil ringe unb die drizic guldinen penninge:

The caiment in line 761 reveals the basis for the true price, with its 131

allusion to Judas' betrayal of Christ. 761 als vil was ouch der erste schatz, dar umb got verkoufet wart, aller werlde here . . . The contradiction between the thirty paid and the sixty requested seems an error on the part of the author. Or possibly one is to understand it

as a bit of bargaining: the article of exchange is offered for sixty, a counter-offer of thirty is made, and Ise accepts. Yet a further possibility is that both amounts, the five shillings and the thirty pennies, are meant symbolically. The author provides an explanation for the thirty. What the five might mean remains a mystery. There is no other evidence in the work for the kind of structured thinking which might have given this scene further cohesion. The other items of clothing, which the fisherman's wife purchases for Orendel, have specific prices of small denominations which may be realistic. His undergarment costs three pennies, and his shoes, whose price is not quoted, are also inexpensive: 671 sie kouften ime vil geringe eine niderwat umb dri penninge und ouch zwene groze rinderin schuhe, die stunden dem kunige ungefuge. The robe bought for "sehstehalben penninge" reveals a less formulaic number than the threes and thirties the author generally used: "und einen schafen mantel kouften sie ime / umb sehstehalben penninge" (675-76). Similarly, the "dri guldine penninge" which the fisherman's wife gives Orendel upon his departure for Jerusalem seems a reasonable amount of money for wages for several weeks of work, although the choice of the number three is stereotypical: "do gap ime sin frouwe geringe / dri guldine penninge" (784-85). 132

Higher value is represented by the two coats; the first is worn by Orendel as part of the regal outfit with which Bride furnishes him: 1823 sie leite ime an mit druwen elnen zobelmantel nuwen, der was gekoufet an der stunt nodi durer dan umb dusent punt. Die seoond coat is given to Ise's wife by Orendel. 2257 do zoch er ab in druwen einen guden mantel nuwen, der was gekouft an den stunden durer dan umb hundert punde. Die first is a symbol of the royal power, the seoond of the royal generosity. Both could reflect a realistic expression of royal custom, but the mention of buying accords ill with this picture. Kings do not go out and buy garments; they have them made to order by their own servants, and they have stores of clothing from which to draw presents. Die merchant point of view shows through in these two scenes, even though the author clearly attempted to portray the practices of royalty. In addition, while sane description of garments occurs in the other epics, even though it is restricted to indications that they are deoorated with jewels, here nothing but the price of garments is related. A penny is mentioned in connection with the giant Men twin. After Orendel has killed him, he gives an ironic speech which has the function of pointing out the vanity of all Men twin's strength and magnificent equipage. He tells Men twin to get up and catch his elephant before it runs away and therefore is sold for no profit:

1354 er sprach: 'stant uf, drut kint, unde bint din merrint, 133

daz ez dir nit entloufe, du enhafeest ez ane penninc verkoufet. This reflects the same equating of value with a monetary price that is seen in the dealings involving the Roc: the animal is worth some amount of money, and if it runs away its owner forfeits the money. The specific amount, a penny, is merely the smallest denomination of money; the author is not saying that the merrint is worth a penny, but that Mentwin will sell it, in effect, for not even a penny. In sunmary, the use of money is quite different in Orendel as compared to Konig Rother and Herzog Ernst. There are relatively more specified amounts of money than in the other two epics, and all the amounts are connected to mercantile transactions. The fact that Orendel acquires the Roc, the symbol both of Christ and of Orendel1 s worthiness to represent Christ on earth, by purchasing it, contrasts sharply with the other two epics. In the earlier epics, gifts are sometimes found in oontexts where a modem reader might expect a purchase; in Orendel even the primary religious symbol is seen in terms of monetary value, and obtained through a monetary transaction. 134

Salman und Morolf

Oie amounts of money In Salman und Morolf which are specified are connected neither to the kind of gift-giving which occurs in Konig Rother and H irzog Ernst, nor to straight-forward mercantile exchange transactions such as those connected with specified amounts of money in Orendel. Ons factor which the transactions have in oaimon is that each occurs while Morolff is in disguise. (In 301 and 700 Salome has penetrated h s disguise, but he is nonetheless not representing himself as Morolff.) With the exception of 166, all occur within the context of the interaction between Morolff and the heathens. Because Morolff is in disguise during these transactions, the function(s) of the disguises must be explored as a background to understanding the significance of money in the epic. Disguises play a different role in the first part of the story than in the second part.

When Morolff goes to Fore's kingdom he masquerades as the Jew he has murdered for the very practical reason that Salome would recognize him otherwise. Ihus the disguise advances the action of the first part. However, even here one incident occurs which is not entirely necessary to the plot While testing the effectiveness of the disguise, Morolff talks Salmon out of three marks and a ring. 166 Dru marg goldes hiefl er im geben zu hant. dannoch sach ime Morolff ein gulden vingerlin an der hant. er sprach: 'kunig, durch die beste tugent din, durch aller frauwen ere, gip mir das gulden vingerlin. 135

167 Viann es dir zu elner gabe wol gezeme, so wil ich es g e m von dir nemen.' Abe zoch es der kunig rich, er bot es ime also schone. er neigt im vil gezugenttlich. The actual taking of the money and the ring exceeds the testing function of this scene. Researchers have been intrigued by this ring, since rings have been central to the entire tradition of the Solomon legend. Kroes draws attention to the fact that in the sagas it is by gaining possession of Solomon's ring that the demon is able to take on Solomon's form and his power, and thus the ring acts as Solomon's source of power. ^ The ring in Salman und Morolf is only a reflex of the original. Kroes has explained the money which changes hands as well, by suggesting a connection to the fact that Morolff masquerades as a merchant at this point in other versions of the story. A merchant role would accord with the particular disguise, the skin of a Jew; Kroes has drawn attention to the variation in Morolff's entry into Fore's kingdom in Salman und Morolf and in the Anhang to the Spruchgedicht (p. 249-50). In the Anhang Morolff spreads his wares beneath the tree in Fore's courtyard, whereas in Salman und Morolf he only seats himself there. In Salman und Morolf the actual merchant role has been lost or altered, but elements of it remain, and the three marks which Morolff extracts from Salmon represent, Kroes has proposed, the money which the Morolff of other versions needed to purchase goods to sell (p. 250). In the seoond part of the epic most of the disguises do not advance the plot. Morolff must enter Princian's kingdom secretly, which he does by putting a substance in his mouth which makes him look ill, by dressing himself in the rags of a beggar and by pretending to be 136 crippled as well (618, 622). Dlls gives him an identity which allows him to approach Princian's castle and subtly interrogate the guard about Salome's whereabouts. By stanza 638 he knows where she is and hew the men who guard her are deployed. At this time he could go home. Instead he plays a series of tricks on Princian and the heathens. First he convinces the by-stand era so thoroughly of his serious illness that all donate money to help him, including a chamberlain who had doubted him: 651 Ee er das wort ie vollen gesprach, manig hant man in d&m seckel sach. an dem ringe was kein man, er gabe im einen gulden pfenig, der in niergent mochte han. 652 Da sprach der heidensche man: 'einen schilling solt du von mir han,1 also sprach der kamerer da zu hant: 'vergip mir, das £ich ie rurte min hant.'. This does not satisfy Morolff, however; he persuades Princian to give his ring also, which Princian claims he would do even if it were worth a thousand marks: 657 Da zeigte er uff das vingerlin. er sprach: 'were es dusent marck wert, so solt es sicher wesen din.' Later that day Princian explains to Salome what he has done with his ring, which Salome had given him; he tells her about the poor beggar he helped. 671 Sin artzet im geheiBen hat, hette er ime zu geben, er det im rat. dru marg goldes ich ime gap. da er die gabe zu im enpfing, vil schone er mich eing geleites bat. 672 tes finoerlin ich. im da gap* Salome recognizes the beggar as Morolff and begins a search for him; a series of incidents in which Morolff outwits the searchers concludes his 137 adventures in Princian's realm. In a pilgrim's disguise he misleads the heathens, and collects a reward for the information he gives them. 681 Einen schilling gulden gap im der selbe nan. er sprach: 'das solt du zu botten brott han, du vil stoltzer tegen gut, und kemest du he ime czu minem huQ, ich buste dir alle din armuht.' In "spileman" guise, Morolff leads the search all day, and then receives another reward. 695 Da sprach der listige man: 'ich muB czu einer hochgeziit, ich mag nit lenger hie bestan.' einen schilling gulden gap im der heidensche man. er sprach: 'kere dime got enpholhen, du bist ein stoltzer spielman.' The fact that Morolff initially remains to collect money from Princian is not unreasonable, since a beggar who left without begging would be considered suspicious, and possibly captured and exposed. However, his further adventures serve no function other than the amusement of the audience. What, then, was the audience of Salman und Morolf expected to find amusing? Crude, burlesque elements attest to a lack of refinement on the part of author and audience, but the central feature of each episode is the defeat of the monarch by a lower-class individual: the beggar, spileman, or pilgrim fools the king with his tricks. And each time the pay-off is in money. It is illogical for Morolff, King Salmon's brother, to collect shillings so eagerly, but the discrepancy between his position in the social hierarchy and his actions is eliminated if Morolff is considered the representative of the lowest classes. For all the "little people" dependent upon the bounty of the rich, the shillings represent victory. For this reason the author has Morolff disguise 138

himself in these particular ways and thereby show himself the superior of the king. The trick he plays on Salmon earlier in the epic may be understood in the same light. The actual amount of money which Morolff is given is not crucial, but the fact that it is always a relatively small amount, a shilling or a penny from each person, rings true in the beggar context of the episodes. The lower-class sympathies of the author are further revealed in the last two disguises, when Morolff appears as a butcher and a peddler. As a butcher, he assures prospective customers that he will give them the correct value for their money: 706 Morolff der mere helt gut das rint da zu stucken geslug. *nu wol her', sprach der tegen, 'der fleisch keuffen wolle, dem wil ich gern pfenwert geben.' The medieval butcher marketed his own wares, as Morolff does here, and would have treated his product as having fairly precise monetary value. The issue of fair prices was a constant concern of the guilds. The petty merchant's best advertisement would be his honesty, expressed by giving proper value for the money he expected his customers to spend. Then again, as he departs for heme, Morolff leaves his peddler's goods on the shore, saying: "nu wolte got, her krame korpp, / das dich funde

ein armer man" (712). This indicates a high degree of identification with the poor, and an awareness of what it takes to get started in business. Money is also used as a measure of Morolff's worth. The amount of money mentioned in each of three instances is the same, thirty marks. In the first, Salcme and Morolff arrange to play chess, and bet on the 139 outcome. Salome states the terms: 229 Er sprach: 'frauwe, was setzest du gein dem heubte mln?1 da sprach die edele kunigin: 'drissig marg goldes solt du zu wider wette han. da mit wil ich dir geleite gebenr ware du wilt in dem lande v a m . ' After Morolff has escaped, Salome offers a reward for his capture. 301 Da sprach die frauwe wol gethan: 'nu wartent, helde lobesam, bringent mir wider den listigen man. drissig marck des roden goldes sollent ir dar umb zu lone han.' Then, much later in Princian's court, when Salome realizes that Morolff has again found her, she offers the same amount. 700 Do sprach die frauwe wol gethan: 'das waz Morolff Salmons man. bringent mir den selben spielman. drissig mark des roten goldes sollent ir dar umb zu lone han.' The almost total lack of any religious context in the epic seems to rule out a symbolic, religious meaning for thirty as the number of gold pieces always given as the price of Morolff's life. Perhaps, however, thirty marks was a stereotypical amount for any such transaction. Money thus serves in Salman und Morolf as a sign of the

"lower-class" Morolff's victories over the powerful. He is able to obtain money from each of the monarchs through trickery. And Salome is unable to capture him, even though she offers a monetary reward. 140

Conclusion

In both Konig Rother and Herzog Ernst, money appears in a limited number of contexts; it is nearly always in very large amounts, five hundred or a thousand marks or pounds. Although a very few transactions involving merchants occur, these are not necessarily the transactions where money is used. In Konig Rother the merchant who guards the ships receives a robe as his payment, while the merchants who aid Ernst are to receive rewards which are neither specified nor portrayed when actually given. Use of money is prominent in the scenes in Konig Rother which involve the spileman disguised as a merchant, as was discussed. Ihe gift Rother gives Amolt is a substantial, specified amount of money, as is the gift to Ernst from his mother. In both epics the custom of weighing out gold is referred to, either when gold is weighed, or when a donor is so lavish that he does not weigh the gold he gives. In both of these epics, money is not used in sane contexts where one might expect it, in the dealings with merchants. In addition, generally when the dealings are between a king and a nobleman the reward or gift is not money, but either land or unspecified portable objects made of gold, which may or may not include money. In Orendel. St. Oswald and Salman und Morolf. money is almost always mentioned when the transaction involves merchants or artisans. Ihe reader is informed as to how much the goldsmith who decorates the raven receives for his work, how much each item of clothing purchased 141 for Orendel costs, and what the monetary value of the gifts given to Ise is. When warrior-nobles are involved, the rewards mentioned are generally not specified as to kind or amount. One exception to this rule is the monetary reward Which Salcme frequently offers for the capture of Morolff; seme of her servants may be nobles. The amounts of money tend to be small and many appear realistic, although the numbers are generally stereotypical and can be, as with the gifts given to the disguised Jesus in St. Oswald, symbolic. The relative predominance of money rewards in St. Oswald. Orendel and Salman und Morolf as compared to the other two epics can be accounted for in part by the fact that many transactions which involve merchants or artisans occur in the works. Even though the major characters in each case are kings, the people they interact with are often of the middle or lower classes. In this, they are quite different from Konig Rother and Herzog Ernst, in which the kings interact with the lower classes very seldom, and then only through intermediaries. They are also different in that sane times transactions which involve money occur in contexts where money would not be expected; the clearest example of this is the matter of the Roc in Orendel. This contrasts with the first-discussed epics, in which sometimes money does not occur in contexts where it might be expected. 142

NOTES - CHAPTER THREE

For example: Henri Pirenne, Eoonomic and Social History of Medieval Europe (London: Kegan Paul, 1936), pp. 104>05; Georges Duby, The Early Growth of the European Economy, trans. Howard B. Clarke (Ithaca, NY: Cornell Univ. Press, 1974), p. 61; Ren£e Doehaerd, The Early Middle Ages in the West: Economy and Society, trans. W. G. Deakin (Amsterdam: North-Hoiland, 1978), p. 218. 2 Pirenne, Eoonomic and Social History, pp. 108-09. 3 Duby, Early Growth, pp. 249-50. A Pirenne, Economic and Social History, p. 115. 5 Historians hold differing opinions as to which period of medieval history was "darkest•" Pirenne has asserted that the real break with classical tradition did not occur until the Islamic conquest of the Mediterranean effectively cut trading between the West and Byzantium, at the same time as Viking raids in the north and Magyar attacks in the east were exerting maximum pressure on Western Europe. This is in contrast with earlier theory, according to which the break coincided with the overrunning of the Roman Empire by Germanic tribes in the latter half of the fifth century. Pirenne's theory is found in Medieval Cities: Their Origins and the Revival of Trade, trans. Frank D. Halsey (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1956). ® N. J. G. Pounds, An Eoonomic History of Medieval Europe (London: Longman, 1974), pp. 209-10. 7 For instance, Ewald Erb, Geschichte der deutschen Literatur von den Anfangen bis 1160. 2nd half-volume (Berlin: Volk und Wissen, 1965), p. 768, has stated: "Aber nicht lange danach gelingt den Byzantinem die Rudcentfuhrung, indem Rothers Gattln sich wiederum auf ein Schiff locken laBt, diesmal von einem als Kaufmann verkleideten Spielmann im Solde Byzanz', der lhr kostliche Waxen anbietet." O Jacob and Wilhelm Grism, "werben," Deutsches Worterbuch (Leipzig: Hirzel, 1893). g For general information on number symbolism, the reader is referred especially to Christopher Butler, Number Symbolism (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1970) and to Caroline D. Eckhardt, ed., Essays in the Numerical Criticism of Medieval Literature (Lewisbuzg, PA: Bucknell Univ. Press, 1980) for a description'of the philosophical background. Russell A. Pedk's article "Number as Cosmic Language," pp. 15-64 in the Eckhardt volume just cited, provides a succinct explanation of the subject. Butler, p. 27, mentions these three occurrences of the number twelve. Hendrik Kroes, "Zum mittelhochdeutschen Salman und Morolf." Neophllologus. 30 (1946), 58-63; rpt. Spielmannseplk. ed. Walter J. Schroder, (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1977), p. 144

CHAPira POUR TOE INFLUENCE OF EOONOMIC FACTORS ON THE RELATIONSHIPS BETWEEN CHARACTERS

I.

Die previous chapters of this study have examined the significance of wealth in the five "Spielmannsepen," and the uses of money in the epics. In this chapter the effect of economic considerations on the relationships between the characters in each work will be explored. The three aspects together give an impression of the economic systems portrayed in each epic. Somewhat more detail regarding the two economic systems of the medieval period will be helpful at this point, as the study focuses on relationships between characters. The feudal system's essential characteristics were interdependence of individuals, land ownership as the basis of wealth and power, and ascendancy of the military in the power structure. The basic relationship was that of a lord and his vassal to each other. Vassalage describes the bond between a king and his nobles and in turn their bond to lesser nobles. The vassal agreed to support the lord in military undertakings, the lord to protect the vassal; the vassal owed the lord obedience and service, but equally the lord had "die Verpflichtungen des Schutzes und Unterhalts des Lehensherm gegenuber dem Vassalen. Das geschieht vor allem durch Verleihung von Grund und Boden . . . ."1 The bond between lord and 145

vassal was supported by a moral code which demanded mutual loyalty, yet the reality was that loyalty was based on mutual gain: the lord gained a fighting force, while his man gained protection and land. Land was the most important gift of a lord to his vassal, but clothing and money were given as well. As Bosl has pointed out, vassals often lived with the lord, being supported with his household, since the duty of the lord to support was the real basis of vassalage. Duby has amplified on this point: "Down to the end of the twelfth century many knights, particularly in Germany and countries bordering on the North Sea, remained in the position of household dependants in the hone of a patron who would employ and maintain them. Owning no land they would share in the profits of lordship, though without exercising any authority."3 The primary duties of lord and vassal to each other involved military activity. During the feudal period the class with the highest status was the warrior class. Bosl has pointed out that "die Herrschaftsrechte . . . allein auf den waffenfahigen Fuhrungskreis beschrankt fcsindj; er ubt diese kraft koniglicher Verleihung und selbstgewachsener, autogener Lnnunitat."4 The warriors were almost constantly involved in wars, ranging in magnitude from local feuds to the international crusades. Duby has written of the medieval lords: "Their vocation was war, and the prime purpose of their wealth was to acquire the most effective means of fighting."3 Although military action might not be considered, strictly speaking, an economic activity, its importance to the eoonomic class of the aristocracy is so great that the class cannot be discussed in isolation from its customary occupation 146

of war. lhus discussion of military activity and attitudes below which may appear to be digressions from the topic are actually crucial to an understanding of the eoonomic system. The differences between the city-mercantile life-style and the feudal system which are of concern to this dissertation have to do with the relationships between people, and the role that money played in those relationships. The city person of the Middle Ages became relatively more free than his agrarian contemporaries, enjoying a freedom from unlimited servitude which was initially purchased from the lord for a fee. Bosl has discussed the implications of this "unfree freedom" for Regensburg,6 but the development he has noted was not unique to that city. During the tenth and eleventh centuries many individuals who had been bound in unlimited servitude to lords purchased freedom from the opus servile. Bosl has stated: "Diese Klasse wurde, gesellschaftlich gesprochen, das eigentliche Becken des ftufstiegs in der Stadt. Aus ihm gehen die ersten cives und mercatores, gehen die urbani, die Handwerker und Kaufleute und besonders auch die Ministerialen hervor."^ The Ministerialen early became distinct frcm the merchants and artisans because they performed duties, especially of a military nature, which made them eligible to receive land and therefore O to become lesser nobility. Bosl explained that the Ministerialen became land-holding vassals of lords and thereby merged with the older aristocratic class during the eleventh and twelfth centuries, rather than remaining a separate class directly serving the king, as they were Q initially. The city-dwelling "unfree free," on the other hand, gradually developed into a class of free citizens. 147

The transactions between city persons were shaped primarily by two types of relationships, that of customer and salesperson and that of master and servant. Both merchants and artisans were involved in both kinds of relationships; in fact, the differences between artisans and merchants in an eoonomic sense were not evident in the early medieval period, but only developed as available wealth increased to the point that merchants, with their larger share thereof, far surpassed artisans in this respect and therefore gained a higher proportion of the power.1® For the entire period during which the epics under consideration might have been composed, this gulf already must have existed; certainly each epic equates money with power to some extent. Both merchants and artisans were involved in direct sales of goods or services to customers, however, and in fact buying and selling were part of all city-dwellers' basic experience since city living by its nature is non-self-sufficient and buying is the normal way to obtain goods one has not produced with the profits attained from what one has produced. Both merchants and artisans had servants hired for specific duties and limited amounts of time, who were paid at least in part with money. At the same time as merchants were developing the beginnings of the pre-capitalist economic system, the medieval craftsmen were forming a new system also, the guild system. The aspects of the system which are of ooncem here are the attitude it arose from and fostered regarding work and craftsmanship, and the interpersonal structures which characterized it. Eberstadt pointed out the uniqueness of the guild system in world history; up to the twelfth century we know of no culture where craftsmen had respect and legal rights, but at that time "jtrittj 148 ein neuer Stand . • • hervor, der die voile Ehre verlangt, eben deshalb und n u r deshalb, well er werktatig 1st."11 One tendency of the guild system was an attitude of pride in workmanship, which was revealed through and furthered by the apprenticeship training period and the various regulations regarding admittance to the guild as master, which sometimes included the production of an example of quality workmanship, and regarding inspection of products offered for sale. Where in a fictional work a recognition that crafts require skill and training is discerned, one should be alert to the presence of a city mentality. The master of a craft generally had apprentices and journeymen servants, whose eoonomic importance is attested to by the widespread statutes limiting the numbers of each which a master oould employ. Rights and responsibilities of both masters and journeymen were specified; although the master's role was patriarchal, 12 the relationship between the two was "als freies Arbeitsverhaltnis bezeichnet im Gegensatz zum unfreien, das auf familienrechtlicher Abhangigkeit, leiherechtlicher Bindung oder personlicher Ahhangigkeit beruhte." 13 The journeyman voluntarily ceded port of his freedom to the master for the limited amount of time he was employed, typically in return for roan, board and a monetary wage. With the above-mentioned features of the two major eoonomic systems of the medieval period in mind, the fictional worlds of the epics can now be examined in order to determine which of the systems each reflects. 149

II. Konlq Rother

In KSnlg Bother analysis of gifts of money and objects illuminates a system of mutual obligations which is the basis for the inter­ relationships of the characters. Each time the plot is carried forward, a character discharges his obligation to another character; frequently the obligation is for a service performed, but almost always sane material reward is involved in the transaction. Any material gift, payment or service either carries with it an obligation on the part of the recipient or is a discharging of an obligation on the part of the donor. In addition, the precise amount of the gift or reward/payment is almost never specified; the exceptions occur in the scenes concerning A m o l t and those where a merchant is involved. Relationships which exist in the epic include that of Rother to his nobles and the nobles to each other, with the court of Constantin acting as a contrast; these will be discussed first. Merchants or pseudo­ merchants and aristocratic servants also appear in the story and will be dealt with. In addition to using wealth to impress and intimidate the Byzantine court, as discussed in the second chapter, Rother dispenses objects, money and - ultimately - land, to maintain and to increase his following. What he gives and the way he gives it are affected by the status of the recipient within the kingdom and by that recipient's personal relationship to Rother. One can distinguish among four 150

separate circles of arms-carrying nobles: an inner circle of men very closely bound to Rother and to each other, consisting of Berchter, Luppolt, Amelger, Wolfrat and perhaps a few others who remain unnamed, a circle of long-time supporters whose status is either equal to that of the first circle or somewhat lower, but who are not so closely bound to the king by personal ties, a circle of "new" men whom Rother adds to his force during the story, and a circle which consists of the vassals of his vassals. Amolt is a special case and will be dealt with individually. Luppolt is especially closely involved with Rother. Although he is ultimately lavishly rewarded for his efforts, concrete rewards actually are not the motivation for his actions. Rather, he is bound to Rother by a mutual service obligation. Luppolt takes the king's proposal to Constantinople, Rother rescues Luppolt, Luppolt then guards the Princess far Rother and accompanies the rescue mission to Constantinople, all as expressions of a service obligation and without regard to material gain. That the relationship is not predicated on material gain becomes clear when two incidents are examined, the arrangement for Luppolt to be the ambassador to Constantin, and Rother's return to Bari to find his wife spirited away. When first mentioned in the work, Luppolt is described as Rother's "man vn mac" (53). Marcgraf Hermann's reasons for suggesting him for the task of presenting Rother's proposal to Constantin are his loyalty and his knowledge: "die ist der uan alien herzen holt./ vfi weit ovch wol we ez umbe daz wiphc stat" (93-94). Luppolt suggested the Princess as a 151 suitable wife for Rother, and knows more about her than the rest of the court does. Hermann advises Rother: 96 machtu in mit miimen. inde rede hringin. Daz er din bode wille sin. Der werbit dir aller truvelichis umbe daz megetin. That is, Luppolt's warm feeling for the king is to be appealed to. When Rother asks him to accept the charge no special reward is offered, but the king states that he is the best man to perform the task, and "helit nu salt tuz dure dinis / selbest frumicheit don" (115). On this basis Luppolt agrees to be the ambassador. Luppolt*8 dealings with Rother when the Princess has been kidnapped by her father's spileman demonstrate that he and Rother are obligated to help each other, although the text never explains when or how their friendship began*. The very fact that Luppolt is singled out to protect the queen during Rother*s absence is a sign of his favored position in Rother's realm. His behavior when he has failed shews him worthy of Rother's trust. In his speech of lines 3292-3318, Luppolt takes the entire blame for the loss of the Princess upon himself, and asks that the punishment fall on him alone, while reminding Rother of the help he has rendered Rother before. By referring to his brother Erwin, Luppolt diplomatically avoids a direct statement. 3299 Hie steit min broder erwin. He lach durch den willin din. zo kriechen uil manigen tach. Daz he die sunne nie gesach. Rother knows that Luppolt suffered in prison along with his brother, and Luppolt need not say so explicitly. Rother could hardly punish a man 152 who has helped him so much and suffered so much In the process, even if he were a vengeful person. The scene provides another illustration of Rother's exemplary qualities, while at the same time revealing the special favor Luppolt enjoys. Contrary to the expectation of the populace that he would severely punish them, Rother punishes no one; instead he confirms his relationship and mutual friendship with Luppolt with a kiss on the mouth and a reiteration of his recognition of Luppolt's service to him. Berchter and Wolf rat, as the other two prominent members of Rother* s inner circle, also are offered no specific reward for their services. They volunteer whatever aid is necessary before any reward is offered. Berchter, the trusted advisor, is probably related to Rother, since he is Luppolt1 s father, and Luppolt is Rother1 s "mac." As a close associate, he feels free to remind Rother of past aid, as when he refers to the death of another son, Helfrich, in Rother*s service (468-77).14 This incident amplifies upon the relationship between

Berchter and Rother, making clear that the obligation between them 1b mutual. Wolf rat’s relationship to Rother is similar to Luppolt's. Since he calls Luppolt neue he may by extension also be connected to Rother by kinship (3409). Certainly he has a prominent position in the kingdom as the son of Amelger, Rother's chosen regent. Before Pother's return to Bari, Wolfrat has already begun to put down the rebellion which started 15 after his father's death, with no mention or thought of reward. All three members of this inner circle perform the essential deeds which 153

aid Rother, and Luppolt and Wolfrat are rewarded copiously, with extensive grants of land. But the rewards are not mentioned until they are given. The non-material nature of Bother's relationship to this inner circle of trusted men is more obvious when their motivations are contrasted with those of the second circle, the nobles who have apparently always supported Rother, but not as his closest friends. The eleven grauin who accompany Luppolt to Constantinople are part of this group, and it becomes apparent that they are motivated at least in part by concrete rewards. No direct mention of reward is made before these eleven men swear their oath, but the author states: 146 sie waren deme kuninge alle holt, daz machete silber vn golt. Daz er in kuninliche gap. The passage is ambiguous in that the author does not report when Rother gave the silver and gold. Either he gives money at this time and they are going directly because of the gifts, or he has given them money in the past, thus obligating them to aid him when he needs them. Whichever way one Interprets the passage, the nobles are bound to serve Rother because of concrete financial help they receive fron him, rather than because of a service obligation or kinship. That Rother gives in a fashion described as kuninliche demonstrates that a king is expected to give freely. The gold and silver reflect the contemporary reality of the lord or king supporting vassals in his household. As the ambassadors depart for Constantinople, Rother gives the premise of reward which had not been made explicit earlier. They will 154

be rewarded for undertaking the task, regardless of whether they are * successful, if God sends than safely heme. The messengers were possibly obligated to help because of previous gifts from Rother, but certainly Rother is obligated to reward them for braving the dangers anticipated now. The reward is not specified as to kind or amount, but will be what the recipients desire: 190 er sprach suvil w e r danne wil scaz manen. dane salichin ane rale geben. wil er aber burge vTf lant. Des gibich ime in sine gewalt. vnz indes seluen dunket uil. we g e m e ich daz don wil. un helfe ime daz beherten. mit mines silber suverte. The offer of burge vn lant describes precisely the feudal arrangement. The land will not simply be granted, it will be given “in sine gewalt," that is, the control and use will be given as Lehen, and Rother, as the vassal's lord, will aid in its protection. The first two circles of Rother*s following correspond precisely to feudal norms and to kinship relationships, and he is portrayed naintaining the support of his long-time men. When he assembles the force to go to Constantinople, the way he augments his force is demonstrated. Once the council of advisors has agreed that Rother will travel accompanied only by a small force, they send messengers to gather

men: 614 Viere bo ten er do sande. uil witin irme lande. vnde inbot inalgeliche. de da wo Id in werdin riche, daz sie zo houe quemen. Asprian and the other giants arrive in response to this message. 155

Asprian, "der ne mer zo houe niquam," (627) apparently was not formerly Bother's subject but voluntarily offers aid for the sake of the reward; Bother has gained an extension to his kingdom by his offer. Once Asprian and the others have joined Bother they behave and are treated like the more established members of his following. They are Included in the great reward scene following the adventure and receive the same sorts of awards. As the preparations are made for Bother to return to Constantinople to rescue the Princess, the fourth circle of his following, the vassals of his vassals, enter the story. Ibis, the third expedition, represents an intensification in that the number of men is drastically larger than in the previous two voyages, but in other respects shews a conscious and thorough contrast to the previous trips. This preparation scene, lines

3343 to 3630, merits close examination. The active roles in the outfitting of the third expedition are taken by Berchter, Luppolt and Wolf rat, and the giants Asprian and Widolt. Berchter suggests the plan of action: "Vir solen mit creften ouer mere" (3368). Asprian's reminder to all present of what they owe Bother inspires many volunteers, but the bulk of the men who go along are vassals of the three members of the inner circle. Indeed, the loyalty of Bother's vassals to each other is equal to their loyalty to Rother himself as a motivating factor. Wolfrat expresses his obligation to help Berchter because Berchter did Wolfrat's father a service in the past; Wolfrat is also kin to Luppolt and therefore bound to help him. 156

The greatest number of the men who cane are bound directly to one of the heroes, and then through that hero to Rother. In contrast to the first two expeditions, where a reward was promised, here the men who are not chosen are sent home with gold (3613-24). Certainly Rother*a past generosity has won him the support he finds now, but the dominating motivation of the participants is now not hope for gain, but loyalty. The first two expeditions to win the bride involved a somewhat unusual task, which was a private concern of Rother's to an extent, even though initiated by the advisors' request that Rother marry. Here the matter becomes a public concern. Constantin, who had previously aroused the ire of the realm by imprisoning several citizens, has now taken the queen, who is here referred to as "Pipinchis mvder" (3476) for the first time. Even usually dimwitted Widolt sees the significance of Constantin's action: "Vhs hauint constantines man. / Ein groz herzeleit getan" (3393-94). Because the matter is now a public ooncem rather than Bother's personal business, no special reward need be offered to each participant to ensure cooperation. Berchter, Luppolt and Wolfrat recruit their fighting men as they would for any other war undertaken by the kingdom. Constantin injured Bother's kingdom rather than the king himself.

Bother refuses to accept the injury as a personal slight to him; he demonstrates his refusal by declining to punish his subjects when the Princess has been captured by her father's man and in so doing he leaves the way open for his subjects to recognize that they have all been injured. 157

Hie great reward some (4817ff.), which occurs after the birth of Pippin, attests to the feudal orientation of the entire work. The men who aided Rother in his adventures are rewarded for their loyalty with the ultimate gift - land to be held in fief. The orderly rule of the realm, which was interrupted by Pother's need for an heir to assure continuity, is reestablished; lands have masters, and the masters are pledged to help Rother, and he to defend them. The reward scene reflects good courtly customs. The men request permission to leave court, Rother asks that they stay to receive their rewards, they assert they have already been rewarded enough but finally remain in accordance with Asprian's statement (4815) that he will not depart without "des koningis minne." Then the bestowing of regions begins. The lands which are awarded have received attention from researchers who have sought to determine which patron might have underwritten the composition of Konig Rother. Siegmund is perhaps most thorough in his explanation of each land granted, all of which he 16 interpreted as a reflection of Heinrich Vi's actions or plans. His results are suspect; his reasons for identification of Heinrich VI with Rother "sind nicht stringent uberzeugend, haufig allzu konstruiert 17 und spiegeln zumeist Typisches oder ma. Topoi wieder." Although his explanation of the lands bestowed is intriguing, it too is perhaps "allzu konstruiert." Most of what he asserted about the German Bnperor's lands and plans for conquest could be said with equal accuracy of Heinrich'8 father Friedrich I. His argument is at its weakest when it comes to the significance of the giving of Scotland to Grimne and 158

then to ten other giants. Siegmund attributed this gift to the oath of fealty which Richard the Liorihearted was foroed to swear to Heinrich VI before being released from captivity. Since that made Richard Heinrich's vassal, and since King William of Scotland was Richard's vassal, Heinrich (or Rother, in the fiction) was entitled to bestow Scotland, which is "ein Afterleihen des Reiches." 18 Why the author should have emphasized Sootland, even to the point of mentioning it twice, is not clarified. Ihe passage remains a mystery which Siegmund glossed over. He further made no mention of Edzardi's explanation, which makes much more sense. Bdzardi suggested that the first item of the enumerated lands, Sootland, is perhaps the result of a scribal misunderstanding of a pre-H reading. The repetition of this one land, "die zugleich einen 19 Widerspruch enthSlt," because it is bestowed both on Griirme and on .ten other giants, led him to ask: "Stand vielleicht an der ersten Stelle scate-lant oder scat-lant" (p. 440), which was then read as Sootland. He admitted that he was not able to prove the existence of the word, which "etwa tributpflichtiges Land bedeutet haben konnte," and therefore did not insist upon acceptance of the reading (p. 440). Such a correction to the manuscript should not be undertaken lightly, but neither is the suggestion implausible. In Grinn's article on schatz the fourth of the older meanings of the word given has to do with taxes or 20 tribute. Grimm cited: "free von schatt un schulden, immunis." The word scat is found especially in Low German regions in this meaning, and additionally especially in ccmpounds. Although the compound 159 scatland is not cited, it is nonetheless possible that it existed, and it would have had the meaning which Bdzardi suggested. Certainly the general designation of tribute-paying lands would be a logical opening gift for the Rother author to have chosen, more logical than Sootland; Bdzardi went on to suggest that the misreading oould have given rise to the interpolation of several lines in this scene. As an analysis of the structure of the episode shews, such a supposition is not at all necessary. The structure reflects the same ascending circles of influence which were noted in the promises of rewards. The first to be given fiefs are the giants, representative of the new men who came in response to the promise of rewards. In Bdzardi's reading, the author does not specify their lands except to state that Asprian is given "Remis" (Reims). Next, limited realms on the western edge of the Reich are given to four "heren" who were with Rother (4832), then Erwin and the other ten "grauen" who accompanied Luppolt are given lands, this time toward the center of the Reich, except for Erwin's "ispanien" (4840-44); the second circle of long-term supporters has been provided for. The three most powerful and helpful figures should be given the largest, richest lands. In the case of Wolfrat and Luppolt this expectation is met, but Berchter, although present and praised in this scene, is given nothing new. Wolfrat receives Austria, Bohemia and Poland; Luppolt receives France, Apulia and Sicily. The appropriate intensification which reflects Luppolt1 s higher prestige corresponding to his extra service is achieved by naming him king, whereas Wolfrat receives no additional title. Luppolt is given the 160

lands which his father Berchter controls; Berchter*s reward is the establishment of his son, which is consistent with the rest of the work, as Berchter is presented as an elderly nan, and since he refers to his sons in a way which indicates that they are his major contribution to

Rother. Of equal importance with the granting of land is the reaffirmation of mutual support of Rother and his men. Asprian as spokesman asserts his continuing loyalty and availability for defense, to have his sentiments echoed and amplified by his men and the others (4893ff.). Rother seals his pact with kisses. 4921 Rother do kuste Wie wol in des geluste. Manigin warhaftin man. As in the earlier scene with Luppolt, the kiss signifies Rother1 s acceptance of responsibility for his men, and his continuing friendship. In acting as the negative oontrast figure to Rother, Constantin transgresses in several ways against the expectations held for a feudal ruler. He does not fulfill his obligations to his following either by protecting them in a military sense or by supporting them financially. When left to his own devices after Rother's departure, he allows ttnelot to escape and then is farced to surrender to this enemy. The large number of poor whan Rother supports testify to Constantin's failure, and since they are noble, they prove that Constantin treats his nobles unfairly by neglecting their financial needs, while simultaneously demanding their obedience (see festival scene, 1558-79). Meves has summarized the effect of Constantin's sole reliance on "Furcht und Lohn" 161

to control his nobles: "erfolgt dieser nicht in dan erwarteten Mafle, geht man zur Gegenseite uber • • . implying that moire emphasis on the qualities which characterize Rother's relationship to his men, namely ,fFreigebigkeit, Gegenseitigkeit, Anerkennung geleisteter Dienste,

aktives Eintreten furelnander," might save Oonstantin; 21 without the real financial support resulting from the "Freigebigkeit," the other qualities cannot exist. The failure to share with the poor (nobles) is an instance of Oonstantin's inappropriate handling of his wealth, which is also shown in his failure to gain and maintain an effective fighting force by proper expenditure of his money. Only by sharing wealth can the king ultimately hope to gain warriors' military support. That even Oonstantin recognizes this fact is shown by his actions when he realizes that Xtaelot has escaped; he tells his wife to share treasure with the nobles so that they will defend him: 3040 Nu nemit scaz vrcwe koningin. Vnde geuit den wigandin Vhde urcmit sie helm zo lande. Of he mich hie na be ste. Daz mir des uolkis ich ze ge. The universality of feudal customs which the author assumed is revealed by the queen's response: 3045 Si was des goldis milde. Si legedit uf die scilde. Vorsten den richen. Gaf si riclichen. Vhde lonede den god in knechthin. Alse man noch uan recthin. Flegit grozzer eren zo lande riden die heren. Since Oonstantin turns immediately after this passage to the spileman 162 and plans for regaining his daughter, one cannot infer that the ploy to gain support is either inappropriate or inadequate. Rather Oonstantin new has a force with which he might combat Ytaelot, but he neglects the attempt at the more important battle in favor of regaining physical possession of his daughter. As significant to the feudal way of thinking as the failure to disburse wealth is the failure to distinguish properly between noble and spileman revealed in the scene in which Oonstantin arranges for the traveling entertainer to steal his daughter from Rother. The entertainer offers to return the Princess to Constantinople in return for a prioe: "Lonis du mir oonstantin. / Ich brenge dir die tocher din" (3057-58). Constantin responds with the requested agreement: 3078 Ich wise dich uf den scaz min. Des nim dir trut geselle. Swe uile du willis. Oonstantin is treating the spileman the way he ought to be treating his nobles, and the way Rother does treat his nobles. The friendly title "trut geselle" puts the Eastern king on the same level as the spileman. Researchers who believe in spileman authorship for this epic might see in this particular episode further support for their theory, since it appears to elevate the spileman to the king's level; it has generally been asserted that the large role the itinerant entertainers play in the 22 "Spielmannsepen" is due to spileman authorship. Actually the scene provides support for the contrary conclusion. The spileman is portrayed very negatively; it seems unlikely that a person who identified himself as a member of that class would have portrayed his 163

only colleague in the work in such a negative way. Instead of the king raising up the spileman, the spileman pulls the king down to his level, 23 which, as we know from historical studies, was very lew. Oonstantin places himself on the same level as the spileman by addressing him as "trut geselle" and offering him treasures the way he ought to be offering them to his nobles, and thus transgresses against the hierarchy established by medieval man and believed to be adhered to

even in heaven.^4 When he arranges for his daughter to be returned to him by a spileman rather than by members of his following, Constantin acts in a way sharply contrasting with Rother's handling of the similar situation. Rother allows his men to realize that Constantin's action was a public concern, but, as Meves has pointed out, "Constantins Riickent- fuhrungsaktion wird lediglich in einem 'Privatrat' geplant, die 25 Isoliertheit des Ostherrschers signalisierend . . Although the thought of reward is one factor motivating Rother's following, it never determines the actions as exclusively as it does in the case of this spileman. In the instances where Rother deals with his own nobles, the rewards which he offers and gives are unequivocally designated as Lohn. But that a gift apparently made out of charity carries an equivalent obligation becomes clear when one examines the relationship which Rother, in his "Dietrich" incognito, establishes with the poor of Constantinople. Hie first portion of this scene, lines 1347-84, begins with an influx of poor people asking "Dietrich" for help; Berchter 164 advises that the aid be given. Die poverty of the beggars is described in extreme terms: "Do sat dar manich nakit man. / Vhde schametin sich vil sere" (1354-55). And, as Berchter observes: "Sie sin zo deme gvrtele also smal. / Eh stat er liph harde wal" (1363-64). In addition, Berchter is quite sure that the supplicants are nobles: 1365 Sie vlizen sich zv waren. Na riterlichen gebare. • • • Ne sin vnder in nicht edele man. So heit mir min hcweht ave slan.

Rother helps these poor men, and they accept his help, "an cristis namen" (1376), but by helping them Rother also wins their support, present and future. Die suspected nobility of the supplicants increases the incongruity of their extreme poverty, and renders them at the same time potentially of great help to Rother. By correcting their poverty, Rother fulfills a duty which is Constantin's, but which the eastern king is neglecting to perform. Although Rother acts out of principles of Christian generosity, he wins as a direct result of that generosity 6000 men to support him. Die immediate result of Rother's generosity, however, is that Amolt is sent to him to request aid. Whereas the first group of supplicants consists of Constantin's own poor, Amolt is in fact what Rother-Dietrich is pretending to be, a graue driven from his lands. Because "Dietrich" has established a reputation for generosity, as Oonstantin has not, Amolt is directed to "Dietrich." Dierefore, a new man who might have joined Oonstantin instead aligns himself with Rother. 165

The gift whidi gains Amolt's support is in the form of money, more than 1000 marks, with which Amolt can establish a oourt and maintain knights for Rother. In the second part of the epic the 1000 marks are mentioned again as the means which enable Amolt to aid Rother: 4035 Do hette gebuuvit harte. Mit dusint marken. Die ime rothere gaf. Ime dieneten in der stat. Siuin hundrit lossam. Amolt shews himself worthy of Rother's support by expending the money given him just as Rother would have, to gain the support of knights who help him to discharge his obligations. The author makes it explicit that Amolt conceives himself to be under obligation because of Rother's aid when he has A molt tell his men: 4056 Wir sulin ime hute geldin. Daz der tugenhafter man. Van demeazmote unsich nam. Thus de Vries' interpretation that Amolt's act is "die Frucht seiner 26 Dankbarkeit fur die vordem genossene pekuniare Hilfe is correct without being complete. Amolt is motivated by the whole feudal system of obligations, as well as by personal gratitude. Amolt has a prominent place among the secondary characters Urhanek discussed. Urbanek has pointed out that Amolt beoomes more important in the second part of the epic, whereas the other less-important characters have fulfilled their functions and disappeared from the work earlier. He contended that the character is introduced only to demon­ strate Rother's generosity: "Der Dichter . . . fiihrt die Amoltfigur nur deswegen in die Szenerie ein, damit der reiche westrdmische Konig 166

Rother . . . eine seiner wichtigsten Charaktereigenschaften an ihr entfalten kann: seine - in typischer Spielmannsmanier - immer wieder gepriesene, von ihm laufend praktizierte Freigebigkeit" (p. 74). When Urbanek stated that Amolt "der arme, landvertriebene ESelmann sein QnuBteJ," in order to increase the effect of Rother's "Reichturn und seine Spendefreudigkelt" (p. 76), he did not discuss the possible irony of the allegedly exiled "Dietrich" aiding the actual exile Amolt. More importantly, while pointing out that the landless A m o l t of the first part beocnes the powerful personage who comes to Rother's aid in the battle scene of the second part, he did not emphasize the point that Rother*s generosity is the very cause of the change in Amolt's fortunes. Rother's money enables Amolt to aid his benefactor, and is explicitly stated to be Amolt's reason for aiding Rother. Urbanek accurately noted of Rother's wealth and generosity: "Nur durch diese Tugenden aber gewinnt der Protagonist Macht und Ansehen . . ." (p. 76). The statement that "Diese Logik . . . nicht nur der mehr materiell orientierten Auffassung der sogenannten Spielmannsdichter [entspricht][" implies that the hypothetical Spielmann was more materialistic than someone else (the court poet, perhaps?); this statement cannot be accepted as proven. On the other hand, the concluding comment, "sondem sie jdie LogikJ beherrscht natiirlich . . . das gesellschaftlich hierarchische Denken des MAs uberhaupt" (p. 76), corresponds closely with the results of this study. Rother's generosity is never simply a gesture; in the A m o l t episode, as elsewhere, gifts are a large part of 167

the basis for the system of mutual obligations which motivates the characters. Amolt is a special case in that we observe him being elevated by Bother, then acting as Rother himself acts. Nothing in the episode is altered fran actual feudal practices; therefore the episode provides no

evidence of spileman authorship on the basis of economic considerations. The dealings with Amolt and other poor reveal the feudal nobility's attitude that a noble deserves his high estate and therefore ought to be given lands and money which would enable him to maintain himself properly. A m o l t is initially given money rather than land because Rother has no land in Constantinople. Later, Constantin rewards him properly with land. In a rare maxim the Konig Rother author sums up the lessen to be learned from Amolt's behavior and the excellent way in which he is rewarded. This lesson represents feudal standards of behavior: 4725 Gedachte des noch edich iunc man. Iz ni stunde Ime nicht ouele an. Vhde dienete ulizliche. Ime lonete ecliche. One might add to the epic's didactic intent of portraying the perfect king the intent of portraying also the perfect knight. All the relationships discussed thus far are between members of the

land-owning aristocratic class; the role of non-aristccratic characters in the epic is very limited. The exceptions to this rule are the transaction with the merchant in Constantinople and the dealings of the pseudo-merchant spileman. Both episodes reveal an understanding of merchant practices without at all glorifying them. The shoe scene in 168

Which Rother and the Princess meet is also an exceptional scene which requires analysis. Hired to watch the ship for Luppolt and the other ambassadors in Constantinople, the merchant is given a magnificent coat in return. Payment with a ooat occurs as well in the rewarding of the entertainers at Constantin's feast, and Her lint receives ooats from Rother; since a ooat is also the reward received by Walther von der Vogelweide, it seems to have been a normal kind of payment in this time period. In the case of the merchant, the service to be performed is specific and limited both as to kind and duration - the merchant will guard the ship for three days - and the payment is definite. The payment is offered ahead of time, before the service has been performed, and the obligation of the merchant ends with the three days he agrees to. Unlike the noble poor, who aid Rother later, the merchant then vanishes from the epic. The pseudo-merchant spileman who steals the Prinoess acts out the merchant role. He has the requisite ship full of goods which he offers for sale, and he advertises and bargains with the populace about prices. An awareness of objects as having money value is demonstrated in the scene by the pseudo-merchant's reversal of the "true" prices of objects. The merchant's trick is successful in luring the Princess onto the ship not because the Prinoess desires baubles but because she believes she can assist the ill. The shoe scene, the much-studied central scene where the protagonist meets his bride, includes several exchanges of objects which are of interest to this study. The Prinoess' offer of five rings to a 169 messenger to "Dietrich" sets the action of the scene in motion; she makes the offer general, without stating who might accept it, and Herlint volunteers. 1926 Wnf bovge lossara. Die mochte eln bote schire. Vhbe midi uerdienen. Der den helit drate. Brachte zo miner kemenaten. Herlint's status can only be inferred, sinoe the text does not explain her. She appears as a court lady when Luppolt arrives (280), and seems there to have some status, since she speaks openly in the presence of the court, expressing the general reaction of respect for the finery of the ambassadors. The Prinoess addresses her as "urcwe Herlint," (1919), indicating that she is high-born, since the term "Frau" was restricted in use to the upper class at that time. Her preparations for the visit to "Dietrich" further confirm that she is no mere servant, as she changes into fine clothing: 1937 Herlint gienc drate. zo einir kemenatin. Vnde nam die turlichen want. Also manich urowe hat. Dar incierte sie den liph. The task which she takes on requires cleverness. The Princess wants to see "Dietrich" in secret, "Vor holne," (1923), if it can be arranged respectably, "mit gewoge" (1924). This task could not be accomplished by just anyone, and in fact the Prinoess only mentions it indirectly, apparently as something she would not dare to ask of anyone without being willing to reward that person lavishly. As Herlint volunteers to act as messenger no further mention of the rings is made, so it remains 170 unclear Whether she is actually motivated by the offer, or whether it is only present to demonstrate that the Prinoess is generous. When Herlint returns after her first visit to "Dietrich," with the gifts he has given her and the shoes, the Princess requests the shoes for herself, but by offering a large amount of gold for them reaffirms her own generosity, and the fact that Herlint is not a servant who is merely ordered. 2055 Nu her min nicht wil gesehen. Mach du mir die scho geven. Durch des herren hulde. Die uvllich dir mit golde. The text even refers to this transaction as a purchase: "Schire wart der oof getan" (2059). No further reward is offered for Herlint's return trip to "Dietrich's" lodgings, since it follows as a logical consequence of the first trip; the Prinoess states that Herlint must return (2068), and Herlint agrees that in spite of the danger to their reputations, she must go (20B0). After convincing "Dietrich" that the Prinoess is quite serious about seeing him, Herlint reports the good news to the Princess (2141-42), and the scene shifts to the Prinoess and Rother. The Prinoess is not depicted giving further rewards to Herlint; whether economic considerations play a large role in the relationship between the Prinoess and Herlint is therefore questionable. It may be that they are friends in the same way that Rother and Luppolt are friends, and that the Prinoess is shown giving Herlint money only to demonstrate the royal generosity, but the text does not give sufficient information for assurance. 171

The relationship between Herlint and Rother is strictly that of carrier and recipient of the Princess' messages, since they have neither prior nor subsequent dealings with each other. The limitation on the relationship does not denigrate Herlint's importance in the story, since Rother must evaluate her trustworthiness in order to decide whether to - accept the potentially dangerous invitation which she conveys. Each time that Herlint visits "Dietrich," he sends her back to the Prinoess with a set of gifts. The first time Herlint does not appear to expect a

gift; she has accepted "Dietrich's" refusal of the Princess1 Invitation and "volde dannen gan" (2013). But Rother has the shoes made, an action which will be discussed in connection with the Prinoess, and has the shoes and some other items given to Herlint: "Vnde enin mantil ville got. / zwelf bovge golt rot" (2025-26). The gifts are a reward in honor of the Prinoess as much as her messenger, as Rother states: "So sal men

einir kuninginne. / ir botin minnin" (2027-28). Herlint, delighted with the gifts, shows them to the Prinoess immediately after reporting "Dietrich's" polite negative response to the message. 2040 Nv warte an dise schohe. Die gab mir der helit got. Vnde tete mir lievis genoch. Vhde einin mantil wol getan. Wol mich daz ich ie dare quam. Vnde zvelf bSge die ich han. Die gaf mir der helit lossam. Iz ne mochte vffe der erdin. nie schonir ritar werden. The second time Herlint visits Rother's quarters, she again is ready to

leave, but first is given: 172

2134 Die anderen schonch lossam. Vhde elnin mantil vile got. Vhde zwelif annboge rot.

Hie two robes and two dozen pieces of jewelry serve to notify Herlint of "Dietrich's" wealth and generosity, and also to reward her for what is good news to Rother. As a result of his generosity, Rother is able also to impress the Prinoess once again. In fact, although the reward to the messenger appears to have been customary, with Rother's gifts being unusual only in their lavishness, as a recipient of the gifts as well as otherwise, Herlint acts as the means whereby the messages between Rother and the Princess Eire conveyed.

The shoes act as a focal point for the initiation of the relationship between Rother and the Prinoess. From has ably analyzed the way the shoes are used to create a dramatic structure for this 27 scene, which is retarded to enhance the effect of recognition, and Voigt has pointed out that the existence of two pairs of shoes, rather than the one pair of the probable tradition, is the specific trick used 28 by the Konig Rother author to bring hero and heroine together. The points relevant to this study oonoem the basic significance of the giving of a gift, the choice of shoes as that gift, and the use of gold and silver as the material from which the shoes are formed. Of these questions, two have fairly obvious answers. Sending a gift to the Prinoess is a very natural way to open discussion with her, and the shoes can easily be included with Herlint's gifts; the gift must be of gold and silver to demonstrate Rother's wealth and generosity once again. The choice of shoes as the specific gift is more interesting. According to Bachtold-Staubli, shoes played a part in Germanic betrothal 173 customs, acting as a symbol of power, law and possession; reflexes of these customs persisted into the nineteenth century. 2 9 The structure of the shoe soene in Konig Rother demonstrates that the connection between a marriage contract and a gift of shoes was known to the author, and that he alludes to the connection. Rother himself, still in his Dietrich-guise, puts the shoes on the Prinoess' feet, thus establishing physical contact between them; the Prinoess draws back her feet only when Rother has revealed his true identity (2256). Vogt and Koch asserted that her action indicates shock at the impropriety of sitting with her feet in the lap of the powerful king.30 Her reaction seems to me to follow rather from her realization of the true significance of this conversation; she has arranged a secret meeting with this man, accepted a pair of shoes from him, and told him that she will marry no one but Rother, and now, as he reveals that he is Rother, she suddenly becomes aware of the significance of all this: she has, in effect, concluded a marriage contract. It is natural for her to draw back for a moment, and she quickly recovers. Hie scene would lose seme of its subtlety if the gift of shoes were a normal obligatory part of the betrothal oeremony, since the Princess would then know what she was 31 doing from the beginning. But some awareness of the possible legal ramifications of the gift remain. Hius the role of the shoes in the relationship between Rother and the Princess is symbolic rather than economic. Their relationship is affected by economic considerations only to the extent that Rother's generosity attracts the attention and respect of the Princess. 174

In general, Konlg Rother reflects an accurate picture of feudal- aristocratic principles and procedures. The hierarchy is immutable - a person always maintains the position to which he was b o m regardless of his current possessions. Rother presents himself as upper nobility when in disguise in Constantinople, and Amolt and Constantin's other nobles retain their class even in straitened circumstances. Amolt and the other poor nobles of Constantinople are given money to maintain themselves as befits members of their class, and because of the aid they receive are able later to function as warriors in Rother's cause. Only characters who began as nobles receive land in return for service; the merchants or entertainers are given portable forms of wealth only, whether objects or money. Land is the ultimate form and source of wealth for this author, corresponding again to feudal practice. Gifts of land are made only after service has been performed, but in feudal fashion other gifts meant to support potential helpers are granted frequently, and always imply an obligation to repay the favor with service. 175

Herzog Ernst

As noted above, the role of military considerations cannot always be separated from more obviously economic activities in the epics; this is especially true of Herzog Ernst. In the second chapter the close connection between expenditure of wealth and military superiority in Herzog Ernst was observed, and it was noted that the characters who are portrayed positively expend wealth to gain military support, while negatively-depicted characters (the Grippians) exploit only the display aspects of wealth. Through consideration of the significance of wealth one notes that the Herzog Ernst author reveals a feudal-aristocratic respect for the ascendancy of military values. Whereas in Konig Rother the importance of military strength was presented more in the potential and in abstract symbols of that potential, in Herzog Ernst the expression of military power is concrete and actual. Ernst is portrayed in battles several times, and reaches for his sword as a first response to any threat. He never diplomatically avoids a battle, as Rother does. In addition, because the protagonist Ernst is a duke rather than a king, a different level of the medieval hierarchy receives the primary attention. Nonetheless the economic system underlying the two epics is substantially the same, with differences ascribable to the individual reactions of two authors to the same set of values and circumstances. In order to show how economic factors influence the interactions between characters, first Ernst's actions will be analyzed, then the 176 actions of the Bnperor Otto. Then those instances where Ernst interacts with other kings will be considered. Finally a few important episodes which do not fit these categories will be discussed. During most of the epic Ernst is acoontpanied by a group of followers outstanding for their total devotion to him. Ringhandt, in her dissertation ocmparing the A, B, D, and F versions of the Herzog Ernst story, found that the B version emphasizes the Gefolgschafts- 32 verhaltnis more than is the case in the other versions. She also stated that although all the pre-courtly epics contain the relationship follower-leader in some form, Herzog Ernst differs in that . B die Gefolgschaft um Hirer selbst willen gestaltet hat" (p. 76). Since of Ernst's followers only his friend Wetzel achieves any individuality, these followers can hardly be said to be portrayed for their own sake. The epic actually operates with a very small number of characters. The only personages who have names are Ernst, Otto, Ottegebe, Adelheid, Wetzel and Heinrich. A few others are singled out in that they perform a specific action, as messenger, for example; in addition the Indian prinoess and the kings of the various realms achieve seme status as acting individuals. Hellmann has noted of Otto's prinoes that they always act in a block: "Es fallt auf, wie wenig gegliedert die Gruppe 33 der Fiirsten dargestellt wird. The same may be said of Ernst's faithful supporters. As individuals all those faithful men are of no importance, and even as a group their only function is to support Ernst without question. The spotlight is always on Ernst himself. The significance of the ness of loyal followers is that Ernst, the hero, is 177 able to inspire loyalty. Thus the qualities which Ernst exhibits which enable him to build a following are important. Ernst gains his men in various ways. He inherits a group of faithful servants from his father: 62 er liez lm mit den erben stn ze dienste manigen guoten kneht, die in zugen, daz was reht. Thus the first function of Ernst's servants is to raise him well to his knightly duties, which they do initially out of loyalty to his father. Due to the efforts of the good followers, and of his mother, Ernst is raised and educated so well that he soon begins to win loyalty because of his own virtues:

86 er was in diemuote getriuwe unde milde. des wurden im die schilde vil Witen gesamer&t, A so er ir bedorfte ze slher not. Ernst wins this distinguished following not only because he possesses positive qualities in the abstract, but also because of concrete expression of these qualities. He shares what he has (99), and greets his men, showing them the respect which they deserve and which will give them reason to like him; and he offers honors to them (102). Because of his willingness to reward his men materially and with honors, they serve him later when he needs them: "des dienten sie im Sere / sit do er kam in arbeit" (102-103). Ernst has retained his Inherited following and augmented it with additional men because of his expression of his virtues. The new and the original men vie with each other in faithfulness (1 OB-110). 178

Heselhaus has pointed out how often Ernst is shown rewarding his men. He asserted In addition that Ernst's relationship with Wetzel is of a different quality: "Es 1st die hochste Stufe der Gefolgschaft, die kein Silkier und Gold als Lohn braucht, sondem im Leben und Ruhm des andern belohnt genug ist" (p. 229). The text supports this assertion only indirectly. Wetzel may be assumed as a part of every group which Ernst rewards or offers to reward, since the author never describes Wetzel as excluded from the group. On the other hand, although Wetzel is portrayed as a distinct character who sometimes acocmpanies Ernst when the others do not, he is not individually

rewarded. His closeness to Ernst may act like Luppolt's friendship with Rother in making gifts unnecessary, but the author makes no statement to this effect; one must retrain aware that support obligations were an essential part of the feudal system and that no negative feeling was attached to this idea. The following which Ernst wins and retains because of his virtues becomes a virtue in itself. A large part of the initial section of the epic is devoted to establishing the fact that Ernst possesses a large

following, with appropriate foreshadowing of the future role his men will play by always remaining faithful to him. This body of men is one of his major distinguishing characteristics:

146 d6 fuor er ze lande mit vil stolzer ritterschaft. im volgete groiiu kraft, beide ritter und knehte. The author emphasizes again that Ernst is generous with his men. Several things become evident from a close look at lines 150-158: 179

150 der phlac er wol ze rehte: er gap in schatz und gewant. mit siner willigen hant machta er im die werlt holt, er ensparte silber nodi daz golt vor keinen sfhen eren. des wuxden dem vil h£ren mit triwen bereit s$he man swa ez an die not solde cfan. Ernst has a duty to provide his men with sustenance, which he satisfies "ze rehte." He gives them clothing and money, "schatz," silver and gold. The text clearly states that these concrete gifts inspire the faithful support aooorded Ernst. Ernst's rltter and knehte are landless warriors who have attached themselves to him to defend him in any dispute in return for his support. Just as he is extraordinary, "ez was keiner genSz" (142), so too the loyalty of his followers goes beyond what might be expected. Ernst's men are first called upon to prove their loyalty when he comes into oonflict with the Emperor. The feudal chain of carmand is evident in the conduct of the war, as Ernst's men follow him, not the Emperor. When Ernst follows the Emperor, his men are with him, and when he is at war with the Bnperor, they are still with him. Because he has fulfilled his obligations to them, their continued loyalty is assured; he need not promise them additional rewards, and the text does not depict him doing so. The feudal system is also apparent in the fate of the men who remain behind when Ernst departs for his crusade. They are not to be held accountable for their actions against the Bnperor or the Empire, since they were bound to the Emperor only indirectly, through Ernst; their first duty was always to Ernst. 160

Although no doubt arises as to Ernst's men's obligation to support him in his war, when he is about to go crusading he requests that they accompany him. In effect he asks his men's consent to abandon the efforts against the Bnperor; in a long passage he points out to the fifty men he has chosen for the crusade that they have fought well, but that the struggle against the Empire is hopeless (1752ff.). He asserts that they have fought with honor, but that the time for retreat has come:

1793 Wir haben uns dem rtche gewert s6 manlf che und dar zuo alien stnen man sd grozen schaden her getdn, deich in dem lande niht mac langer sin. ir wizzet ouch, lieben friunde nun, wir habenz umb uns gar verhert und unser selber guot verzert, daz wir muezen verderben. He suggests the plan of going to defend the Holy Sepulchre, "ob es iuch herren dunket guot" (1812), which will accomplish the joint purposes of serving God and extricating Ernst and his band from a no-win situation. He also indicates that perhaps he and his men might achieve a return to the Kaiser's favor by departing. He requests the men: "nu bite ich iuch irtSg unde man" (1826), not to let him depart alone. Although he himself cannot remain in the Empire in peaoe, his men have a choice. Therefore he offers rewards to those who choose to accompany him: 1830 des hdt ir wtgande almuosen und ere. ouch wil ichz inner mere gegen iuwem hulden mit guote verschulden und mit dienste widerwegen. The combination of almuosen and & e in this passage appears contradictory, since receiving any form of charity is incompatible with the oonoept of ere, honor, which is portrayed elsewhere in the epic.

Ernst promises four gains to his men: almuosen. ere, quote and dienste. The latter two will come from him personally; quote may be gifts from him, goods, or perhaps rather his goodness, and he will also be ready with service. The almuosen and ere will come from the venture. Ernst and his men do receive contributions from friendly kings which might be considered almuosen. On the other hand, Ernst also accumulates treasures which he gives to the Church; the text might mean that the men will gain the means to give alms. Neither interpretation is totally satisfactory. The men agree with Ernst's plan whole-heartedly, believing that "im haete got den sin gesant" (1B39). Ernst immediately demonstrates his willingness to reward them for their loyalty by dividing with them the gifts his mother sends him: 1902 die gdbe teilte er schone mit sinen jungelingen. er was in alien dingen ein ritter vil tugentlfch. Hope for gain is not the only force which motivates the loyalty Ernst is accorded, but it is one important factor. Cnee Ernst's small band of men have ccrmitted themselves to follow him, their loyalty to him is perfect and does not rest on further promises or granting of rewards. They rescue Ernst and Wetzel from the city of Grippia, many giving their lives, and most of the rest die near the Maqnetberq. 182

Die group of followers is reduced in numbers from the unspecified large number during the war to its low of six after the Hagnetberg. and then increases again. Ernst iB transformed from a Furst to a Gefolgschaftsherr and then to a Furst again; he achieves the status of Furst in Arimaspia, thus long before his return to the Reich, with the grant of land from the king of Arimaspia. lhe circumstances of the grant will be examined below; now the way Ernst administers his lands abroad will be analyzed. Die cyclops king rewards Ernst for his service: 4772 er l@ch im ein herzogentucm mit liuten und mit lande sus lfinte er don wfkjande. Ernst reacts to this new responsibility just as he responded to the charge of his original inherited lands. Arimaspia is feudal just as the Expire is; the people go with the land. Die intelligent land-owner does not rest on the assumption that the men will follow him only because of this obligation, but rather ties them more securely to himself by largesse. Thus Ernst;

4791 d6 der herre daz lant gewan, do machte er Im sine man beide willic unde holt, er gap in silber unde golt daz er nieman niht verzfech. er gap hin unde l€ch daz iecllcher geroe nam. Die men referred to include but are not restricted to the small band of original followers who remain; included are the men who go with the land granted to Ernst. A later passage again mentions money and clothing, echoing the earlier passage from the period of Ernst's administration of 183 his inherited lands (150ff.): 4893 er machte eine wirtschaft sthen liuten mit grower kraft. er gap in schatz und gewant.

One possible meaning of wirtschaft given by Lexer is "gastmahl";35 this fits better than the more general meaning of the word, which involves all activities of the head of the household or the host, especially with the indefinite article. Such is Ernst's success with his policy of generosity that, when he leaves Arimaspia, two of his new subjects accompany him, because of their loyalty to him (5424ff.). When Ernst regains his former position in the Reich he retains the virtue of generosity to his dependents. As in the beginning: 6014 er begunde herliche phlegen slner manne und s T n e r lande, geltche einem wlgande, daz er gap unde l#ch. With the exception that Ernst frequently leads his men into battle, whereas Rother avoids armed conflict, the two protagonists are similar in their leadership. They practice generosity consistently, support their men according to feudal custom, and offer more lavish rewards for unusual tasks. Ringhandt noted the frequent scenes where Ernst rewards his followers, but interpreted them as an expression of older Germanic values which somehow "break through" into this Christian work. "Im Gegensatz zur christlichen Milde, die rein caritativen Ursprungs, ganz auf den Qnpfanger bezogen ist and den Spender moglichst im Hintergrunde laflt, meint die 'milte1 in unserem Epos gar nicht so sehr den Beschenkten, sondem vielmehr den Schenkenden selbst" (p. 82). While 164

she is quite correct in her assertion that the function of Ernst's generosity within the text is to demonstrate his wealth, this is not the only function of that generosity. The economic realities of the medieval period in which the epic was written are not considered in Kinghandt's treatment; therefore she did not note that Ernst's generous rewarding of his men is a reflection of actual economic procedure. His men live from his generosity. Since one of the roots of the feudal system is the Germanic Gefolgschaft, she is ultimately not incorrect in ascribing Ernst's conduct to Germanic ideals; however, his generosity is more immediately a reflection of contemporary patterns of behavior. Those situations where Ernst is the recipient of gifts will be discussed below. First, however, Otto's use of rewards and gifts and the role they play in his relationships with other characters will be examined. Consideration of the interaction between the Bnpexor and other characters further substantiates the impression gained from examination of wealth; for Otto military strength is more significant than wealth. Just as Otto is great more for his power than for his wealth, so also he uses power when dealing with his vassals, although not to the exclusion of generous material support. The way Otto uses gifts to win loyalty is seen in the depiction of the early stages of his relationship to Ernst. After Otto and Adelheit have begun their happy married life, they call Ernst to court to become acquainted with his new stepfather. Up to this point Ernst has apparently not belonged to the court circle; in fact he seems not to have known the Kaiser personally. The Bnperor's interest in Ernst is 185

motivated by mlnne far his mother; for her sake he wishes to know the son, and is disposed to like Ernst and show him honor. Not only Is

Ernst politely received, but: "der keiser gap im d6 gewalt / vil maniger grozer rfcheit" (580-81). He wants to treat the young duke as a son, and premises rewards: 586 ich wil dir l$hen unde geben s6 vil mines guotes, daz du dinsAholdes muotes niirmer entwichest mir. Fran this passage it becomes evident that the Emperor consciously and openly uses his riches and his power in order to bind his following to him more closely, as Ernst does, and as Rother does. Although he is characterized as gewaltecllche rather than riche, the more ambiguous

term applied to Rother, Otto is capable of giving much in order to secure support. Ernst's obligations are clearly stated; he is to: 596 . . . hilf daz ich daz rtche so bewar und so geslihte, daz ieman dar inne rihte veder roup noch den £rant: des ich dir, edele wigant, mit triuwen inner lSnen wil.' Hie form that Ernst's Ion takes is three-fold; he is given land, money and the goodwill of the Ebperor: 635 der kunic im holden willen txuoc und tete im liebes genuoc. daz verdiente er wol mit eren unbe den kunic hert*n in maniger angestlidler not. silber unde golt rdt gap er im dicke ungewegen. Hie goodwill of the Kaiser, the honor he shews Ernst, seems to transcend more material rewards in importance. Hiere is a parallel here to 186

Ernst's greeting of his men; honor is more than material possessions, having to do also with the respect with which one is treated. Although Otto uses gifts to obligate service, he does not retain his power primarily through his generosity. Just as he establishes his power base and secures his peaoe through military oonquest, so also he is able to oontxol his nobles through fear. Once he has turned against Ernst, he remains adamant in his hostility toward the duke despite reconciliation attempts by Adelheit and by his furs ten, The nobles are persistent in their pleas for him to make peaoe with Ernst, but the Kaiser responds with a threat: 1164 swer mich und daz r^che minnet, der sol midi dirre bete erl&n, welle er mich ze friunde han. The nobles react to this threat by giving in, "und die bete durch vorhte Ian" (1176). The text does not give further evidence which might clarify the way in which Otto retains this respect or fear, unless we assume him capable of making war on all the nobles as he does on Ernst. Hellmann, in discussing the relationship between the Dnperor and his fur a ten, found that in several cases Otto turns to the nobles for advice, and then follows through on the advice given, as when he marries Adelheit, the choice of his furs ten. Hellmann doubted that a historical reality is depicted in these scenes, believing rather "daB es sich hier un die dichterische Gestaltung . . . einer wunschenswerten Moglichkeit koniglich-fiirstlichen Zusammenwirkens handelt" (p. 105). The cooperation is also only sporadic within the work, and Otto clearly has power greater than that of the nobles. 187

When Ernst is examined as the recipient of gifts, patterns become apparent in the reasons he receives gifts and in the persons who give them. Gifts are given to him either within the context of a vassal relationship, or as an aid to his accomplishment of the crusade. Within a vassal relationship Ernst receives land as the most significant reward for military service which is either expected or already accomplished, and gold or precious objects or intangible honors as an expression of extraordinary favor. During the periods of time when Ernst is underway, from the Empire to Arimaspia and fran Arimaspia to the Bnpire, Ernst receives gold or money, which seems to be designated for the purchase of food and supplies which will enable him to continue his journey. Hungary is the first foreign realm which Ernst readies on his journey. The king welcomes Ernst with great admiration because of the duke's military achievement: 2013 er was im grSze willekomen durch daz er hate vemcmen von im solic^ manheit, daz er mit siner friimekeit sich so lange haete erwert unde vor dem rtche emert. Not only does the Hungarian king provide the practical aid of a knight's lodging and an escort through the Bulgarian forest, but he also gives the duke additional, although unspecified gifts: 2026 do gap er dem helde sin gabe frdlfche und hiez in wirdecltche lei ten durch siniu lant. The aid and additional gifts Ernst receives are a direct result of his military reputation. 188

Ernst fares similarly well in Constantinople. Here the text explicitly states that the Greek ruler knows all of Ernst's story: 2051 daz er dne schulde was vertriben, und wie lange er dd was beliben, daz er sich des keisers werte und doch daz riche herte, und wie frumecl£che er dan schiet. The king provides a ship, provisions and gold as well: 2074 der edel kunic lobesam^ hiez si in daz schef wisen und vollecrfche spffsen mit guoter frischer lipnar diu sie werte ein ha^ez jSr, und gap in dar zuo sin golt. The king freely gives these gifts because he is impressed with Ernst's reputation, and not in explicit or implicit exchange for any service Ernst might perform for him, present or future. Although the king does not request service of Ernst, Ernst states his willingness to serve; the service may take the form only of prayers for the Greek king:

2091 daz ist von den genaden dtn: dar umb wir immer suln sfh dir mit dienest undertdn, die wile wir daz leben HBn, daz wir got biten urn dfn leben. Due to the storm which drives Ernst and his men to Grippia he is separated from his Greek escort; the next friendly king he encounters is the cyclops-king of Arimaspia. The Arimaspian ruler has no idea of

Ernst's reputation, but receives him well in spite of this. Ernst's reception in Arimaspia proceeds in three phases; the king reacts first to Ernst's appearance, secondly to his story after the nobleman has learned the Arimaspian language and can relate it, and then to Ernst's actions on his behalf. 189

Ernst and his follcwing are first received by a graf of Arimaspia, whom they approach without knowing what sort of reception they will be accorded (4528-29). The qraf receives them ’Wnnecltche / und mit vil g r & e n £nen" (4534-35). Since Ernst and his little band have arrived in the Arimaspian kingdom after a harrowing river raft journey, half-starved and presumably with their clothes in rags, the graf lacks outward clues as to their actual social status, but being astute he realizes from their gestures that they are of the nobility: 4552 er was ein man bescheiden, er bekande an ir gdaaeren daz sie edele liute waeren: des erbarmde in ir ungemach. Not only the poverty of his guests moves the qraf. but more the discrepancy between that poverty and what he correctly perceives to be their station in life. He helps them with food and clothing, and has them clothed according to their class, "mit pheller und mit sliden" (4550). The reaction of the Arimaspian nobleman is very interesting in the context of the class system; the author here assumed that Ernst's nobility would be apparent even to a different species who have no common language with the hero, and even though he arrives not clothed and armed suitably for his rank. The author also assumed, as becomes increasingly clear throughout the Arimaspian episode, that this other society would function precisely as European feudal society did. As a nobleman Ernst has both the right and the obligation to dress in a suitable manner, for instance. The international nature of the feudal class system is here reflected. 190

The Arimaspian king sees Ernst under more favorable circumstances, since the graf has already clothed him appropriately. But he also accepts Ernst and his men as persons of high social status on the basis of their bearing, agreeing with his man that "ir gebaere ist vil nanllch" (4593). Even though he knows nothing of them, he accepts them into his court and treats them very well. He determines who is the leader by observing that Ernst is the one to mount a horse which he has led out; Ernst rides it "ritterliche" (4611). Besides providing Ernst and his band of men with clothing and food, the king makes sure they are "wol gereiten" (4616). When Ernst has finally learned the language and is therefore able to ccmnunicate his story to the king of the cyclops, the king's favor is increased. Before, the gifts merely provided Ernst with the appropriate standard of living; now he can live more lavishly: 4664 er gap im silber unde golt und allez daz er wolde hSn. alsd het got ze in get£h.

At this time no obligation on Ernst's part 1b made explicit. The king assumes that Ernst is entitled to the riches he is given by his nobility of birth and character and by his past actions. The third stage of Ernst's acceptance in Arimaspia comes when he leads the forward line in the battle against the plathueve with the result that the Arimaspians finally defeat their long-time enemy (4667-4743). Whereas Ernst's noble bearing won him noble treatment and portable goods, his military prowess leads to a land grant. The king, in his gratitude that Arimaspian £re has been preserved due to Ernst's 191 efforts, gives Ernst a fief: 4772 er lech im ein herzogentuom mit liuten unci mit lande. sus lGnte er dem wlgande.

Here again land is the source of wealth, and the ultimate reward. The * text does not indicate that the reward Ernst receives is the result of any prior arrangement between Ernst and the king; Ernst goes into battle because he can help, and is rewarded because he does help. The award of land to Ernst makes him in a sense a vassal of the Arimaspian king, and therefore obligated to help Arimaspia in further disputes. After the war with the giants has ended in victory for Arimaspia, the king gives Ernst an additional reward. Because Ernst advised resistance to the giants in the first place, and then developed the strategy which enabled the Arimaspians to defeat the superior force and retain their §re, his actions constitute aid even beyond that which is expected, and the cyclops king holds a festival to thank Ernst, and further rewards him: 5264 sie buten 3ren genuoc Ernest dem heren • • • golt und edel gesteine gab im vil der kunic guot. As Ernst already holds land in the realm, a gift of portable wealth is added, rather than still more land. The gold and jewels are given as an outward sign of the honor being shewn Ernst. After Arimaspia the next king Ernst deals with is the king of Morlant, who reacts as favorably to his appearance and the account of his history as the previous kings he has encountered. The relationship 192

between the hero and this king differs from the meetings with the kings of Hungary and Constantinople in that Ernst wishes to remain for a time in Morlant and therefore offers his services to the king (5473-79). Ihe king gratefully accepts, and offers Ernst in return rich rewards, which will Include land. Ernst refuses the gifts, preferring to wait until he has actually performed seme service (5496-5501). Ernst's dealings with the king of Morlant indicate that the procedure followed in Arimaspia is the normal and desirable course of action for this epic. A landless knight can be aided toward the goal of a crusade by gifts of money and golden objects, as happened in Hungary and Constantinople. If he is to remain in a foreign land for a time, he can beocme a vassal of the king through a land grant, but preferably only after performing a deed, always military, which warrants the high reward. Further military exploits can be acknowledged by additional

land grants or by money and other gifts, as occurred in Arimaspia. In Morlant Ernst performs the great deeds inplied in his offer of service by leading the vanguard in the battle against the invading heathen forces, but the idea of a land grant is simply dropped. Instead of remaining in Morlant, Ernst continues on his way to the real crusade; his reward takes the fora of portable wealth, as the king gives him

5639 zw£he sounaere geladen mit golde swaere und ein dromedSr wol getfih. Presumably Ernst would be given land if he remained in this realm, but his insistence upon departure necessitates a reward which he can take with him. 193

TVio incidents within the epic do not follow the aristocratic pattern; Ernst's mother gives him money before he departs for his crusade, and he offers goods to the merchants from Morlant. That Ernst's mother should wish to help him, and that her aid is given independently of military action and without obligation, is to be expected because of their kinship tie. The scene reflects a realistic 36 recognition that one needs money to travel. The transaction between Ernst and the merchants from Morlant who take him out of Arimaspia is quite different from other arrangements within the story. Precisely because the people from Morlant are merchants rather than fellow aristocrats, Ernst deals with them in a way which is appropriate to their social status. With them, he acts the same way they do. They request his protection and promise concrete rewards in return: "dar umbe wellen wir iu geben / unsers guotes also vil" (5354-55). Ernst requests their aid in the same manner, and offers them a reward: "ob sie im dar mohten franen, / er londe es in mit guote" (5392-93). The incident provides a stark contrast to the dealings with kings, wherein Ernst offers military service and receives maintenance and land in return. In all the feudal relationships the obligation on both sides is unlimited; here the service to be performed is clearly delineated. But even here the amounts which are to given on either side are not specified, and the payment aspect of this scene remains vague.

At the end of his adventures, Ernst gives Otto gifts, which fall into two different groups. From his travels he brings various representatives of the peoples he has visited, and due to him the 194

"weise," a precious stone in the imperial crown, is brought to the Bnpire. Of these two, the "weise" is more problematic. The finding of the precious stone occurs at a time in Ernst's travels which can be interpreted as the turning point of the epic. Through the beginnings of the journey, Grippia and the Magnetberg, Ernst is beset by a continuing series of misfortunes which have reduced him to destitution; with only five companions from his original army, he is trapped in a region where he and his men cannot possibly survive, and the only escape is through an extremely dangerous tunnel with a deep, fast-running river which cuts through the mountain separating them fran the unknown beyond. They build a raft with their swords, their only tools (4419-21), and brave the river. The text depicts their prayers to God, Mary and all the saints (4426-29), making it quite clear that their escape is accomplished only because of their faith and the aid of God. Their journey could symbolize sane sort of rebirth, since they lower themselves into a dark tunnel, and came out on the other side in a new, pleasant land. Fran this point, Ernst's fortunes steadily improve until he finally is able to return heme. The text notes that the inside of the mountain through which the tunnel passes is filled with precious stones; Ernst breaks one out, and takes it heme: 4456 Ernst der edele w£gant einen stein dar under sach den er flz dem velse brach. der stein gap vil liehten glast. den brShte Sit der werde gast Cz der vil starken freise. da von er wart der weise durch sin ellen genant. This stone could have symbolized Ernst's new life, the grace of God, or 195 his reconciliation with the Bnpire. Because it comes to the ruler via a # duke of his realm, the stone might signify that the Unperor's power 37 comes from his dukes. However, the author did not develop the symbolic possibilities of this jewel. He uses it rather as a departure point for a passage which asserts the truth of his story: 4466 von diu liuget uns daz buoch niht. ist aber hie dehein man der dise rede gelle Kan vur ein liigenlichez were, der kome hin ze Babenberc: dS vindet ers ein ende an alle missewende von dem meister derz getihtet h&t. ze latihe ez noch geschriben st&t: d& von ez ane valschen list ein vil v&rez liet ist. Ernst is not depicted presenting Otto with the jewel; in fact, the text does not mention the jewel again after this passage; he brings it "uz der vil starken freise" (4461). Ernst gives gifts to Otto only after the reconciliation is complete and Ernst has related the story of his travels. The duke does not volunteer to share his "wunder," the representatives of the species he has become acquainted with, but rather gives seme of them up reluctantly in response to Otto's request (5982 ff.). Otto requests the individuals out of curiosity. They have no economic function; the act of giving them to the EJnperor appears to constitute a social gesture which is not closely connected with any prior or subsequent obligation on the part of Ernst or Otto.

In the relationships which are depicted in Herzog Ernst the feudal pattern is followed. The hierarchy of king, higher nobility, lesser 196 nobility and peasants is clear throughout, and an individual's place in that hierarchy remains the same wherever he travels. Gifts and rewards are connected to military prowess; either they are in recognition of service or they enable future service. With the exception of Ernst's s gifts to Otto, in all cases the person of higher rank gives land, goods or money to the person of lower status, not vice versa. Exact amounts of gifts are not stated; the money value of an object is not of interest. Relationships which relate to city activities are nearly totally absent from the work. The merchants who take Ernst frcm Arimaspia form the sole exception, and the payment which is offered by Ernst is not presented within the story. The author mentions the necessity of buying food at several points in the epic, but always in connection with a journey - when Ernst departs from the Empire, when the king in Constantinople gives him gold for future provisions, when Ernst and his band land in Grippia, and when the merchants from Morlant arrive at Arimaspia - but not in the context of everyday life. Then too, the actual procurement of food is not portrayed, except when Ernst and his men take it without payment in Grippia. The work clearly was composed by an author who was thoroughly familiar with the feudal system and who accepted its value system and its methods without question. He either did not understand city ways, or more likely he did not find them of interest. 197

St, Oswald

In the consideration of St. Oswald, first the relationship between the king and his nobles will be examined; then the other relationships which occur in the work will be investigated. Superficially the beginning of the epic resembles Konig Rother; as there, one sees here the king who needs a bride, and a council of advisors who are consulted about the matter. The author enumerates Oswald's highly-placed subjects as the Konig Rother author referred to Rother's subjects. We learn of Rother that he has seventy-two kings subject to him: 6 ime dietin andere heren. zvene vnde sibincih kuninge biderve unde vormige. But Oswald's people are listed in much greater detail: 7 dem dienten chreftikleich zwelf kuny]Qkreich; zwelf kunk die dienten lm schon, iegleicher under seiner gulden kron; vier und zwaitzig hertzogen her die dienten im durch sein grosse er; sechs und dreissig grafen lobsam die dienten im mit mangem wexden man; neun edel pischof die dienten im auf seinem hof; ritter und knecht die dienten im gar recht. Ihe detail of this list, which Is repeated in essentially identical wording at 89r 949 and 1487, shows the author's knowledge of the levels of the warrior class in the medieval hierarchy. Hcwever, when Oswald's men perform any action, such as concealing themselves near Aron's castle or rejoining Oswald for the return to England, they are referred to as 198 his "dienstman" (2614), "dienstherren" (2617), "dienstlaut" (2075) or simply as "diener" (2632). These terms are undifferentiated except in the contrast formulation "freien und dienstman" (1767 and elsewhere), a distinction, however, whose significance remains undeveloped. The contrasts between the two epics continue; in Konig Rother the request for a bride originates with the orauen^ but Oswald himself reoognizes his need. Rother's council, or at least one member of it, is able to suggest a suitable candidate, whereas Oswald's men are at a loss. For purposes of this study the most significant contrast is that while all the dignitaries are listed in St. Oswald, not one is named, not one is singled out by title, and not one is able to help Oswald in achieving his goals, except by being part of the (hyperbolically) large army he takes to Aron's country. The character development in Konig Rother. which begins in the opening lines and continues to add credibility to the work throughout, is entirely absent from St. Oswald, at least with respect to noble characters. Only when preparing to depart for the crusade does Oswald offer rewards to his nobles. His offer is equivalent to Rother's, but the reminder of past aid from king to noble is more explicit: 1557 ir suit mir treu erzaigen, wan ir seit mein aigen; darzuo gib ich eu reichen solt, paideu silber und daz golt. ich wil euch leihen und geben die weil ich han mein leben. wol nu her, ir edeln kunki ir habt von mir lant () und purg; und ir hertzogen hochgemuot, ir habt () von mir laut und guot; [ir grafen alle sant, sei iegleicher an sein treu gemantj] 199

und auch ir pischof her, ir habt von mir wind und er. While in Konig Rother the nobles themselve notice or remind each other of what they owe their monarch, here the king himself reminds them. In addition, although the promise of reward is made, the author emits to describe the actual granting of these awards. The lack of differentiation in the handling of Oswald's men resembles the treatment of Ernst's following. It is carried a step further, however, since for Ernst the qualities which have enabled him to attract his army are developed, whereas here the following simply exists, with no indication as to hew Oswald inherits, attracts or holds his men in service. The homecoming scene serves in both Konig Rother and Herzog Ernst to reestablish the status quo; the position of the protagonist within the kingdom is confirmed and redistribution of land, hence of wealth, confirms the results of the adventures and expresses the gratitude of the ruler. In St. Oswald a similar scene is demanded, and in fact occurs, but with an important element missing. The scene is brief, only lines 3203-19. The only information imparted is that Oswald's people hear of his arrival and gather to welcome him home. Someone ("man," 3214, 3215) gives a generous feast. Then everyone goes home: "die herren schieden von dannen; / si zugen () a 1 1 e haim zuo land" (3218-19). As far as can be known from the text, all the faithful helpers receive absolutely nothing for risking their lives. From this one must suspect that the author was neither especially familiar with nor at all concerned with the relationship of the king to the warrior 200 class. Ihis class is present in the work only because a king does have warriors. For Rother, milte meant generosity to the nobility; for Oswald the adjective has quite a different meaning, clarified especially in the scenes which follow the homecoming, which will be considered below. Aron provides a contrast to Oswald, but the possibilities for contrasting his qualities as a ruler are not exploited by the author. He is depicted only as the evil heathen, powerful and rich and in need of conversion. No specific interaction between him and his subjects is described. Like Oswald's warriors, Aron's men shadow him without gaining any clear outline, to say nothing of individuality. His men are as undifferentiated as to rank as Oswald's and like their Christian counterparts are referred to as "dienstherren." They join Aron in the disastrous hunt, in the chase after Oswald and in battle with Oswald's men, and finally are converted and dispatched to heaven, all without being further described. Just as the author provides no positive model for the relationship of king to nobles, he gives also no negative model. Although Oswald is not shown rewarding his nobles in the epic, he is depicted as making payments on several occasions. The payments are made to the goldsmiths and promised also to the Schiffsknecht. These instances will be examined, then the scene at the end of the epic which establishes Oswald's generosity and clarifies its significance will be discussed. Both St. Oswald and Konig Rother have goldsmiths who perform important functions at key points in their respective stories; the 201

relationship of goldsmith to king in the two works can be compared fruitfully. In Konig Rother the necessity of including a goldsmith is

first mentioned in the preparations for Rother's voyage to Constantinople. When Rother needs the shoes for Herlint to carry to the Princess, he has the goldsmith make them. The goldsmith neither appears personally nor deals directly with Rother, but is directed through the intermediary Asprian. He is not referred to as a meister nor is his work distinguished by any description, not even one adjective. He is not specifically paid for his work. He functions only as one member of Rother's household, who is supported decently in return for being available when needed. Realism motivates the mention of his inclusion in the entourage which visits Constantinople. The portrayal of the transaction between Rother and the goldsmith corresponds precisely with what one expects of the ruling class of the period.

In St. Oswald( goldsmiths appear at several point of the narrative; one of their number decorates the Rabe for his mission as messenger to the Princess, several fashion gold crosses for the force which accompanies Oswald, twelve aid Oswald in the trick he perpetrates on Aron, and also produce the golden ornamentation for the Hirsch. The ornamentation of the Rabe provides a particularly interesting scene. Unlike Rother, Oswald appears not to have a goldsmith within his household, but must have a meister brought in. In contrast to Rother's transaction with his goldsmith, several features are noticeable. Some of the contrasting features are associated with the development of the goldsmith as a character. Tb claim that he has individuality would be 202

to overstate the case, but he nonetheless Is specified in a way which conveys respect for his profession. The first indication of respect is the fact that he appears in the work, rather than remaining "behind the scenes" as the goldsmith in Konig Rother did. Oswald himself sends a servant for the smith (474-76) and then personally explains the task to him (509-23). The goldonith is referred to or addressed as maister eleven times (484, 486, 491, 501, 509, 523, 527, 535, 540, 556, 561). The ornamentation he is to produce is described, although without much detail, in Oswald's instructions to the goldsmith: 515 beschlacht im daz gevider sein (und tuot daz durch den willen mein) mit euren kunstreichen henden, wan ich wil in ze poten senden, [und^ wurcht mir im also schon auf sein haubt ein guldein kron. The art involved in the goldsmith's work is expressed in the description of the smith himself as "ein chunstreicher man" (486, 527) and of his "kunstreichen henden" (517). This Kunst signifies the ability to practice his trade correctly rather than an aesthetic judgment: "deu chunst was im wol bechant," (536) and he states "wol mich (), daz ich die chunst gelemt hanl" (544). Still the confirmation of craftsmanship exceeds the amount of appreciation for the goldsmith's work found in

Konig Rother. Also in contrast to the passage in Konig Rother is the description of the effort involved in creating the decorations for the Rabe. The smith carries the messenger to his workshop and decorates him: 530 daz geschach eines abents spat, do waren si verpargen untz an den vierden margen, 203

und drei nacht so langOQ was der tab und der goltschmid pel einander. der maister warcht mlt ringer hant, deu chunst was im viol bechant; er worcht mit aller seiner macht paideu tag und auch die nacht. an dem viexden margen frue gie dem maister fraud zuo: do het~er den raben schan berait, des taucht er sich gemait. All this detail reveals same familiarity with life from the artisan's

point of view. The paying of the goldsmith for his work is an especially important feature of this scene. The idea of payment is mentioned as soon as the goldsmith is suggested; the Rabe tells Oswald to have a goldsmith deoorate him with gold and "darumb gib im reichen solt" (441). This rich reward is repeated when the chamberlain hires the smith (500), and when Oswald instructs him in his task (514). Although the payment will be generous, it is not specified before the task is performed. The snith himself sets the price for the bird's decoration: 551 er sprach: "lieber her mein, ich han gelaist den willen dein; edler furst wolgetan, zwelf mark golts ich hart verdient han." Oswald iximediately has the artisan paid the price he requests: 555 do sprach der hochgelobt degen: "maister, ich wil euchs geren geben." der milt kun[ljk Oswalt hieB den kamrer pringen paid zwelf mark () goldes rot: dem maister er daz pot. A variant reading (H) offers an Intensification of Oswald's generosity. According to that version line 554 reads "zwelf mark sylber golts ich hart verdient han," and in line 559 Oswald has "zwelf mark vo goldes 204

rot" brought. The distinction between silver (or white) gold and red gold allows the author to portray Oswald paying even more than the goldsmith requests. The entire transaction with the goldsmith differs from the dealings of nobles or between king and nobles in tills work by its much greater detail. It realistically depicts the merchant-artisan type of transaction. Both task and payment are specific and limited, and a high degree of respect for the artisan is reflected in all the details. When Oswald and his goldsmiths set up their workshop outside Aron's walls the idea that the goldsmith must be paid crops up again. The Princess Intervenes before her father attacks Oswald's company to convince her father they are harmless smiths; after enumerating several items which the smiths could make for Aron and his court, she says "vater, darumb gib in reichen solt" (2220). Goldsniths and their financial remuneration seem to have been important to the author of St. Oswald. In presenting the smiths who make Oswald's quest possible the author of the Miinchener Oswald introduced inconsistencies into the story, which, combined with the length and importance of the episode, lead Brauer to believe that the episode is an interpolation by a 38 goldsnith originator of the Miinchener version of the story. Examination of the factors which are inconsistent and the details which are included supports his thesis. The goldsmiths accomplish two things; they give Oswald the means to approach Aron's castle, and they decorate the Hirsch which lures the heathen king out of his stronghold. The 205 major inconsistencies are twofold; although Oswald ought to bring either goldsmiths or a completed gold stag with him on his journey, since the Princess suggested the golden stag (1180), he does neither, but brings a stag, unadorned, and never thinks of the smiths; and even though the Princess has suggested the inclusion of the animal, Oswald supposedly thinks of the trick of decorating it later. These inconsistencies have likely more to do with the way the work was composed than with interpretation of this version; several other similar inconsistencies in plot characterize the work. Assuming that the author/scribe did not think ahead far enough to mention inclusions of goldsmiths in the original provisioning of Oswald's force, he then had to introduce them when the necessity for their presence became acute. He does so by having twelve "helt guot" who are among Oswald's men come forward, explain that they were once goldsmiths and volunteer their services. This type of coincidence is quite usual for a storyteller, although it seems somewhat oontrived.

Other details revealed within this episode are consistent with the reality of a medieval goldsmith. The author thought of goldsmiths in connection with tools; when Oswald learns with shock that he needs smiths, he responds "nu han ich weder hamer noch schar" (2102). That the smiths have the necessary equipment with them is considered by the author to be worthy of mention: "nun hab wir den werchzeug mit uns pracht" (2120), and this realism is further enhanced when they set up their tent: 206

2145 mit zangen und mit hamern triben si ain grofl getamer, daz erhort des kun[i] gs wadi ter. She custom of traveling artisans is reflected in the (fictional) reality of the smiths' previous life: "wir sein all sampt goltschmid () / fund v a m durch deu lant nach unserm sit]" (2113-14). It is also referred to in the story the Princess suggests to Oswald and then relates to her father to account for their presenoe (20B4, 2204). In their listing of credentials the smiths include the information that they became "guotes reich" (2115) while practicing their trade. This implies both that smiths are supposed to achieve wealth and that material wealth indicates a quality workman. Before leaving the subject of goldsmiths in the work, we must examine the incident of the golden crosses which Oswald has prepared for his entire army. In the previous chapter it was pointed out that the crosses were meant to convert the Brautwerb into a crusade, and that they had to be gold in order to constitute a worthy religious sacrifice. Brauer found additional significance in this scene. He accepted the idea that the crosses were used as a sign for recognition, but regarding the question of why precisely gold crosses were necessary, he opined: "Offenkundig wird hier das als eine wesentliche Bedingung fur die Anwerbung der Mannen betrachtet" (p. 136). A close reading of the soene does not substantiate this claim. She episode can be viewed as consisting of three parts: preparation of the crosses, assembling of the army, and distribution of the crosses. The two portions dealing with the crosses have no effect upon the gathering of men. After the 207

goldsmiths have formed the crosses and departed, the text states: 1477 nu lag sand Oswalt aber In sargen die lang nacht huntz an den margen, vie er im aines sinnes erdachte und sein dienstlaut zuosamen prachte. The fact that Oswald still needs to find a way to bring his men to court shows that the crosses are not intended to bring them. Oswald requests his men's presence in court without giving a reason, and they arrive because he has summoned them. Only after they arrive does he explain what he wants. The gold crosses are not among the rewards which Oswald offers; he mentions the benefits to be gained frcm a crusade (1549-56), the loyalty they owe him (1557-58; 1564-70) and the material rewards (1559-62). The crosses appear again only after the men have agreed to go. Then they are described as obligatory rather than being offered as a special inducement: 1591 wer mir der vert wil pel bestan der muoQ der chrautz ain[e]s han. ob wir wurden bestanden von der haiden handen, so war wir cristen all[ej sant pai den crautzen () wol erchant. When all the men crowd around to get their crosses the text interprets their action: "ieglicher wolt sich hart schamen, / solt er der krautz nicht ain[e]s haben" (1611-12). The author did not mean to portray the men as motivated to the entire adventure because of the gold in the crosses. The crosses are to be worn to show they are Christians to identify them to each other. The actual commissioning and making of the crosses reaffirms the impression given by the other two scenes involving goldsmiths, namely 20B I that the author was well-informed about and sympathetic to these artisans. As in the deoorating of the Rabe. the goldsmiths, here an unspecified nunber of them, are called "maister" (1452, 1454, 1457). Their work is of high quality: 1469 die meister worchten mit ringer hant, die chunst was in wol bechant. die crautz wurden schier berait. Again, payment of the artisans is prominent; Oswald both promises (1464) and gives (1473-74) financial remuneration. Aside from the episodes involving goldsmiths and warriors, rewards or payments occur in four other contexts. Oswald offers remuneration to the pilgrim Warmunt and to the schiffsknecht who sees the Rabe arrive in Aron's land, the Princess offers a reward to her lady-in-waiting, and rewards are indicated several times for the Rabe. Restricting the consideration for the moment to the two instances involving Oswald, one finds that the two cases resemble each other closely. Oswald requests that the pilgrim act as messenger to Aron for him, and offers in return: 301 darumb gib ich dir reichen solt paideu silber und golt; ich wil dir geben ein hertzogtuon, du macht die potschaft wol mit eren tuon. When the cabin boy reports spotting the raven to the king, Oswald says: 1921 und ist mein rab chomen aus.Engellant, dreissig mark golts geb ich dir in den hant und mach dich zuo ritter," sprach der furst her. Ignoring the differences, that the boy has already seen the raven, and indeed only through good luck, whereas Oswald is attempting to excite the pilgrim to future and dangerous action, one finds that the rewards themselves are equivalent. A substantial sum of money and an increase 209

In feudal rank are offered both times. The money reflects a mercantile approach to these dealings, whereas the offer of rank would seem to reflect a contradictory feudal-aristocratic approach. And yet, an advance of such magnitude is neither realistic, nor advantageous to the aristocracy. The feudal hierarchy, which was viewed as inimitable by the authors of Konig Rother and Herzog Ernst, is here perceived as fluid. One need not look far for other examples of the contrast in attitude between these works. Rother disguises himself as a member of the high nobility, and Ernst is reoognized as a noble even when destitute, but Oswald both appears as a goldsmith and is convincing as such - the gulf between artisan and king is ignored. The twelve goldsmiths who aid Oswald in Aron's country casually report that they became knights: "[daz wir all sein ritter woxden / (daz gelaubt uns, furst hochgeporen)3" (2117-18). Oswald refers to the possibility of becoming a knight in his crusade speech: 1546 war zuo ritter worden sei oder noch zuo ritter werden wil den dunk der vert nicht zuo vil. This attitude does not reflect the true state of affairs for any part of the medieval period; even though the ranks of knights were not quite as closed as one today perceives them to have been (or as the aristocracy wished to believe), it can never have been a casual matter to advance to knighthood. The way to knighthood was not through smithing. One may suppose, without being too audacious, that an author of the 210 non-aristocratic classes would have been more likely to have portrayed the upper class as so accessible to lower-class intrusion. Immediately before she escapes, the Princess offers a payment or reward to a lady-in-waiting whose help she needs. The lines read: 2491 si sprach: "liebeu gespil mein, tuo ez durch die treu(e] dein: laB dir sein wol Ion In] und hab mir mein mantel und mein kxon und ste da her an mein[e] stat. No further information about the young woman or her relationship to the Princess is given. The passage is intriguing in that it hints of a degree of freedom which the author conoeived existed between a member of royalty and her servant, but assessment of the implications is made impossible by the vagueness with which the lady's position is defined. All one can say with assurance is that when the author wanted one character to request something of another, he thought first of a gift as possible motivation for the action. However, servants who appear elsewhere in the work are not given rewards consistently enough that this can be assumed as part of the pattern for the treatment of servants. The study of interrelationships in St. Oswald cannot be,considered complete without discussion of the Rabe. In spite of vanishing once his tasks have been performed, the Rabe is the actual "hero" during much of the story. As he is simultaneously a bird and a quasi-human, consistency is notably lacking in his portrayal; he is sometimes more birdlike, sometimes more hixnan. The intent of all episodes relating to his activities is primarily humorous; therefore one cannot have the same 211 expectations of this character as of more realistic characters. The raven refers to himself or is referred to several times as being "in dem dienst seins lieben herren" (628, varied wording in 687, 1236, 1809), but frequently does not speak to Oswald as a realistically depicted servant or vassal would, as when he refuses to report on the outoome of his meeting with the Princess until he has been fed (1345ff.). It is not surprising that the raven is not promised or given material rewards by Oswald. More unexpectedly the Princess does premise a general reward: 1183 hertzen lieber rab mein, nu chum her wider mit dem herren dein; ich wil dir leihen und geben die weil ich han mein lebenl The "leihen und geben" formula, as well as the rhyming line, appears at two other points of the story, as Oswald assembles his force (1161-62), and when he responds to the offer of help from the twelve goldsmiths (2131-32). When Oswald makes this offer, it corresponds to a possible eventuality, even though the act of presenting the rewards is not depicted in the work. When applied to the case of the raven the offer is merely humorous. For the author this custom seems to have been a formula relating to a knightly tradition rather than a practice familiar in his own life, which enabled him to use the formula in the largely inappropriate context of the Princess and the Rabe. In other instances the Rabe demands to be rewarded with food, before he entertains the mermaids (666ff.), before revealing the reason for his visit to Aron (869), and before reporting to Oswald (1351-52). In order to cajole or reward the raven, one feeds him, as the Princess 212 understands (1089-90), and as Oswald is informed (1359-60). For the raven the ultimate reward is a lifetime guarantee of food, which he achieves when Oswald premises: 1984 die well wir paid haben unser leben so chumst£u3 von meiner schussel nitrmer roer, zwar daz hab auf all mein er. All the gifts actually presented to the raven are food. Because the raven, in spite of hunan abilities - speech, planning, prayer - remains a bird, food is the appropriate reward for him. Food appears in other contexts in the epic aside from the episodes involving the Rabe. Oswald gives feasts before asking advice of his men and again after they have defeated Aron (3207). Food is included in the gifts he gives the beggar.- Aron also gives a feast. The author's interest in food is not that of a gourmet; the enumeration of dishes is general and formulaic: 125 er satzt si schon zuo tisch je] und gab in praten visch[e]; er gab in semel und guoten we in und waz da raines mocht gesein; er gap in zones und wilprat, guoter kost alz gerat, der aller pesten speis genuog so mans fur heren ie getruog. Brauer noted the emphasis on food and attributed it to the "biirgerlichen" author (p. 84 and elsewhere). One must agree that the conception of a king does in this respect reveal the point of view of the lower class, not primarily because a lower class individual would tend to be obsessed with food, but because he would conceive of a monarch as a dispenser or at least possible dispenser of this basic requirement to the poor. The general nature of the culinary 213

descriptions supports this assumption; the author had only a vague idea of what "heren" were supposed to eat. One is not particularly helped in forming a picture of the author's economic system by considering the relationships between the Rabe and other characters, since humor plays such a large role in his characterization; relationships which do not include him are more revealing. When the author portrayed knights, he had recourse to formulas and plot structures which were traditional elements rather than descriptions of customs familiar to him frcm his own everyday life. He assumed a fluidity in the hierarchy which does not favor the hereditary noble class. Although ultimately Oswald gains his Prinoess through military conquest, the author revealed no true knowledge of war in the battle scene; as Brauer has pointed out, even though this is the longest episode in the work, "Trotzdem bleibt sie unanschaulich - weil sie genau so allgemein und in leeren Phrasen abgefaBt ist, wie die bissherigen ritterlichen Episoden des Miinchener Oswald. • . . Sie . . . setzt sich

eklektisch aus feststehenden Forme In zusanmen . . (p. 172). Thus all aspects which would indicate an aristocratic perspective - the ascendancy of military values, land as wealth, an unalterable hierarchy, and accurate portrayal of knightly customs - are lacking in the work. In contrast, when the author portrayed especially the artisan goldsmiths, the characteristics of the real-world relationships are all present; the smiths are hired, offered money and paid for their services. The author took this kind of transaction for granted and knew

\ 214

It fran his own experiences, whereas he knew the aristocratic customs only from the tradition. Further support for the contention that the author belonged to the lower classes, artisan or merchant, is found in the portrayal of the protagonist with respect to generosity. Oswald's most oonspicuous attribute is mllte. In this he resembles Rother, but only superficially. Rother's generosity is a matter of domestic and foreign policy, a means by which he gains military support and plays diplomatic one-upsmanship. The quality is expressed in gifts and rewards to his own noble warriors and to Constantin's poor, but these poor turn out also to be of the warrior class and deserving of help because of their membership in that class. In St. Oswald one finds the truly poor. Ihe dimension of the king supporting his warriors is present only vestigially, in formulas of rewards promised, but not rounded out by actual distribution of that support. Oswald's mllte is demonstrated especially in the final scenes of the story. As noted above, the scene of triumphant return (3201-19) is totally eclipsed in importance by the following episode. Cnee the warrior-nobles have departed for their lands, Oswald sends messengers to the poor people: 3221 und hieB im pringen arm£e] laut [(als uns daz puoch noch sait) den wolt er geben ain spend[e3 mit seiner milten hend[ej. Die theme of Oswald giving to the poor, developed through the specific case of the purported beggar (Jesus), is religious in emphasis. But it expresses a religiosity which benefits the lower classes; in this as in 215

r

other respects the work reflects the point of view of the non-noble city

classes. Ihus in St. Oswald, although the author has attempted to portray the upper nobility, this portrayal contains anomalies and omissions, or even errors. The following of faithful men is present but not developed fully. When describing members of the nobility, the author is formulaic; his descriptions lack the depth which would show understanding of their way of life. When he is working with lower-class characters, on the other hand, especially with goldaniths, he is much more detailed and accurate, and hence more convincing. 216

Orendel

Discussion of the role of economic factors in the character interactions in Orendel will begin with an analysis of the relationships between rulers and their men. The principal leaders in the poem, Orendel and Bride, must be covered fully, but minor characters who lead armies will also be considered. These relationships will be compared

first to similar relationships in the other epics, and then to the interaction between Orendel and Ise. The king and the fisherman have a unique bond which will be discussed at some length. After the introductory passage of Orendel, which gives the history of the Roc, the story has a preparation scene which has some similarity with the analogous scenes in St. Oswald and Konig Rother. Certain key elements are missing, however, and to these lacks one must be attentive. Present are the building and the provisioning of the ships, and, as in St. Oswald, the providing of visible signs of the crusade, here golden spurs instead of crosses. But whereas in Konig Rother the men who will acoompany the king on the mission are offered a reward, however unspecified, in Orendel no mention whatever is made of material compensation for participation. Nor does the provisioning of the ships include treasure other than the golden spurs (311) and the picture which is to be offered at the Holy Sepulchre: 327 der junge kunic lobesam ein bilde giezen do began von dem roden schonen golde als erz (zu JerusalemeJ zum opper haben wolde. 217

ez was ein bilde so herlich, unsers heren [bilde derj marter was ez glich. Beyond the items designated as religious offerings, the author depicts the men loading up with only the practical necessities: 339 die heren nit lenger beiten, die schif sie bereiten, die hiez man alle wol laden, also wir daz buch horen sagen, mit brode und ouch mit wine, mit manger hande spise. Where in the other epics followers are promised an earthly reward in addition to the usual heavenly reward for participating in a crusade,

Qrendel's people are promised only the heavenly * reward, and that promise is made in a negative, indirect manner. Rather than speaking directly to the men, Orendel speaks to his father, asking that the king take care that no man is forced to join the crusade (264ff.). His reasons are both ideal and pragmatic; if a man who was not truly ready for the crusade were to drown on the way, "so versa get ime Krist sin rich" (276), and at the same time, "so ist ouch gar bose zu velde vehten / mit betwungen knehten" (260-81). Orendel'8 lecture to his father about not forcing the men might reflect a comment on an actual situation, with its mention of wife and children being left behind. Hcwever, if the author was familiar with the procedures for a crusade, or for war in general, the omission of a promised reward seems odd. An echo of economic reality may be present in verses 316-17. As the men come forward to take their golden spurs, Orendel states: "ir enkoufent nit die heizen helle / umb daz golt so schone und rot." The P version of these lines clarifies the meaning: "doch lasset eiich das gold 218 so wol nicht gef alien das ir die haissen hell darum kauffet.*' The oaiment could be read as a preacherly warning of the doom awaiting the hypocritical crusader, since poor men went on crusades, or at least volunteered to go, for this kind of specific material reward alone. A negative attitude toward hope for gain as a factor motivating behavior is expressed, in contrast to the attitude in Konlg Rother, which accepts as reasonable that the nobles are faithful to Rother because of the monetary benefits. And yet, the Orendel text is confusing at this point because, as Brauer noted, the men actually appear to volunteer because of the golden spurs (pp. 137-39). When Orendel first requests volunteers, first eight kings with 1000 men each come forward, then at the second call, another thousand men join them: 305 do hup sich ander werp ein schar, dusent ritter verwapnet gar. do kunde er mit alien slnen sinnen die heren von dem ringe nit bringen. Then Orendel has the spurs carried out and a great rush for them begins, which subsides only when all but two spurs for Orendel himself have been taken: 321 die stolzen ritter jungen, wie balde si uf sprungen, wie balde sie sich bucten, die guldinen s p a m sie uf zucten. do enbleip nie me dan zwene, die nam der junge kunic bede. The spurs are mentioned first; then the men are gathered; then they rush for the spurs. The significance of 307-08, stating that Orendel could not bring the men from the ring, is unclear; either he is unable to shake the resolve of the 9000 or so crusaders who have ccme forward 219 already, or he is unable to raise yet more knights. Brauer inclines to the latter view, but I prefer the former, since the interpretation thus yielded has inner consistency: the message then is that the men are all going crusading for the correct, idealistic reasons, and the spurs are merely a symbol of their resolve, which Orendel has tested and found firm. The idea of the Gefolgschaft. which was important in Konig Rother and in Herzog Ernst, is not truly an issue in Orendel. The author provides Orendel with a following only to establish that the hero is as saintly in his treatment of his subjects as in other respects, and once that has been demonstrated the men become a narrative inconvenience, since Orendel is to fight alone in the Holy land; therefore they must perish before arriving there. Even while carrying out the depiction of the ideal ruler, the author is not as skillful as, for example, the Konig Rother author. None of Orendel's people is characterized as an individual nor is the group as a whole described except in the most general terms, as "dusent ritter herlich" (298), "ir stolzen helde" (315) and "die stolzen ritter jungen" (321). NO character has a name. When Orendel speaks to the assembled group, (315-18), the speech is a short sermon rather than the pre-battle encouragement one might expect on the eve of a crusade. The portrayal of the relationship of ruler to knight is vague. Even the number of followers Orendel has is given in a confused fashion. He has eight kings with a thousand men each (296-98), then a further thousand, or perhaps 1000 from the original 6000 men are mentioned in verses 305-06. While in Konig Rother and Herzog Ernst the 220 success of each respective hero depends upon the cooperation of his faithful men, Orendel acts entirely Independently. Konig Rother and Herzog Ernst present models for the faithful followers and the ruler; in Orendel only the good ruler is portrayed, and the followers are present exclusively to show some qualities of the ruler, or, more accurately, of the saint. Because the portrayal of the following is so vague, the text gives almost no information regarding the economic aspects of this type of relationship. Bride has a Gefolgschaft. but here too definition is lacking. The numbers of her force are never given. It consists of an unspecified proportion of heathens and of "tempelheren," both of whom defend the Holy Sepulchre. She orders her men into battle, but no scene of rewards promised or granted occurs. No reasons for the loyalty of her men to her are given. In the same way, Orendel's various heathen opponents have large armies but information as to their functioning is not given. A look at the battle against Pelian shows the confusion regarding the faithful following in this work. Bride calls together her men at the beginning of the battle (1949-65), thus giving the Impression that all will fight together. But Orendel apparently wants to face the heathens alone (1968-72), and the remainder of the scene consists of Orendel battling alone, with heavenly aid (2052-70), and finally side-by-side with Bride (2075-2160). Only after the conclusion of this battle are Bride's men mentioned again, and then Orendel declines Bride's offer of their help (216Bff.). In spite of Orendel1s marriage Bride's men apparently have not transferred their loyalty to him; the 221

tempelheren try to join the battle only when they notioe that Bride is on the field (2161-64). Just as the concept of the following of warriors is not skillfully developed as a theme in this epic, so also instances of gift-giving which would express the leader-supporter relationship are rare. Although a few gifts are mentioned, they generally do not fit into the scheme of a warrior hierarchy. In two cases (710ff., 1020ff.) the gift ocmes to Orendel from heaven, first money with which to buy the Rocf next golden shoes. These gifts function within the narrative as aid to Orendel in carrying out his goal of fighting against heathens, and therefore are very practical; the money buys him the robe which is impervious to blows from enemies, and the shoes replace his rough peasant shoes, and thus enable him to fit his feet into the stirrups of the horse. At the same time the gifts demonstrate that Orendel is fully supported by divine favor. Rewards for service are not entirely lacking, however. In the opening section of the epic, which relates the earlier history of the Roc, the Roc is given as a reward to "ein alder Jude" by Herod (50-61). The text does not elaborate upon the services which have been performed or upon Herod as a king. Herod's man asks for and receives a specific gift, whereas in Konig Rother and Herzog Ernst the person of higher rank always initiated the rewarding and chose the gift. Later, Bride and Orendel are depicted giving a reward before departing for Trier; two converted heathens will guard the Holy Sepulchre during their absence and be recompensed with a treasure: 222

2930 man befalch den- selben also schone bede kruze unde krone und daz vll heilige grap: daz gabent sie den heiden unb einen schatz. This instance also fails to conform to the pattern of rewards for services which was adhered to in Konig Rother and Herzog Ernst. The heathen regents are rewarded before they have performed a service, rather than afterwards, as was the case in the other two epics. They are asked to perform a specific, limited service, to guard the sepulchre, and are rewarded with a store of treasure. In contrast to his vagueness in describing the aristocratic relationship of Orendel and his men, the Orendel author becomes clear and fairly complete in his depiction of the relationship between Orendel and Ise. Theirs is that of a master and a servant or a master and a journeyman; the assumptions underlying it have no connection with the warrior class, as one can see by examining the passage which begins around verse 500. Orendel arrives in the Holy Land entirely without possessions, without even clothing. His position is similar to that of Ernst arriving in Arimaspia, but the reception he receives is quite different. In the aristocratic system of Herzog Ernst, a noble is a noble by birth and retains his social status regardless of changes in fortune. Within this view the Herzog Ernst author assumes that a noble knight would be recognized as such even in rags, but the Orendel author makes no such assumption. Rather, Orendel fears for his life because without clothes and possessions he will seem to be a thief; 500 wer mich nu hie siht nacket stan, der spricht an disen stunden, 223

ich si von einer roupgaline entrunnen und si ein rouber und ein diep. This expectation corresponds to a merchant-artlsan system; a man's value is primarily seen in terms of what he possesses# and the man with nothing is automatically suspect. Orendel is in fact mistaken for a thief# first by Ise (530)# then by Ise's wife (617). Orendel*s rescue also is similar to Ernst's; the rescuer performs his act of mercy, and the hero responds with gratitude and offers to return the favor with service. But Ernst's service is totally military, from his initial appearance as a weapon-carrying man to his demonstration of his worth in battle. Orendel presents himself as a fisherman who is currently destitute; the service which he offers and performs is aid to the fisherman in catching fish. The fact that Orendel can adopt an unaristocratic disguise indicates a lack of the feudal assumption that an individual's place in the hierarchy is inimitable; in Herzog Ernst such a disguise would be unthinkable. Orendel must take the servant position because he owns none of the requisite equipment which would qualify him as a master fisherman. Because he lacks possessions his value is determined by his ability to perform, in this instance, to catch fish. Even though through heavenly intervention he proves himself an excellent fisherman, he remains a servant rather than a master because he owns nothing. Ise is essentially offering Orendel a job when he says: "daz so wol vischen kan din hant, / des saltu haben Ion und danc" (593-94). Although Ise does not specify a wage which he will pay, he and his wife act as masters to their servant, and eventually they provide Orendel with simple clothing. 224

When he departs they give him more clothing as well as wages in money. The clothing he receives is of the undistinguished, inexpensive type suitable for a servant, as the low price (672, 676) and the description of the rough shoes indicate (673-74). In addition to the remunerative aspect of the servant relationship, there Is a dimension of control; Orendel has relinquished his independence and therefore must request permission to depart: 776 do bat er fsinen meisterj den vischere, daz er ime urloup gebe: 'ich han midi gelobt zu dem heiligen grabe.' do sprach fmeistler [ise]: 'du salt min sture haben.* In the absence of other arrangements, servant status once adopted seems to be permanent. That Orendel is the servant is apparent when Ise checks the catch and finds the Roc; the garment belongs to Ise, and Orendel must pay for it before it becomes his. The relationship of Orendel and Ise is similar to the patterns of a master-journeyman relationship. According to one of the requirements for the master rank in the medieval guilds, the master had to own the 39 equipment necessary for the practice of his trade. Once a master and a journeyman had entered into a contract, the concept of loyalty 40 owed by each to the other was prominent in the relationship. Orendel and Ise show the kind of loyalty to each other which corresponds to this type of expectation. The apparent expectation of permanence in their relationship is the only point which contradicts usual medieval guild practice. The medieval contract typically had a time limit of a year, or sometimes a half-year, and journeymen changed masters or 225

renewed contracts at set times of the year by custom. 41 Orendel has only served Ise for a few weeks when he departs to crusade, so in any case he could not have served out a contract. After Orendel has fought several battles, revealed his true identity to Bride and married her, Ise re-enters the story. Hie issue of Orendel*s servant status is explored in a scene which exploits the ocmic aspects of a king acting as a fisherman's servant. Ise appears the moment Orendel has been recognized as himself and accepted by the tempelheren. Ise is seeking his servant, perhaps with no notion of the identity of the supposed fisherman (the text is uncertain on this point); Orendel adopts the demeanor of a servant again, and apologizes for remaining absent for so long, for Ise as the master had the right bo expect his return. Without revealing his identity, Orendel sends Ise to Bride with the instructions: 2207 und heizent uch geben u w e m kneht, der uch zu [uwerm} dienste ist gereht, den sie uch als lange hat entwent und von uwerm dienste entspent.

When confronted with this request, given in this same wording except for adjustment to pronouns (2221-24), Bride counter-offers "einen schilt . . . mit rodem golde decken" (2231-32), pointing out to Ise that he can then hire twelve servants (2234-35). Orendel *s freedom is not automatic, but must come about by recompensing Ise for the loss of labor resulting from freeing the servant. Ise is content with the bargain, explains it to Orendel and goes home, with an expensive robe which Orendel gives him for his wife. Up to this point the scene exhibits a 226

logical proceeding, a dissolution of the servant relationship. More precisely, if the servant were not a king the procedure would be logical. Orendel*s position as servant, in addition to showing the author's knowledge of the servant side of the master-joumeyman relationship, demonstrates a disregard for the medieval hierarchy which is further revealed in the change in Ise's social class. Not only can a king become a fisherman's servant; a fisherman can also become a duke. We may assume that Ise's kindness to Orendel is responsible for his preferment, but the text is silent on this point. After Ise has left Orendel with the gift for his wife, and Orendel has requested Bride's permission to accompany his "master," Bride has Ise summoned back to court. Although no discussion of the matter between Bride and Orendel is reported, they oooperate in elevating Ise. Orendel informs Ise that he is to become "herzoge . . . zu dem heiligen grabe" (2315), while Bride has "ein herzogen gewant" brought (2321). lhe procedure emphasizes the outward signs of the new rank; Ise receives clothing, a sword (2326) and other armor (2330-43). The servant issue also plays a role in Orendel's relationship with the heathen lord (king) Mercian; the series of transactions between them exhibits traits both of merchant and of aristocratic methods. Before Orendel encounters the heathen, he states that he would share his gains with anyone who would lend him horse and armor (904-09), then in similar wording he repeats the offer to Mercian personally: "waz ich da mit gewunne / daz gebe ich uch g e m e zu lone" (938-39). When Mercian 227

inquires more closely into the terms Orendel is willing to offer, Orendel adds that he would be Mercian's servant: 962 ich sagen uch, here, veiz got, verllesen ich dir, degen kune, din ros und dinen schilt grune, ich sagen dir, kunic lobesam, vur einen eigen kneht saltu mich han. All this describes a contractual agreement, rather like arrangements a t pair of merchants might make, with the profits from the venture to be divided between the two. But the venture is battle, the business primarily of the noble warrior class. Once the arrangements have been made, Orendel begins to do battle and slays a group of heathens, including his benefactor's brother, and repays the heathen with booty won in the battle (1092ff.). The impression given by the transactions between Orendel and Mercian is, like much of the epic, confusing, lhe mixture of merchant dealings and warrior behavior can be attributed to an attempt to portray the aristocratic type of transaction on the part of an author who did not entirely comprehend the customs of the aristocracy and therefore fell back on merchant models to fill in the details of Orendel's acquisition of armor and horse, lhe confusion engendered by this passage becomes acute with respect to the servant issue. Orendel's offer is to be Mercian's servant if he should lose the equipment, yet despite the fact that he repays Mercian and should therefore be free from further obligation, the issue is brought up again when Bride embraces Orendel (1473-74), and Mercian runs to object: 1484 [er sprachj 'wie nu, frouw Bride, die schonste ob alien wiben, ist daz nu gedan rehte, daz ir kosent mit mime knehte?' 228

Orendel's explanation that Mercian only loaned him a horse and that he was never a servant is consistent within this passage: 1497 ich enwart sin nie eigen noch mannes uf erden keines ane (Jalleinj godes des vil guden und siner kuniclichen muder. Orendel then gives Mercian a beating, calling the victory the service

Mercian expects: 1512 daz ist der dlenst, den ich dir hajji gedan. wan du sin begerest, here, so dienen ich dir mere. Bride imprisons Mercian, Orendel frees him and sends him away with the warning, "so vergich min zu [eime3 knehte nunner mare" (1538). The insult Orendel feels accords with what one would expect of the nobility. But it directly contradicts the positive attitude toward servitude expressed in Orendel's relationship to Ise. The possibility that the king could act as a servant recurs in the dealings with the heathens Ellin and Durrian. The two kings open negotiations with Orendel with an offer conveyed by messenger: 2606 ob ir uf diser erden ir dienstman wollent werden, sie wollent uch machen underdan daz lant von Ackers biz uf den Jordan. Orendel*s reasons for refusing this offer are religious. He would be willing to serve Christians in this way. 2618 und wollent sich ouch lazen doufen und an den waren Krist gelouben, so wil ich uf diser erden geme ir beder dienstman werden. If the religious difference did not exist Orendel could accept the 229

offer. The messenger does succeed in insulting Orendel by questioning his right to refuse the offer, since he is a runaway servant of a

fisherman: 2632 wan ir sint eines vischers schalg: wie groz joch ist uwer gewalt, ir dragent einen roc an geren, ir sint entrunnen uwerm [rehtenj heren. That Orendel could consider becoming the dienstman of the heathen kings is not unreasonable to this author; the insult to Orendel is that he was an unfaithful servant to Ise, not that he was a servant per se. To this insult Orendel responds with violence (2646-61). Even though Orendel lacks a sense of a static hierarchy, it displays the emphasis on military prowess which is associated with an aristocratic orientation in this time period. Most of the epic consists of a long series of battles, and it is through achievement in battle that Orendel distinguishes himself. And yet none of the battles is described in a realistic way, since Orendel alone fights and defeats several hundred heathens and a few giants each time. The frequent formulas in the work are especially obvious in the battles; note verse 1076 ff. for example. The battle scenes are put together out of traditional elements; in no way does the author reveal any real knowledge of war. The impression conveyed by the handling of wealth and of money in Orendel r namely that the author was most familiar with the merchant or

artisan class, is further confirmed by his handling of relationships between characters. Just as the characteristics of the most important transactions of the epic, including especially the way Orendel obtains 230 the Roc, correspond to merchant-artisan practices, so also the most fully-described relationship, that of Orendel and Ise, corresponds to that of master to journeyman, a typically city relationship, lhe author lingers over battle soenes, without however doing them well, but otherwise ignores matters which would reflect warrior-aristocratic concerns, such as the bond between leader and follower. In the author's depiction of the king, Orendel, he reveals both his ignorance of kings and his knowledge of the activities of a city. 231

Salman und Morolf

#

In the investigation of the role of economic factors in inter­ actions between characters in Salman und Morolf, first the relationships between kings and their military forces will be discussed, and then other relationships with an economic dimension will be considered. Hie kings include Salmon and his heathen opponents Ftore and Princian. Relatives of both heathens, also kings, briefly appear after each heathen's defeat, to be conquered in turn. Other relationships include that of Morolff to each king, to Salome, and to the groups of ordinary people he encounters. Salome also takes part in economic transactions independently of any of the kings. Each king has at his disposal a large army which expresses his power; numbers are frequently mentioned, and descriptions of fighting are given at the appropriate points in the narrative. But the presence of the warriors is generally taken for granted, as in St. Oswald, rather than being emphasized as the result of the ruler's positive qualities as in Konig Rother and Herzog Ernst. No information is given about hew each king wins or holds his following. Only one individual warrior, the Herzog Friderich, is mentioned by name, and then only somehow uncon­ vincingly, since he appears as if from nowhere during the preparations for the second voyage to recover Salome (726) and again just before the final battle (754), with no further specification of the character or attempt to connect the two episodes. 232

With respect to the gathering of forces, the case of Fore most resembles the pattern discerned in Konig Rother. Fore offers a material reward to the men he hopes will accompany him: 31,3 ich will mit heres kreffte uber see. wer mir des gehilffet, den wil ich richen lemer me. the interesting feature is that the antagonist carries out the Braut- werb. rather than the protagonist. As in other respects, Fore acts similarly to Rother in offering a reward to his men. lhe author does not further insist upon generosity as one of Fore's outstanding qualities, however; as Fore is not the hero, insistence on his positive qualities would be inappropriate. lhe offering of rewards to warriors appears in an abbreviated form when a nephew of Fore tries to avenge his kinsman's defeat. The text gives the king's name and asserts that he gathers a large army: 554 elme kunige. der hieB IBolt. der bot silber und golt uber den kunig von Jherusalem. er gewan der ubeln heiden wol drissig dusent oder me. As in the case of Fore, the total defeat of this king prevents further expansion of this motif, but its use demonstrates the connection in the mind of the author between an army's availability and the offer of gold and silver. When Salmon prepares to recover Salome the first time, money as an inducement for warriors to serve the king is expounded upon more thoroughly than in the case of Fore. For the reader's convenience the stanzas describing this offer are quoted in full, beginning with Morolff's advice: 233

376 Er sprach: 'kunig, nu folge der lere min, heiB uff slieBen die kamenaten din und gip den helden din silber und din golt so rot. war ich dan den fanen leite, dar folgent sie mir in die not.' 377 Salmon war der rede fro. er hieB uff sliessen die kamenaten do, er hiefl herfur tragen daz silber und den schatz und das edele gesteine, das man den heren alien gab. 378 Da sprach der listige man: ’sich, kunig, nu hast du recht gethan. din silber din golt so rot, das wiset manigen kiinen recken in den ferch grimen dot.1 Morolff advises giving the potential warriors silver and gold to assure their loyalty in battle, and Salmon follows the advioe. Vogt saw this kind of dealing as resulting from the "Spielmann" authorship he assumed for the epic: "Charakteristisch ist fur ihn, den Spielmann, insbesondere seine Auffassung von der Beziehung des Fursten zu seinem ritterlichen Gefolge: das sicherste Bindemittel zwischen den beiden ist der Sold." As discussed above, material rewards did play a role in actual transactions between nobles such that the mere fact of payment being offered here does not in itself justify assuming a non-noble or "Spielmann" author. But this scene differs from the equivalent scenes in Konig Rother, for example, in the crassness with which tangible naterial rewards are stated as the sole motivating factor for the warriors. No thought of loyalty or of obligation for past generosity of the ruler is expressed here. Whereas money played a role in the motivation of Rother's men, along with other factors, here it is the only reason given for serving the king. In addition, the pay is given before the men have performed the task, rather than afterwards as in 234

Konig Rother. The final line regarding the death the followers may suffer intensifies the cynical note which pervades this passage. Considerable doubt as to the author's knowledge of the normal pursuits of the warrior class he wrote of must be felt when one investigates how he depicts warrior actions. Several battles are portrayed within the work, but without convincing us that the author knew anything of military matters. Not only are the descriptions formulaic, the heroes kill vast numbers of the enemy force. The same things occurred in Orendel, but where it seemed naive there, here it appears to be oonscious irony. When Salmon suddenly slays "funffthalp hundert" of Fore's men (516), one is not inclined to take it seriously, especially as Salmon is not consistently presented as a brave warrior. Morolff must be quite aggressive in persuading Salmon to enter Fore's castle alone; the king's Initial reaction to this plan is fearful: "Morolff, was han ich dir gethan, / das du mich wilt senden uff min leben?" (386,2-3). Later, Salmon has flashes of courage, as when he passes up an opportunity to escape from Fore's sister because she would suffer (473); but his character does not reveal the constant bravery nobles might expect of another noble. None of the characteristics which would indicate a militarily-oriented author, not knowledge of battle or respect for courage, are present. When Salmon's army is to rescue him from the gallows, Morolff promises them another kind of reward, a heavenly one: 465 Wer nodi hut waget sinen lip durch sinen rechten heren, was got dem grosses lones gitl The formula describing the heavenly reward might be appropriate to a 235

crusade context, but no characteristics of a crusade are present here beyond the fact that the enemy are heathen; no intention of converting these heathens or of protecting Christianity in other ways is asserted anywhere in the work. The fact that the heathens are heathens remains incidental to the story. The reward from God which the crusader is to enjoy in return for serving God is expropriated from the crusade stories for use in the different context of a regular war on behalf of an earthly king. Salmon's men do receive a further reward after the battle with Fore. In return for a decent burial for her brother, Pore’s sister offers to show Morolff where the heathen's treasure is hidden. Morolff then shares this find with the army. 550 Morolff lachen da began, er winckte sinen helden zu ime dan. er gabe ine silber und richen schatz. da sie den geteilten, da hup sich ein tomei an der stat. The army thus functions as a body of mercenaries rather than as a band of aristocratic warriors. Just as they are paid in portable wealth beforehand, here they are given a portion of the spoils. Salome also promises money in return for service, but while the various kings in the poem offer rewards for warrior duty, Salome's offers are made only in connection with the imprisoning of Morolff. In each case, she acts independently of any of the kings. When Morolff escapes from Fore the first time, Salcme offers a reward for his capture: 301 Da sprach die frauwe wol gethan: 'nu wartent, helde lobesam, bringent mir wider den listigen man. 236

drissig marck des roden goldes sollent ir dar umb zu lone han.'

lhe text depicts her giving a robe to the two messengers who inform her of his capture, and mentions the thirty marks once again: 307 Den zwein gabe sie das botten brot, einen fehen mantel, der was von golde rott. drissig marg wolt sie den andem geben, warn sie brachten gefangen den ufierwelten tegen. In a similar manner, Salome offers rewards for Morolff's capture in Princian's kingdom, again without consulting Princian. She reoognizes first the beggar and then the "spielman" as Morolff in disguise: 675,5 wer mir den krippel brenget, den wil ich mit golde wider wegen. 700 Do sprach die frauwe wol gethan: 'das waz Morolff Salmons man. bringent mir den selben spielman. drissig marg des roten goldes sollent ir dar umbe zu lone han.' Salome's independence in this one area is a result of her superior knowledge of Morolff and his capabilities. Because she is the first to recognize him and the danger he poses, she acts to block him if possible. She is not depicted cormanding armies, as the kings are, but only small groups of servants. These servants are as easily motivated by the hope for gain as the armies. No offers or instances of a change in feudal rank occur, therefore the text gives no hints of this kind as to the author's attitude toward the hierarchy. Morolff's many disguises indicate a possible lack of respect for rank in their assumption that the king's brother could be convincing as a butcher or a peddler. The scene in Pore's courtyard, where Morolff in his beggar disguise takes the seat reserved for the 237

nobility, is comparable to the scene in Herzog Ernst Where Ernst is • recognized as a noble in spite of his destitute state. In Herzog Ernst the duke's gestures demonstrate his class. Here too, Fore mentions Morolff's gestures: 195,3 ich han an sinen libe ufl erkom und prieff an sinen geberden, er ist von hoher art gebom. lhe effect of the scene in Salman und Morolf is different because the actions which Morolff takes do not accord at all with the ideal for an aristocrat. Whereas Ernst serves the discerning Arimaspians by leading their army to victory in battle, and satisfactorily administers the lands he receives as a reward, Morolff repays Fore for his recognition by continuing his masquerade and playing a series of vulgar tricks on the heathen king. Until Morolff leads the armies which rescue Salmon frcm Fore, he performs no act worthy of a noblo in Fore's domain. Thus the motif which was integrated into Herzog Ernst here remains a cliche' of questionable appropriateness. Besides those few instances where rewards are given to the army, the gifts which are presented are given to Morolff, who generally collects them while he is in one of his many disguises. Understanding Morolff's characterization would aid in the evaluation of these episodes, but this understanding is complicated by the contradictions

inherent in the characterization. Morolff is presented as both king's brother and trickster, as royal or at least noble and as a class-less entertainer. Ibis multiplicity of roles is echoed in the relationship between Morolff and Salmon. On the one hand, it shows features of the loyal Gefolgschaft relationship, in fact of an inner circle relationship 238

such as that between Luppolt and Rother. Morolff does not appear to be motivated primarily by hope for gain nor by gratitude for past favors. He is a brother to Salmon. Like a brother he selflessly pursues Salmon's goals, giving up his own goals and possessions to do so. Twice he pursues Salmon's erring wife and brings her back. In addition he chooses a new and better wife for the king and steadily advances her so that she is ready when Salome has been disposed of. When Salmon does offer Morolff a reward, it is fabulously large: 156 Da sprach der kunig Salmon: 'nu lassent wir die rede stan und suche mir die kunigin her, so wil ich mit dir teilen das gute lant czu Jherusalem.1 But the text does not assert that this offer actually motivates Morolff. The implication in fact is that Morolff responds to the familial relationship and to personal affection rather than to the reward, as he

responds: 158,2 'richer kunig Salmon, sit du min zu bruder hast verjehen, was du mir dann gebuttest, here, das sol alles beschehen.' In contrast to this fraternal loyalty, in several respects the relationship between the two is other than that of loyal follower or brother to monarch. Morolff tricks Salmon, threatens not to aid him, bullies him and is generally insubordinate. Morolff is the superior in the sense that he always realizes what is happening when Salmon is deluded, and he is not above letting Salmon knew of this superiority. Vogt asserted that the relationship still bears traces of the 43 Salomon-Markolf dialogs from which the story is partly derived. 239

Morolff's method for dealing with Salome, Fore and Princian is a complex series of tricks and disguises. lhe author uses the situation of Morolff's interactions to spin out practical jokes meant to entertain an audience without thereby advancing the action of the story. Since the lengthy series of pranks occurs in each case after Morolff has received the information he needs, they act to retard the action. In the course of his tricks Morolff takes on the traits of various professions; through examining his activities in each of these guises one can see what the author expected of each of the professions. While none is developed in extensive detail, nonetheless the roles demonstrate the author's knowledge of the socio-economic structures of a city. Before masquerading as a butcher, Morolff must provide himself with the requisite equipment, including mezzer, and with raw materials, rlnder and schaf (702). Having purchased the meat, he slaughters and sells it, and promises full value to his customers: "der fleisch keuffen wolle, / dem wil ich g e m pfenwert geben" (706,4-5). Hie author was able to portray this short scene with an accuracy which contrasts with the empty formulaics of the battle scenes. When he has Morolff escape clad as a kramer. he does not forget that Morolff needs items to sell: 708 Also bleip er in der stat under den heiden bitz an den dritten tag. er truwete in metzigers wise nit genesen. er sprach: 'wer git mir spillen und nadeln, ein kroner wolt ich g e m we sen, 709 gurtel, bendel, seckel und gam, also ein kroner, der uff daz mere wil fam, beide grune und rot, daz die frauwen wol zieret?' das halff Morolff uBer not. 710 Ein krame korp er uff sich nam. er hup sich uff die strassen hin dan 240

der vil listige man vil wunderlichen balde, da er sin schiffelin hette gelan. He then must abandon these items When he leaves, and does so in such a way that they benefit another peddler: 712 Da schiffte der listige man uff des wilden meres tran. da sprach der ritter lobesam: 'nu wolte got, her krame korpp, das dich funde ein axmer man.' The sympathetic stance toward the poor expressed in the wish in stanza 712 that the abandoned basket be found by a poor person is borne out in another way in Morolff's other tricks, lhe first object of these tricks is Salmon; Morolff disguises himself as the Jew he has murdered, appears in court and asks Salmon for wealth. Salmon, who does not recognize Morolff, gives him money and his ring: 164 Morolff des da nit enlie, vor den kunig Salmon er da gie. er sprach: 'edeler kunig lobelich, durch aller frauwen ere mach mich dins gutes rich.' 165 Da sprach der kunig Salmon: 'die freude die ich von miner frauwen han, mines guttes gibe ich dir nit zu vil. wilt du es durch got von hlmele min gut ich mit dir teilen wil.'

166 Dru marg goldes hieB er im geben zu hant. dannoch sach ime Morolff ein gulden vingerlin an der hant. er sprach: 'kunig, durch die beste tugent din, durch aller frauwen ere, gip mir das gulden vingerlin. Morolff returns the ring to Salmon a short while later: 170 Morolff des nit enlie, vor den kunig Salmon er da gie. er sprach: 'kunig, durch die beste tugent din, durch aller frauwen ere, wo ist din gulden vingerlin?' 241

171 Da sprach der kunig Salmon: 'ich gap es einem alten griBen man.1 Morolff lachen da began, er sprache: 'nu schauwe, kunig edele, wo ich es an miner hende han.' This scene has been examined for its reflexes of earlier stages of the Solomon legends4^ rather than being interpreted within the framework of this epic, Which is quite understandable since the scene is not well-integrated into the epic. The feature salient to this study, however, is that a beggar figure, the Jew, asks the king for gifts, and is given everything he requests. Further incidents in the work are similar to the Salmon-beggar transaction. Salcme agrees to give Morolff - in his beggar disguise in Fore's kingdom - anything he requests, without apparent motive beyond his need: 205 Er sprach: 'vil edele kunigin her, ich han lange gewallet umb den wilden see, uff gnade bin ich komen zu dir. edele kunigin, ein gabe solt du geben mir.' 206 Da sprach die frauwe wol getan: 'walle bruder, wilt du hie bi mir gestan, ich gibe dir williclich win und brott, das dich da von nieman scheidet, es tuge dan unser eins dot.' In Princian's kingdom Morolff increases the impression of poverty given by his disguise by not only dressing in rags but also appearing to be seriously ill, and correspondingly receives larger gifts. A guard tells the newly arrived Morolff that Salcme "enlat dich unbegabet nit" (633,5), then Princian gives Morolff "dri marck goldes" (643,2). When he has described his illness, nany people give him pennies: 242

651 Be er das wort ie vollen gesprach, manig hant man In dem seckel each, an don ringe was kein man, er gabe im einen gulden pfenig, der in niergent mochte ban. Then Princian gives him a schilling as well (652,2). The gifts are increased still further when Morolff asks for and is given Princian's ring; the donor states: . . were es dusent marck wert, / so solt es sicher wesen din1' (657,2-3). No reason beyond the supposed need of the recipient for the gift is stated for granting the request in any of these instances. The element ocmon to all the transactions in which Morolff gains money or other gifts is the fact that he tricks the donor. All, from the ocmmon people to the kings, are equally vulnerable to his cleverness. The free gifts, that is, gifts which have no function as rewards and carry no further obligation, are to supposed beggars. They form such a high proportion of the gifts in the epic that one must suspect that the author had a special feeling for beggars. The generosity to the beggar is similar to the final scenes of St. Oswald, but there the generosity of the dc»or was the quality being conveyed by the scenes, while here the cleverness of the recipient Morolff is featured, and the donor is duped. Vogt understood the fact that Morolff is given whatever he requests precisely when purporting to belong to the lowest orders as a reflection of what the author wanted for himself and his audience: "Es zeigt sich da recht, wie der Dichter, selbst einem wenig geachteten Stande angehorend, auch sein Werk fur einen niederen Gesellschaftskreis

A C berechnet hat." Although Vogt's assumption of "Spielmann" authorship remains unproven, the favor the author shews to beggars in 243 the work does seem to support the acceptance of an author of the lcwer classes, or at least with thorough knowledge of and strong sympathies with the poor. Like the St. Oswald and Orendel authors, the author of Salman und Morolf relied upon literary tradition when dealing with matters oonceming the aristocracy, especially war and formal ceremonies, and is therefore formulaic and sometimes inaccurate with respect to these aspects of his work, lhe land-owning function of his nobles is entirely emitted. Instead of offering land and money to be disbursed later as rewards for military aid, as Roth or does, Salmon gives out only money, and that before any tasks have been performed. Passages which deal with the artisan disguises or with beggars are more varied and more convincing than other portions of the story, perhaps because the author knew artisans and beggars from his own city experience. 244

Conclusion

Hie results of the examination of the relationships of characters in the five "Spielmannsepen" are consistent with the results of the preceding chapters. The epics fall into two groups on this basis, the first consisting of Konig Rother and Herzog Ernst, the second of St. Oswald. Orendel and Salman und Morolf. In all of the epics, the authors

portray the relationships of the feudal aristocratic class, but the authors of the first group were much more convincing in their portrayal than the authors of the seoond group. In both Konig Rother and Herzog Ernst the vassal-lord relationship is the basic relationship which is depicted. Feudal relationships and conflicts form the basis of the plot of each work; in Konig Rother an obligation is incurred or discharged each time the story advances, and all transactions between characters, whether they have an economic dimension or not, can be understood in feudal terms. In Herzog Ernst the central conflict, between Ernst and Otto, is a feudal dispute concerning the probable loyalty of the vassal, Ernst, to his lord. The relationships which Ernst later forms with other kings are always feudal in nature: he pledges military aid in return for support. Both Rother and Ernst have a considerable following of armed men who enable them to accomplish their chosen goals. The texts give conclusive information as to the motivation of the men who follow the heroes, and the financial support they receive forms a prominent part of that motivation; as was 245 shown, this is consistent with actual feudal conditions, since the selfless loyalty which is so often enqphasized in literature always had a basis in rational self-interest. Both texts depict vassals being premised and then actually receiving rewards for the extraordinary services which they render their lords. Extra rewards are offered when and only when the service requested is beyond that which might regularly be expected, but the texts refer to regular practice of generosity on the part of the lords and connect this explicitly to the loyalty they experience from their men. Very few characters who are not of the noble class appear in the two epics. A limited number of transactions involving merchants occur. They are depicted with apparent accuracy, but are not carried through with the completeness of the feudal transactions. Ernst offers payment to the merchants who aid him in his departure from Arimaspia, but the text does not depict him giving them the payment. In Konig Rother a goldsmith is mentioned, but he remains behind the scenes. The Princess interacts with Herlint, who might be a servant, but who could equally be a noble lady-in-waiting. When Rother gives to the poor of Constantinople, they are poor nobles rather than lower-class beggars. Traveling entertainers are referred to in feast scenes in both epics, but are not glorified. The spileman in Konig Rother is a negative character. When the authors of the second group portray feudal relationships, they are not generally inaccurate, but the depiction is incomplete and sometimes not detailed enough to be entirely convincing. Each king has 246

a following, but the men do not gain definition in the way that Rother's men or even Ernst's relatively less well-developed men do. In each epic, rewards are promised to the vassals by the lord, but no later scene portrays them being awarded. Connections which were assumed in Konig Rother and Herzog Ernst are articulated; Oswald explicitly reminds his men that they owe him service, and Morolff advises Salmon to give gold and silver to his men to gain their support. Perhaps the authors felt it necessary to explain these connections to their audienoe. Battle scenes, which were stylized in Herzog Ernst and in Konig Rother. here consist of a series of cliches which reveal authors who knew nothing of the business of a warrior. In contrast to the very few dealings with the lcwer classes in Konig Rother and Herzog Ernst, many of the transactions in St. Oswald, Orendel and Salman und Morolf involve artisans, merchants, pilgrims and beggars. Oswald's generosity is to the true poor people, as contrasted to Bother's generosity, which benefits Constantin's neglected nobles. Goldsmiths play a prominent role in St. Oswald, and in each instance a point is made of paying them for their work. Appreciation of their skill is expressed. Orendel appears as a poor man for much of his story, as does Morolff. The relationship between Orendel and Ise, which is the most highly-developed relationship in the poem, follows the pattern of the master to the journeyman. Ise is respected as a fisherman. In Salman und Morolf an identification of Morolff with the

lower classes is established through his disguises, each of which is as a beggar, butcher, minstrel or other lower-class person. In disguise, 247

he tricks the nobles or kings into giving him money and rings, thus revealing his superiority and by extension, the superiority of the supposedly lcwer classes. Two different attitudes towards the rigidity of the socio- economic hierarchy are revealed in these epics. In Konig Rother and in Herzog Ernst, the rank of an individual is set, apparently from birth, and cannot be changed. There are no instances of a servant, artisan or merchant being advanced into the knightly ranks. The nobles remain nobles whether they have the economic status required by their rank or not; Rother gives help to Constantin's nobles and to Amolt, and similarly Ernst is given help by the kings in Hungary and Constantinople

because knights need financial means to maintain their given roles. Ernst must convey an appearance of wealth even when he is actually destitute. Both Rother and Ernst are recognized as of high rank regardless of their current appearance; Ernst is known as a noble in Arimaspia despite his lack of means, and while Rother does disguise himself as a pilgrim, he is not long successful in this role. In contrast, the assumption in St. Oswald, Orendel and Salman und Morolf is that the hierarchy is much more fluid. Both St. Oswald and Orendel contain references to individuals who were artisans or servants and became knights, even in the highest ranks of the nobility. In all three epics, the protagonist successfully represents himself as a lower-class person. Orendel's rescue by Ise provides a stark contrast to Ernst's rescue in Arimaspia; the assumption is made that Orendel will not be believed if he reveals his true status. The attitude toward the 248 hierarchy underlying the three epics favors the lcwer classes over the nobility* Thus the authors of Konig Rother and Herzog Ernst depicted the interrelationships within the feudal class with much more accuracy and sympathy than the authors of St. Oswald* Orendel and Salman und Morolf did. The authors of the latter three epics appear to be both better informed about and more in sympathy with the interests of the lower classes. 249

NOTES - CHAPTER FOUR ^ Karl Bosl, "Staat, Gesellschaft, Wirtschaft im deutschen Mittelalter," Handbuch der deutschen Geschlchte, ed. Bruno Gebhardt, 9th ed. (Stuttgart: Union, 1970), I, p. 736. ^ Bosl, "Staat, Gesellschaft, Wirtschaft," p. 739. 3 Georges Duby, The Early Growth of the European Eoonomy: Warriors and Peasants frcm the Seventh to the Twelfth Century (Ithaca, NY: Cornell Univ. Press, 1973), p. 169. 4 Bosl, "Staat, Gesellschaft, Wirtschaft," p. 736. 9 Duby, Early Growth, p. 167.

® Karl Bosl, Die Sozlalstruktur der mlttelalterllchen Resldenz- und Fernhandelsstadt Regensburg. Die Ehtwlcklung lhres Burgertums von 9.-14. Jahrhundert (Munchen: Beck, 1966). 7 Bosl, Regensburg# p. 32. O Ewald Erb, Geschlchte der deutschen Llteratur von den Anfangen bis 1160. Geschlchte der deutschen Llteratur yon den Anfangen bis zur Geqenwart. ed. Klaus Gysi et al., (Berlin: Volk und Wlssen, 1965), I, 1, p. 455. 9 Bosl, "Staat, Gesellschaft, Wirtschaft," pp. 762-63. ^ Julian Welter, Studlen zur Geschlchte des hamburqischen Zunftwesens lm Mittelalter (Berlin: Vogt, 1895), pp. 7-8. 11 Rudolf Eberstadt, Der Ursprung des Zunftwesens und die alteren Handwerkerverbande des Mittelalters (Munchen, Leipzig: Duncker & Humblot, 1915), p. 4. 12 Frank Gdttmann, Handwerk und Bundnlspolltik: Die Handwerker- biinde am Mlttelrheln von 14. bis zuro 17. Jahrhundert (Wiesbaden: Steiner, 1977), p. 26. 13 Gottmann, Handwerk. p. 34. 14 Ferdinand Urbanek, "Schwund und Verwandlung der Nebenfiguren im Konig Rother." Amsterdamer Beitrage zur alteren Germanlstik. 6 (1974), p. 58-59. The detail of this soene Intrigued Urbanek,"since the short description is specific beyond the needs of the epic. He referred to attempts to use the historical-geographical data given as a basis for dating the work, noting that several Wendenkampfe frcm 1007 on could be 250 meant, although Heinrich der Lowe's campaign of 1147 was the most significant. The name Helfrich occurs also in the Dietrich sagas. Urbanek concluded finally that this represents a "Darstellungs- detaillierung zum Zwecke groBerer emotionaler Teilnahme - ein altes kunstlerisches Effektmittel" (p. 58). 15 Here we have the deed which justifies the praise for Wolfrat which de Vries found unmotivated; see Jan de Vries, ed., Konig Rother (Heidelberg: Winter, 1922), p. LVI. 16 Klaus Siegmund, Zeitqeschichte und Dichtung im Konig Rother (Berlin: Schmidt, 1959), pp. 19-23. 17 Ferdinand Urbanek, Kaiser. Grafen und Mazene im Konig Rother (Berlin: Schmidt, 1976), p. 19. 18 Siegmund, Zeitqeschichte. p. 22.

^ A. Edzardl, "Untersuchungen uber Konig Rotherf 11 Germania, 18 (1873), p. 440. 20 Jacob and Wilhelm Grimm, "schatz," Deutsches Worterbuch (Leipzig: Hirzel, 1893). 21 Uwe Meves, Studten zu Konig Rother, Herzog Ernst und Grauer Rock (Frankfurt/Main: Lang, 1976), p. 48. 22 The most concise of several scholars who hold this opinion is Ewald Erb, Geschlchte. who states on p. 767: "Ximer wieder laBt das Epos Konig Rother Spielleute in vielerlei Rollen sich bewahren, nicht nur als Nachrichteniiberbringer und Spaher, sondern selbst durch Meisterleistungen an Intelligenz und politischer Brauchbarkeit. Einem solchen bewahrten Spielmann gonnt der Kaiser von Byzanz sogar die Anrede: 'genadhe here, trutgeselle.' . . . Das alles sind Winke mit dem Zaunpfahl, offenkundig spielmannische Berufsreklame." 23 Paul Piper, "Allgemeines uber die Spielmannsdichtung," Die Spielmannsdlchtung. Erster Tell: Die reine Splelmannsdlchtung (Berlin, Stuttgart: Spemann, 1887, pp. 3-31), rpt. Spielmannsepik, ed. Walter J. Schroder, (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1977), p. 53. 24 Erb, Geschlchte, p. 460. He also noted that by the late twelfth century the ranks of the nobility were essentially closed, and that "Friedrich I . . . 1186 diesen Zustand sanktianierte , indem er verbot, Sahnen von Bauem und Klerikern den Rittergiirtel zu verleihen." 25 Meves, Studien, p. 37.

2® de Vries, ed., Konig Rother. p. LV. 251

2 7 Hans From, "Die Erzahlkunst des Rother -Epikers," Euphorion, 54 (1960), pp. 347-79.

28 Helmut Voigt, "Zur Rechtssymbolik der Schuhprobe in ilcfrlks Saga (Viltina j>attr)." Beitrage (Tubingen), 87 (1965), pp. 93-149. 29 Hanns Bachtold-Staubli, "Schuh," Handworterbudi des deutschen Aberolaubens (Berlin, Leipzig: de Gruyter, 1935/36), VII, pp. 1293-1354.

88 Friedrich Vogt and Max Koch, Geschlchte der deutschen Llteratur von den altesten Zeiten bis zur Gegenwart, 2nd ed., (Leipzig, Vienna: Verlag des Bibliographischen Institute, 1904), p. 84. 3^ Voigt, "Zur Rechtsymbolik." 32 Esther Ringhandt, "Das Herzog-Emst-Epos. Vergleich der deutschen Fassungen A, B, D, FJ1 Diss. FU Berlin, 1955, p. 76. 33 Manfred W. Hellmann, "Fiirst, Herrscher und Fiirstengemeinschaft. Untersuchungen zu ihrer Bedeutung als politische Elemente in mittelhochdeutschen Epen," Bonn, Rheinische Friedrich- Wilhelms-Universitat, 1969, p. 109. Clemens Heselhaus, "Die Herzog-Emst-Dichtung," DVLG, 20 (1942), p. 228. 35 Matthias Lexer, 1‘wirtschaft," Mittelhochdeutsches Taschen- worterbuch. 33rd ed. (Stuttgart: Hirzel, 1972). 38 Leo Jordan, "Quellen und Kcmposition von Herzog Ernst." Archiv, 112 (1904), p. 334. Jordan saw in this scene a contradiction, since in 1882ff. the author had stated that Ernst was well provided for. However, no actual contradiction occurs here. The description of Ernst's departure includes only the clothes and armor of his small army. Ohe text does not state that Ernst was wealthy, but that he and his men were able to create an impression of wealth. Even though the basis of Ernst's wealth and power is no longer available to him, he retains his rank and the obligation to dress the part. For this reason, too, his mother includes rich cloth and bedding in her gift so that he can travel in the style appropriate to his station. 37 Hubert Herkcmmer, "Der Waise, aller furs ten leitesteme: Ein Beispiel mittelalterlicher Bedeutungslehre aus dem Bereich der Staatssymbol ik, zugleich ein Beitrag zur Nachwirkung des Orients in der Llteratur des Mittelalters." DVLG, 50 (1976), 44-59. Herkaimer discusses the history of the stone and the concept behind it in the literature, but without doing more than referring to its mention in Herzog Ernst B. He points out that it is given to the Emperor in Herzog Ernst D . p. 45. 252

33 Rolf Brauer, Dag Problem des "Splelmannischen" aus der Slcht der St.-Oswald-Uberllefenincf (Berlin: Akademle, 1969), p. 155.

39 C. Neuburg, Zunftgerlchtsbarkeit und Zunftverfassuncr in der Zeit van 13. bis 16. Jahrhundert (1880; rpt. Wiesbaden: M. Sandig, 1966). 4® Gottmann, Handwerk. p. 35. 41 Gottmann, Handwerk. p. 38. 4^ Vogt, Salman und Morolf. p. CXXVTII. 43 Vogt, Salman und Morolf. p. CXXII. 44 Samuel Singer, "Salomosagen in Deutschland," ZDft. 35 (1891), 177-87; rpt. Spielmannsepik. ed. Walter J. Schroder (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgeselxschaft, 1977), pp. 72-84; Hendrik Kroes, "Zum mhd. Salman und Morolf.*1 Neophlloloqus. 30 (1946), 58-63; rpt. Spielmannsepik. ed. Schroder, pp. 248-58. 45 Vogt, Salman und Morolf. p. CXXIV. 253

CHAPTER FIVE CONCLUSION

Rather than finding a unified economic system underlying each of the epics here considered, this study has located vestiges of two systems, largely discrete from one another although coexisting in time and space. Each author portrays a feudal society; the main characters are monarchs and nobles depicted as interacting with one another in the expected upper-class way. However, the portrayal of wealth and of feudal transactions in Konig Rother and Herzog Ernst is developed in a fuller, more convincing manner than is the case in St. Oswald. Orendel and Salman und Morolf. In the latter three poems, mercantile trans­ actions are frequently depicted. On the basis of the results of this study, the epics thus fall into two groups. The groups correspond to de Boor's division,1 although arrived at by a different route. Konig Rother and Herzog Ernst are consistent with each other, and St. Oswald, Salman und Morolf and Orendel form a separate group distinct from them. In Konig Rother. wealth is a positive attribute which signifies majesty above all. The three monarchs are all wealthy and the best of them, Rother, is also the wealthiest. The good monarch is generous, but the major beneficiaries of his generosity are nobles, warriors who aid him in the battles necessary to the achievement of his goals; therefore it is clear that his generosity is a matter of conscious policy, as well as a positive character trait. Constantin's failure to practice a similarly enlightened generosity directly results in the loss of several 254 potential supporters, in addition to revealing him as Rother' s moral inferior. That wealth is a value Which is only important in this world is clarified when Rother abandons his material' goods and his position in the world in order to earn spiritual salvation; only with respect to the other, spiritual world is his wealth negative. The occurrence of money in the epic is rare, and the amounts are very large or very small, and usually unspecified or only specified in large, rounded-off amounts. This vagueness with respect to specified amounts, along with the limited use of money, accurately reflects aristocratic views and usage as they are understood today. The interactions between characters are all explicable in feudal terms. Herzog Ernst reveals the same basic economic structure as Konig Rother. with the difference that the protagonist is a noble rather than being a monarch; because of this society is viewed from a slightly different angle. Wealth is an attribute of monarchs and nobles whose purpose is to enable its possessor to accumulate and maintain military power. Only when it is diverted into mere show, in Grippia, is it seen as a negative attribute. Generosity is practiced by monarchs and nobles as policy just as in Konig Rother. Money occurs specifically only once, when Ernst's mother gives him the means to travel in exile in the appropriate state. Character relationships are feudal in nature, with ethical principles of loyalty between leader and follower in harmony with rational self-interest as Ernst and his men discharge their obligations to one another. The economic system in Orendel is distinct from that of Konig Rother and Herzog Ernst in several respects. Wealth is still a 255

desirable attribute for a monarch, but plays a very minor role in the story. The portrayal of Orendel is somewhat inconsistent in this respect, since he is a monarch who is often clad in a plain gray robe, but does not protest when Bride dresses him in gold to reflect his high status* The use of money reflects merchant custom; in comparison to Konig Rother and Herzog Ernst, where very little merchant activity is portrayed, a significant amount of buying and selling occurs in Orendel. The major characters in Orendel include Ise the fisherman and his wife, in contrast to Herzog Ernst and Konig Rother. where all major characters are monarchs or upper nobility. The relationship between Ise and Orendel, which resembles that of a craftsman and his apprentice or journeyman, is the relationship portrayed with the most detail and authenticity. While the relationship between Orendel and his men is not incorrectly depicted, it is stereotypical, and without the supporting detail that characterizes the relationship between Orendel and Ise. The stereotypical nature of the interactions between the monarch and his men is echoed in the formulaic battle scenes. The author betrays his familiarity with the life of merchants and artisans while revealing his lack of real knowledge of warriors and monarchs. Salman und Morolf also exhibits a clear understanding of the mercantile life style while giving a vague portrayal of the conditions under which its noble characters live. While the text asserts Salmon's legendary wealth, it offers little supporting detail, and gold is associated mostly with Salome and with the demonic. With respect to money the text either works with small amounts of money which are associated with merchant transactions or it deals with rewards 256

comparable to those offered in Konig Rother and Herzog Ernst. When a reward is offered for service, however, it differs fzan analogous situations in Konig Rother and Herzog Ernst in the crass manner in which it is offered; here the connection between the gift and the willingness of the soldier to die is made explicit with a cynicism foreign to the spirit of the earlier two epics. Earlier researchers recognized the poem's sympathy with the lower classes, but therefore concentrated on it as a possible splleman product and concluded that a splleman wrote it. This is too narrow a way of looking at the work. When Morolff disguises

himself to trick the representatives of the upper-class he appears not only as a richly-dressed splleman but also as a peddler, a butcher and a beggar. Scenes which depict Morolff's tricks are more varied and interesting than scenes which portray the traditional pursuits of the aristocracy. Whatever the intent of the author, he appears to be on the side of the poorer classes, although this affiliation does not necessarily mean that he was a splleman. In St. Oswald, wealth has the same value as an indicator of majesty as it carries in the other epics, but the possessions which would demonstrate that wealth are not portrayed as fully as in Konig Rother. and the wealthiest character is Aron, the heathen king who is defeated

by Oswald. The negative dimension to wealth implied is further confirmed in the testing scene at the close of the adventure when Oswald demonstrates his willingness to relinquish all his material possessions. Ihis is similar to Bother's departure for the monastery, although it is carried a step further since Oswald gives up seme important aspects of the ordinary life while continuing to live in the everyday world, 257 whereas Rother gives up his life only after he has lived it fully. Money is used both in the vague manner of feudalism and in the exacting mercantile way. With respect bo interactions between characters, the epic is revealed as a product of the merchant-artisan classes. Although the main characters are monarchs, all the minor characters who play a role in the epic come frcm the lcwer classes. As in Orendel. when the monarch deals with his nobles, the portrayal is accurate without going beyond the stereotypical; when depicting the lcwer classes, the author reveals a much deeper understanding. The transactions involving goldsmiths are worked out especially well. The author's respect for craftsmanship is evident each time a goldsmith has fashioned an article; his awareness that costly artifacts have been created by skilled individuals stands in sharp contrast to Konig Rother and Herzog Ernst, where the beauty of objects reflects only the status of their possessors. Seme of the differences in the two groups of epics may be accounted for in part by their composition in two different eras. While the dating of Konig Rother to the late twelfth century is firmly based on the manuscript tradition, and enough stylistic and other evidence exists to secure Herzog Ernst a place in the early thirteenth century at the latest, the manuscripts of the other three "Spielmannsepen" are much later; they may all have been composed in their extant form no earlier than the fourteenth century or even later. Much of the pressure for dating them to the late twelfth century originates in the conviction that they have much in cannon with Konig Rother and Herzog Ernst, but this conviction is ill-founded. The differences between the two groups 25B of epics found by this study could be explained in part by a much later origin of St. Oswald* Orendel and Salman und Morolf. in an era when the mercantile system that underlies all of them was more developed and pervasive than in the twelfth century. lhe findings of this study provide no support for the theory that the epics in question were composed by members of a professional class of "Spielleute" of the kind envisioned by nineteenth-century scholars.

One of the important underlying assumptions of the "Spielmann" theory is that the epic writers distorted the actual economic system of the time in their fictions in order to emphasize that the good person is generous, with the motive of encouraging generosity to themselves as performers. Hie works reveal no such distortion. In fact, the giving of payments or rewards is more apt to be omitted at points where it would be appropriate than to be depicted where inappropriate. Hie rewards which are made generally bear some relationship to the service performed. And, although the person being rewarded is sometimes an entertainer, these occasions are rare compared to those in which the recipient of a reward is a noble in the case of Konig Rother and Herzog Ernst or a craftsman in the case of the other three works. Future work on the Spielmannsepen would benefit from abandoning the entire notion of the medieval splleman as possible author of these epics. Research, far from benefitting frcm this line of inquiry, has become a convoluted mass of idle speculation and circular reasoning. Painstaking examination of medieval literary and historical sources has failed to connect the known class of minstrels with ambitious literary production. 259

I suggest that the questions regarding authorship of the epics have been defined erroneously. Fran the beginning of research on these works, the assumption of a professional class of performers has been made, and then either supported or disputed. In the one well-documented current tradition of folk epics, that of Yugoslavia studied by Parry and Lord,^ the carriers of the tradition are talented amateurs who supplement their living by telling tales, but who neither derive their major inoane frcm the exercise of their talent nor practice this sideline primarily because of the money. They are agricultural people or small businessmen who sing tales because they love them and have some degree of talent for the telling. Such people have no particular incentive to overemphasize generosity in their stories, except as it is a proper trait of a heroic person. If the singers of tales in medieval Germany worked in this way, the question of the spileman becomes ir­ relevant to the works. Lord has proposed that one might approach these works through a stylistic analysis directed toward discovery of the kinds of formulaic structures found in the epics known to represent oral performances. Future scholarship should deal with this question; a model for determining the stylistic characteristics of oral-formulaic epics 3 was proposed by Edward Haymes in his study of the Nibelungenlied; scholars of English' medieval literature have worked out some of the implications of the Lord-Parry insights for English literature, but much remains to be done in this area for German literature as well as for English. The question of oral-formulaic composition is one of the most important questions which ought to be posed for the medieval "Spielmannsepen," as the assumptions according to which an epic is 260

evaluated should be entirely different if the epic were composed orally than if it represented a composition which is literary in the narrow sense. With respect to Brauer's assertion that the Spielmannsepen and the 4 Heldenepen should be considered one genre, the results of this study indicate that separating the Spielmannsepen into two groups would be more appropriate. I suspect that a similar study of the Heldenepen would yield similar results. The implications of this division for the idea of "city" epics become clear when the two groups are formed. The term "friihstadtburgerlich" is an appropriate one for the second group of Spielmannsepen, consisting of St. Oswald. Orendel and Salman und Morolf. but not for the first group, Konig Rother and Herzog Ernst. Perhaps some of the Heldenepen resemble Konig Rother. while some should be studied together with Orendel, St. Oswald and Salman und Morolf. but further investigation would be necessary to determine which of the Heldenepen belong to which group, or whether they constitute a separate group. All previous attempts to demonstrate that the Spielmannsepen constitute one genre have been unconvincing, and this study has found no significant elements common to all five of the works. I believe that the assumption that they are appropriately placed and studied together has led to much confusion and many mistaken impressions of one or another of the works in the past. Each of the works needs to be considered individually, without the prejudice that arises frcm attempting to force them into one group; in addition, examining them as two separate groups as suggested here is appropriate. 261

NOTES - CHAPTER FIVE 1 Helmut de Boor, Die deutsche Llteratur von Karl den Grossen bis zum Beglnn der hofischen Dichtung, Geschlchte der deutschen Llteratur, I, ed* Helmut de Boor and Richard Newald, 8th ed. (Munchen: Beck, 1971), pp. 250-70. 2 Albert B. Lord, The Singer of Tales (New York: Atheneum, 1974). 3 Edward Haymes, Mundllches E p o s in mittelhochdeutscher Zelt (Goppingen: Kunmerle, 1975). 4 Rolf Brauer, Literatursoziologie und eplsche Struktur der deutschen 'Spielmanns'- und Heldendlchtunq (Berlin; Akademle, 1970). 262

LIST OF REFERENCES Primary Literature Herzog Ernst. Ed. Karl Bartsch. Wien: Braumuller, 1869; rpt. Hildesheim: Gerstenberger, 1974. Herzog Ernst, ein mlttelalterllches Abenteuerbuch. Ed., trans. B. Scwinski. RUB, 8352-57. Stuttgart: Reclam, 1970. Konig Rother. Ed. Jan de Vries. Heidelberg: Winter, 1922. Konig Rother. Ed. Theodor and Joachim Kuhnt. 3rd ed. Altdeutsche Texte fiir den akademischen Unterricht, 2. Halle: Niemeyer, 1968. Das Lied von Herzog Ernst, kritisch herausgegeben nach den Drucken des 15. und 16. Jahrhunderts. Ed. Kenneth C. King. Texte des spaten MittelaIters, 11. Berlin: Schmidt, 1959. Der Miinchener Oswald. Mit einem Anhang: die ostschwablsche Prosa- bearbeitung des 15. Jahrhunderts. Ed. Michael Curschmann. Altdeutsche Textbibliothek, 76. Tubingen: Niemeyer, 1974. Orendel. Ed. Hans Steinger. Halle: Niemeyer, 1935. Salman und Morolf. Ed. Alfred Kamein. Altdeutsche Textbibliothek, 85^ Tubingen: Niemeyer, 1979. Salman und Morolf. Ed. Friedrich Vogt. Halle: Niemeyer, 1880. Der Wiener Oswald. Ed. Georg Baesecke. Heidelberg: Winter, 1912. 263

Literary Histories de Boor, Helmut, pie deutsche Llteratur von Karl dan Grossen bis zum Beginn der hoflschen Dichtung, 770-1170. Geschlchte der deutschen Llteratur van den Anfangen bis zur Gegenwart, 1. Ed. Helmut de Boor and Richard Newald. 8th ed. Munchen: Bede, 1971. ------— . Pie Hoflsche Llteratur: Vorbereitung, Bliite, Ausklang. 1170-1250. Geschlchte der deutschen Llteratur von den Anfangen bis zur Gegenwart, 2. Ed. Helmut de Boor and Richard Newald. 8th ed. Munchen: Beck, 1974. Ehrisnann, Gustav. Geschlchte der deutschen Llteratur bis zum Ausgang des Mittelalters. Munchen: Beck, 1922. Erb, EXrald. Geschlchte der deutschen Llteratur von den Anfangen bis 1160. Geschlchte der deutschen Llteratur von den Anfangen bis zur Gegenwart, 1,1. Ed. Klaus Gysi, Kurt Bottcher, Gunter Albrecht, Paul Giinter Krohn. Berlin: Volk und Wissen, 1964. Schneider, Helmut. Heldendlchtung. Geistllchendichtung, Ritter- dlchtung. Heidelberg: Winter, 1943. 264

Secondary Works Abbreviations for journal titles are the standard abbreviations used in the MLA International Bibliography, with one exception. The "Paul- Braune Beitrage" titles are given in full to avoid confusion, since the journal divided after 1945, and the name of the East German journal has recently changed. Amelung, A. "Beitrage zur deutschen Metrik." ZDP, 3 (1871), 253-80. Anderson, Lewis Flint. The Anglo-Saxon scop* Univ. of Toronto Studies, Phil. Series, 1. Toronto: The University Library, 1903. Baesecke, G. "Bischof Arbeo von Freising." Beitrage zur Geschlchte der deutschen Sprache und Literatur. 68 (1945), 75-134. ------. "Heinrich der Glichezaere." ZDP. 52 (1927), 1-22. ------. "Der Kolbigker Tanz." ZDA, 78 (1941), 1-36. ----- "Zur Kritik des Munchener Oswald." ZDA, 53 (1912), 384-94. Bahder, K. v. "Zum Konig Rother." Germania, 29 (1884), 229-43; 257-300. Bahr, Joachim. "Der 'Spielmann' in der Literaturwissenschaft des 19. Jahrhunderts." ZDP, 73 (1954), 174-96. Rpt. Spielmannsepik. Ed. Walter Johannes Schroder. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buch- gesellschaft, 1977, pp. 289-322. ------and Michael Curschmann. "Spielmannsdichtung." Reallexikon der deutschen Literaturqeschlchte. IV. Lief. 1,2. Slawische Literatur: Stabreimvers. Berlin: de Gruyter, 1979. Bauml, F. H. "Guot umb ere nemen and Minstrel Ethics." JBGP. 59 (1960),173-83. ------. "Lesefahigkeit und Analphabetismus als Rezeptionsbestim- mende Elemente zur Problematik ma. Epik." JIG. Series A, 2, No. 4 (1976), 10-16.

------. "a Note to ‘Konig Rother.'" MIN, 71 (1956), 351-53. ——— -- . "Three Further Emendations to Konig Rother." MLN, 74 (1959), 251-54. Bautier, Robert-Henri. The Economic Development of Medieval Europe. Trans. Heather Karolyi. New York: Harcourt Brace, 1971. Bayer, H. J. Untersuchunqen zum Sprachstil weltlicher Epen des deutschen Fruh- und Hochmit tela Iters. Berlin: Schmidt, 1962. 265

Beckers, Hartmut. "Brandan und Herzog Ernst: Eine Untersuchung ihres Verhaltnisses anhand der Motivparallelen." LB, 59 (1970), 41-55. Behagel, O. "Zur Technik der mittelhochdeutschen Dichtung." Beitrage zur Geschlchte der deutschen Sprache und Literatur. 30 (1905), 431-564. Benath, Ingeborg. "Vergleichende Studien zu den Spielmannsepen Konig Rother. Orendel. und Salman und Morolf." Beitrage zur Geschlchte der deutschen Sprache und Literatur. (Halle) 85 (1963), 372-416. Koppe-Benath, Ingeborg. "Christliches in den 'Spielmannsepen1 Konig Rother. Orendel und Salman und Morolf." Beitrage zur Geschlchte der deutschen Sprache und Llteratur (Halle), 89 (1967), 200-54. Koppe-Benath, Ingeborg. "Vergleichende Studien zu den Spielmannsepen Konig Rother, Orendel und Salman und Morolf." WZUG, 15 (1966), 557-69. Berger, A. "Die Oswaldlegende in der deutschen Literatur, ihre Entwick- lung und Verbreitung." Beitrage zur Geschlchte der deutschen Sprache und Literatur. 11 (1886), 365-469. Bertau, K. H. and R. Stephan. "Zum sanglichen Vortrag mittelhoch- deutscher strophischer Epen." ZDA. 87 (1956-57), 253-70. Beutin, Wolfgang. "Psychoanalytische Kategorie bei der Untersuchung mittelhochdeutscher Texte." Literatur im Feudalismus. Ed. Dieter Richter. Stuttgart: Metzler, 1975. Beyschlag, S. "Zur Entstehung der epischen GroBform in friiher deutscher Dichtung." WW, 5 (1954/55), 6-13. Blamires, David. Herzog Ernst and the Otherworld Voyage: A Comparative Study. Publications of the Faculty of Arts of the University of Manchester, 24. Manchester: Manchester Univ. Press, 1979. Bloch, Marc. "European Feudalism." Feudalismus: Zehn Aufsatze. Ed. Heide Wunder. Munchen: Mymphenburger Verlagshandlungen, 1974, pp. 125-39. Boissonade, P. Life and Work in Medieval Europe: The Evolution of Medieval Economy from the Fifth to the Fifteenth Century. Trans. Eileen Power. New York: Harper 4 Row, 1964. Bosl, K. "Andechs-Meranier." Blographisches Worterbuch zur deutschen Geschlchte. Ed. Hellmuth Rossler et al. 2nd ed. Munchen: Francke, 1973, I, Cols. 94-102. ------. "Stoat, Gesellschaft, Wirtschaft im deutschen Mittelalter." Handbuch der deutschen Geschlchte. Ed. Bruno Gebhardt. 9th ed. I. Stuttgart: Union, 1970. 266

------. Die Sozialstruktur der mittelalterlichen Reslcjenz- und FernhandelsBtadt Regensburg. Die Bitwlcklung lhres Biirgertums van 9.-14. Jahrhundert. Bayerlsche Akademle der Wissenschaften. Phil.-Hist. Kl. NF, 63. Munchen: Beck, 1966. Boulding, Kenneth. The Economy of Love and Fear: a Preface to Grants Eoonanlcs. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth, 1973. Brauer, Rolf. "Die drei Fassungen des Legendenranans von heiligen Oswald und das Problem der sogenannten Spielmannsdichtung." Diss. Humboldt-Univers1 ta t, Berlin, 1965. ------. "Die drei Fassungen des Legendenranans von heiligen Oswald und das Problem der sogenannten Spielmannsdichtung." W2UG, 15 (1966), Gesellschafts- und sprachwissenschaftl. Reihe 5/6, 551-55. ------. Literatursoziologle und epische Struktur der deutschen "Spielmanns-" und Heldendlchtung. Veroffentllchungen des Instituts fur deutsche Sprache und Literatur der Deutschen Akademle der Wissenschaften zu Berlin, 46. Berlin: Akademle, 1970. ————. Das Problem des "Splelmannlschen" aus der Sicht der St. Oswald- Oberlieferung. Berlin: Akademle, 1969. Brinkmann, H. "Die Konstituierung der Rede." WW, 15 (1965), 157-72. ------. "Der Satz und die Rede." WW, 16 (1966), 376-90. — . "Die Syntax und die Rede." Satz und Wort im heutlgen Deutsch. Sprache der Gegenwart, 1. Dusseldorf: Padagogischer Verlag Schwann, 1967. Bruner, Otto. "'Feudalismus.1 Ein Beitrag zur Begriffsgeschichte." Feudalismus: Zehn Aufsatze. Ed. Heide Wunder. Munchen: Nymphenburger Verlagshandlungen, 1974, pp. 87-117. Bumke, Joachim. Mazene im Mittelalter: Die Gonner und Auftraggeber der hofischen Literatur in Deutschland 1150-1300. Munchen: Beck, 1979. Burdach, Konrad. "Der Ursprung der Salcmosage." Vorspiel: Gesamnelte Schriften zur Geschlchte des deutschen Geistes. vol I, I. Mittelalter. Halle: Niemeyer, 1925. Rpt. Der Gral: Forschungen iiber seinen Ursprung und selnen Zusaimenhang mit der Longinus- legende. 1938; rpt. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesell- schaft, 1974, pp. 111-12. Burger, Harald. "Vorausdeutung und Erzahlstruktur in Mittelalterlichen Texten." Typologia Litterarum: Festschrift fiir Max Wehrli. Ed. Stefan Sooderegger, Alois M. Haas and Harald Burger. Zurich: Atlantis, 1969. 267

Butler, Christopher. Number Symbolism. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1970. Buttke, Herbert. Studien iiber Armut und Raichtum in der mlttelhoch- deutschen Pichtunq. Wurzburg: Richard Mayr, 1939. Curschmann, Michael. Per Munchener Oswald und die deutsche spielmann- ische Eplk. Miinchen: Beck, 1964. ------. "oral Poetry in Medieval Ehglish, French and German Literature: Seme Notes on Recent Research." Speculum, 42 (1967), 36-52. ------. "'Spielmannsepik;' Wege und Ergebnisse der Forschung von 1907-1965." DVLG. 40 (1966), 434-78; 597-647. ------. 'Spielmannsepik:1 Wege und Ergebnisse der Forschung von 1907-1965: Mit Erganzunqen und Nachtragen bis 1967. Stuttgart: Metzler, 1968. De Boor, Helmut. "Die Handschriftenfrage der idrekssaga." ZDA, 60 (1923), 81-112. De Vries, Jan. "Die Brautwerbungssagen." GRM, 9 (1921), 330-41; 10 (1922), 31-44. Rpt. Spielmannsepik. Ed. Walter J. Schroder. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1977, pp. 92-125. ———. "Die Schuhepisode im Konig Rother." ZDP, 80 (1961), 129-41. Rpt. Spielmannsepik. Ed. Walter J. Schroder. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1977, pp. 397-412. Doehaerd, Rene. The Early Middle Acres in the West: Economy and Society. Trans. W. G. Deakin. Amsterdam: North-Holland, 1978. Droege, K. "Zur Thidrekssaga." ZDA, 66 (1929), 33-46. Duby, Georges. The Early Growth of the European Economy: Warriors and Peasants from the Seventh to the Twelfth Century. Trans. Howard B. Clarke. Ithaca, NY: Cornell Univ. Press, 1973. Eberstadt, Rudolf. Der Ursprung des Zunftwesens und die alteren Hand- werkgrverfaande des Mittelalters. Munchen: Duncker & Humblot, 1915. Eckhardt, Caroline D., Ed. Essays in the Numerical Criticism of Medieval Literature. Lewisburg, PA: Bucknell Univ. Press, 1980. Edzardi, A. "Untersuchungen uber Konig Rother.11 Germania, 18 (1873), 385-453. — ----- . "Zur Textkritik des Rother." Germania, 20 (1875), 403-21. 268

Ehrismann, Gustav. "Die Grundlagen des ritterlichen Tugendsystems." Ritterliches TUgendsvstem. Ed. G. Eifler. Vtege der Forschung, 56. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1970, pp. 1—84. Eis, G. "Die Schuhepisode im Konlq Rother und in der Vllklnasaga." Archiv. 77 (1962), 224-30. Eliason, N.A. "The $yle and Scop in 'Beowulf.'" Speculum. 38 (1963), 267-84. Ehgelsing, Rolf. Analphabetenturn und Lektiire. Zur Sozlalgeschlchte des Lesens in Deutschland zwischen feudaler und industrleller Gesell- schaft. mit 12 Abblldunqen. Stuttgart: Metzler, 1973. Fichtner, Edward G. "Patterns of Arithmetical Proportion in the Nibelunqenlied." Essays in the Numerical Criticism of Medieval Literature. Ed. Caroline D. Eckhardt. Lewis burg, PA: Bucknell Univ. Press, 1980, pp. 211-30. Flood, J. L. "Nachtragliches zur Oberlieferung des Herzog Ernst." ZDA. 98 (1969), 308-18. Fourquin, Guy. Lordship and Feudalism in the Middle Ages. Trans. Iris and A. L. Lytton Sells. New York: Pica, 1976. Frings, Theodor. "Die Qitstehung der deutschen Spielmannsepen." Zeitschrift fiir deutsche Geisteswissenschaft. 2 (1939-40), 306-21. Rpt. Spielmannsepfkl Ed. Walter J. Schroder. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1977, pp. 191-212. ------. "Rothari-Roger-Rothere." Beitrage zur Geschlchte der deutschen Sprache mid Literatur. 67 (1944), 368-70. Frcrm, H. "Doppelweg." Werk-Typ-Situatlon« Studien zu poeto- logischen Bedingungen in der alteren deutschen Literatur. Hugo Kuhn zum 60. Geburtstag. Stuttgart: Metzler, 1969, pp. 45-63. ------. "Die Erzahlkunst des Rother- Epikers." Euphorion. 54 (1960), 347-79. Rpt. Spielmannsepik. Ed. Walter J. Schroder. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1977, pp. 351-96. ------. "Kcmik und Humor in der Dichtung des deutschen Mittel- alters." P/LG. 36 (1962), 321-39.

Ganshof, F. L. Feudalism. Trans. Philip Grierson. 2nd Ehgl. edition. London: Longmans, Green, 1964. Gottmann, Frank. Handwerk und Bundnispolitik; die Handwerkerbunde am Mittelrheln vcm 14. bis zum 17. JahrhundertI Wiesbaden: Steiner, 1977. 269

Geissler, Friedmar. Brautwerbung in der Weltllteratur. Halle: Niemeyer, 1955. Gellinek, Christian. "Berchter von Meran." ZDP. 86 C1967) # 389-91. ------. "Konig Rother a Is literarisches Kunstwerk." DA 27 (1964), 3870 A (Yale). . "Konlg Rother - Kein Kaiser Rotherr: Eln kleiner Beitrag zur vergleichenden Namenforschung." ZDP. 100 (1981), 338-45. Konlg Rother: Studie zur literarlschen Deutung. Bern: Francke, 1968. ------"Die Rolle der Heiligen lm Konlg Rother.*1 JBGP. 64 (1965), 496-504. Gerhardt, Christoph. "Die Skiapoden in den Herzog Ernst- Dichtungen." UGG. 18 (1977), 13-88. Goller, Karl H. and Jean Ritzke-Rutherford. "St. Oswald in Regensburg: A Reconsideration." Bavarlca Anqlica. V.I: A Cross-Cultural Miscellany Presented to Tom Fletcher. Forum Anglicum, 8. Frankfurt: Lang, 1979, pp. 96-118. Gramatzky, V. "Zu dan Aufsatz van W. Krogmann, 'Ein verkummertes Motiv lm Konlg Rother.'" ZDP. 63 (1938), 192-93. Hampe, Theodor. Die fahrenden Leute in der deutschen Vergangenheit. mit 122 Abbildungen und Be i la gen nach originalen. groBtentells aus dem funfzehnten bis achtzehnten Jahrhundert. Leipzig: Diederichs, 1902. 2nd ed. Die deutschen Stande in Einzeldarstellungen, 10. Jena: Diederichs, 1924. Haymes, Edward. Miindllches Epos in mittelhochdeutscher Zeit. GAG, 164. Goppingen: Kummerle, 1975. Heer, Friedrich. The Medieval World: Europe. 1100-1350. Trans. Janet Sondheimer. Cleveland: World, 1962. Heilbroner, Robert L. The Making of Economic Society. 5th ed. Englewood Cliffs, MJ: Prentice-Hall, 1975. Hellmann, Manfred W. "Furst, Herrscher und Furstengemeinschaft. Unter- suchungen zur ihrer Bedeutung als politischer Elemente in mittel- hodideutschen Epen." Diss. Bonn 1969. ' Helm, K. "Beitrage zu Uberlieferung und Kritik des Wiener Oswald." Beltrage zur Geschichte der deutschen Sprache und Literatur. 40 (1915), 1-47. 270

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----- — . "The Heathens In Salman und Morolf." Archly, 213 (1976), 95-99. Karbusicky, V. "Ober die Beziehungen zwischen der alteren tschechischen und der germanischen Epik." Beitrage zur Sprachwlssenschaft. Volkskunde und Llteraturforschung. Wolfgang Stelnltz zum 60. Geburtstag. Berlin: Akademie, 1965, pp. 197-213. Kaspers, W. "Germanische Gotternamen." ZDA, 83 (1951-52), 79-91. Kellogg, R. L. "The South Germanic Oral Tradition." Franclpleglus. Medieval and Linguistic Studies. Studies in Honor of Francis P . Magoun, Jr. New York: New York Univ. Press, 1965, pp. 66-74. King, Kenneth Charles. "Das Strophische Gedicht von Herzog Ernst." ZDP, 78 (1959), 269-91. Klaeber, Fr. "King Oswald's Death in Old English Alliterative Verse." PhQ. 16 (1937), 214. Klapper, J. "Die Soziale Stellung des Spielmanns im 13. und 14. Jahr- hundert." ZV, 40 (1930), 111-19.

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