Turkey's Security and the Syrian Civil
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Offensive Against the Syrian City of Manbij May Be the Beginning of a Campaign to Liberate the Area Near the Syrian-Turkish Border from ISIS
June 23, 2016 Offensive against the Syrian City of Manbij May Be the Beginning of a Campaign to Liberate the Area near the Syrian-Turkish Border from ISIS Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) fighters at the western entrance to the city of Manbij (Fars, June 18, 2016). Overview 1. On May 31, 2016, the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), a Kurdish-dominated military alliance supported by the United States, initiated a campaign to liberate the northern Syrian city of Manbij from ISIS. Manbij lies west of the Euphrates, about 35 kilometers (about 22 miles) south of the Syrian-Turkish border. In the three weeks since the offensive began, the SDF forces, which number several thousand, captured the rural regions around Manbij, encircled the city and invaded it. According to reports, on June 19, 2016, an SDF force entered Manbij and occupied one of the key squares at the western entrance to the city. 2. The declared objective of the ground offensive is to occupy Manbij. However, the objective of the entire campaign may be to liberate the cities of Manbij, Jarabulus, Al-Bab and Al-Rai, which lie to the west of the Euphrates and are ISIS strongholds near the Turkish border. For ISIS, the loss of the area is liable to be a severe blow to its logistic links between the outside world and the centers of its control in eastern Syria (Al-Raqqah), Iraq (Mosul). Moreover, the loss of the region will further 112-16 112-16 2 2 weaken ISIS's standing in northern Syria and strengthen the military-political position and image of the Kurdish forces leading the anti-ISIS ground offensive. -
Turkey 2020 Website.Indd
TURKEY Quick Facts Population: 82,017,514 (July 2020 est.) Area: 783,562 sq km Ethnic Groups: Turkish 70-75%, Kurdish 19%, other minorities 7-12% (2016 est.) Government Type: Presidential republic GDP (official exchange rate): $851.5 billion (2017 est.) Source: CIA World FactBook (Last Updated August 2020) INTRODUCTION While Turkey remains a nominally secular republic, political Islam has been ascendant in the country since the military coup of 1980. The consolidation of power by Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s Justice and Development Party in the past 15 years, however, has led to the gradual weakening of secularism and the promotion of political Islam in Turkish public life. Political Islam has become increasingly visible at the grassroots level, as pious Turks enjoy growing representation in the political process. In parallel, the mounting authoritarian tendencies of the Turkish government have stifled political opposition. The transformation of Turkey from a parliamentary to a presidential system of government in a 2017 referendum has ensured, for the time being, that Erdogan’s political agenda faces no serious domestic challenges. That said, following the fallout with the Gülen Movement with whose support Erdoğan came to power, he has been forced into an uneasy alliance with domestic ultra-nationalists. This has not diminished Erdoğan’s Islamism, however, but rather injected it with greater doses of Turkish nationalism. Turkey’s foreign policy has been transformed accordingly. Following the 2011 Arab Spring uprisings, Turkey actively intervened to secure the victory of political Islam across the Middle East and North Africa, lending support especially to the Muslim Brotherhood and affiliated organizations. -
International Police Cooperation on Counter-‐Terrorism (Ct) in Turkey
INTERNATIONAL POLICE COOPERATION ON COUNTER-TERRORISM (CT) IN TURKEY Ufuk G. YAVUZ Turkish National Police Director of International Relations/ Intelligence Department Necati YILDIRIM Turkish National Police Director of International Relations/ CT Department Presentation Plan • Counter Terrorism (CT) Units in Turkish National Police (TNP) •Terrorism in Turkey •Cooperation Activities carried out by TNP •Cooperation Activities with Central Asian Countries Counter Terrorism Units in Turkish National Police (TNP) Intelligence Counter-Terrorism Department of TNP Department of TNP (IDB) • Carries out CT • Collects information in investigations and entire country operations along with prosecutors •Conducts analysis & produces intelligence Special Operations • Supports Counter- Terrorism Department Department • They are deployed in CT operations as special raid teams. Terrorism in Turkey - I Al Qaeda is threat for Turkey by its terrorist attacks. In 2003 Istanbul bombings, (61) people died. Between 1993 and 2003, Turkish Hizbollah conducted many assasinations in Turkey. Turkish Hizbollah has (19) associations in Europe for propaganda, recruitment and financing. Terrorism in Turkey - II DHKP/C still is also threat for Turkey, they seek to conduct assasinations of the statesmen. DHKP/C is active in Europe with its associations. PKK is still conducting terrorist attacks in Turkey. PKK carries on recruitment and financing activities through its associations abroad (esp. in Europe) General Assessment of Cooperation CICA INTERPOL ECO SECI NATO UNITED NATIONS OTHER UNODC ECO-DCCU INCB COUNCIL OF PFI CCPCJ OSCE EUROPEAN EUROPE UNION JICA CND POMPIDOU EUROPOL AG SUDOST HONLEA GROUP EMCDDA BUDAPEST SUBCOM PROCESS EU STABILIZATION PACT General Assessment of Cooperation • UN Security Council, Counter Terrorism Committee in 2010. • Meetings with CT Coordinators of UN Security Council Members in Istanbul. -
Representation of ISIL and PKK Terror Attacks in Turkish Newspapers1
Akdeniz İletişim Dergisi Terrorism And Newspapers: Analysis Of Recent Terrorist Attacks In Turkish Newspapers 323 Araştırma Makalesi - Gönderim Tarihi: 15 Şubat 2019 - Kabul Tarihi: 6 Haziran 2019 Terrorism and Newspapers: Representation of ISIL and PKK Terror Attacks in Turkish Newspapers1 İbrahim EFE2 Abstract This study deals with the news coverage of some of the recent terror attacks in Turkey. It uses a part of the data set compiled for a project on impacts of journalism on countering violent extremism in Turkey (henceforth the CVE Project). The data is analysed using an eclectic version of critical discourse analysis. The analysis starts with an explanation of the data and the context of the terrorist attacks in question. Then, the argumentation strategies used by newspapers are examined through pragma-dialectical argumentation approach. Metaphors are also analysed through the lenses of conceptual metaphor thesis. The findings show that arguments against terrorist attacks taking place in Turkey are highly marked by Turkey’s experience with the PKK terror and political stances. Metaphors used in news articles also reveal ideological and political treatment of the issue at stake. All in all, the study points out that there is a close relationship between the ways terror attacks are handled in Turkish newspapers and their ideological political positions. The implications of this finding for the relationship between media and terrorism is discussed at the end of the study. Keywords: Argumentation, Conceptual metaphors, Journalism, Turkish newspapers, Terrorism, Terrorist attacks Atıf: Efe, İ. (2019). “Terrorism and Newspapers: Representation of ISIL and PKK Terror Attacks in Turkish Newspapers”. Akdeniz Üniversitesi İletişim Fakültesi Dergisi, (AKİL) Haziran (31), s. -
Two Routes to an Impasse: Understanding Turkey's
Two Routes to an Impasse: Understanding Turkey’s Kurdish Policy Ayşegül Aydin Cem Emrence turkey project policy paper Number 10 • December 2016 policy paper Number 10, December 2016 About CUSE The Center on the United States and Europe (CUSE) at Brookings fosters high-level U.S.-Europe- an dialogue on the changes in Europe and the global challenges that affect transatlantic relations. As an integral part of the Foreign Policy Studies Program, the Center offers independent research and recommendations for U.S. and European officials and policymakers, and it convenes seminars and public forums on policy-relevant issues. CUSE’s research program focuses on the transforma- tion of the European Union (EU); strategies for engaging the countries and regions beyond the frontiers of the EU including the Balkans, Caucasus, Russia, Turkey, and Ukraine; and broader European security issues such as the future of NATO and forging common strategies on energy security. The Center also houses specific programs on France, Germany, Italy, and Turkey. About the Turkey Project Given Turkey’s geopolitical, historical and cultural significance, and the high stakes posed by the foreign policy and domestic issues it faces, Brookings launched the Turkey Project in 2004 to foster informed public consideration, high‐level private debate, and policy recommendations focusing on developments in Turkey. In this context, Brookings has collaborated with the Turkish Industry and Business Association (TUSIAD) to institute a U.S.-Turkey Forum at Brookings. The Forum organizes events in the form of conferences, sem- inars and workshops to discuss topics of relevance to U.S.-Turkish and transatlantic relations. -
Russia's Military Intervention in Syria. Its Operation Plan, Objectives, And
Introduction Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs Comments Russia’s Military Intervention in Syria WP Its Operation Plan, Objectives, and Consequences for the West’s Policies Markus Kaim and Oliver Tamminga S The deployment and use of Russian air forces in Syria could be a turning-point for Presi- dent Bashar al-Assad’s regime. Since the start of the Russian air strikes on 30 September 2015, discussion has been rife in the media and in political circles as to what intentions Russia might be pursuing with its intervention in Syria. However, if one takes into ac- count the force package deployed to Syria, the manner in which the Russian air forces have proceeded, and the Kremlin’s official statements after the Assad visit to Moscow, the main features of an operation plan quickly emerge. It has repercussions far beyond Syria. On 30 September 2015, the Russian mili- Lebanese Hezbollah, even though these tary embarked on a series of operations actors are pursuing different interests. in Syria that had been prepared from the beginning of September onwards with the establishment of a base south of Latakia Russia’s military capacity in Syria and the deployment of the relevant forces. In the past few weeks, Russia has been However, the military and political aims increasing its deployment of military forces of the Russian government, as well as the to the air base near Latakia, in the north- motives behind the military intervention, west of Syria. are still unclear. The marines, T-90 tanks, combat vehicles The Russian government has never and artillery deployed there mainly serve hidden its willingness to act against all to protect the air base from attacks by IS forces fighting the Damascus regime. -
From Cold War to Civil War: 75 Years of Russian-Syrian Relations — Aron Lund
7/2019 From Cold War to Civil War: 75 Years of Russian-Syrian Relations — Aron Lund PUBLISHED BY THE SWEDISH INSTITUTE OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS | UI.SE Abstract The Russian-Syrian relationship turns 75 in 2019. The Soviet Union had already emerged as Syria’s main military backer in the 1950s, well before the Baath Party coup of 1963, and it maintained a close if sometimes tense partnership with President Hafez al-Assad (1970–2000). However, ties loosened fast once the Cold War ended. It was only when both Moscow and Damascus separately began to drift back into conflict with the United States in the mid-00s that the relationship was revived. Since the start of the Syrian civil war in 2011, Russia has stood by Bashar al-Assad’s embattled regime against a host of foreign and domestic enemies, most notably through its aerial intervention of 2015. Buoyed by Russian and Iranian support, the Syrian president and his supporters now control most of the population and all the major cities, although the government struggles to keep afloat economically. About one-third of the country remains under the control of Turkish-backed Sunni factions or US-backed Kurds, but deals imposed by external actors, chief among them Russia, prevent either side from moving against the other. Unless or until the foreign actors pull out, Syria is likely to remain as a half-active, half-frozen conflict, with Russia operating as the chief arbiter of its internal tensions – or trying to. This report is a companion piece to UI Paper 2/2019, Russia in the Middle East, which looks at Russia’s involvement with the Middle East more generally and discusses the regional impact of the Syria intervention.1 The present paper seeks to focus on the Russian-Syrian relationship itself through a largely chronological description of its evolution up to the present day, with additional thematically organised material on Russia’s current role in Syria. -
The Syrian Civil War a New Stage, but Is It the Final One?
THE SYRIAN CIVIL WAR A NEW STAGE, BUT IS IT THE FINAL ONE? ROBERT S. FORD APRIL 2019 POLICY PAPER 2019-8 CONTENTS * SUMMARY * 1 INTRODUCTION * 3 BEGINNING OF THE CONFLICT, 2011-14 * 4 DYNAMICS OF THE WAR, 2015-18 * 11 FAILED NEGOTIATIONS * 14 BRINGING THE CONFLICT TO A CLOSE * 18 CONCLUSION © The Middle East Institute The Middle East Institute 1319 18th Street NW Washington, D.C. 20036 SUMMARY Eight years on, the Syrian civil war is finally winding down. The government of Bashar al-Assad has largely won, but the cost has been steep. The economy is shattered, there are more than 5 million Syrian refugees abroad, and the government lacks the resources to rebuild. Any chance that the Syrian opposition could compel the regime to negotiate a national unity government that limited or ended Assad’s role collapsed with the entry of the Russian military in mid- 2015 and the Obama administration’s decision not to counter-escalate. The country remains divided into three zones, each in the hands of a different group and supported by foreign forces. The first, under government control with backing from Iran and Russia, encompasses much of the country, and all of its major cities. The second, in the east, is in the hands of a Kurdish-Arab force backed by the U.S. The third, in the northwest, is under Turkish control, with a mix of opposition forces dominated by Islamic extremists. The Syrian government will not accept partition and is ultimately likely to reassert its control in the eastern and northwestern zones. -
Thirty Years of Conflict and Economic Growth in Turkey: a Synthetic Control Approach
LSE ‘Europe in Question’ Discussion Paper Series Thirty Years of Conflict and Economic Growth in Turkey: A Synthetic Control Approach Fırat Bilgel and Burhan Can Karahasan LEQS Paper No. 112/2016 June 2016 Editorial Board Dr Abel Bojar Dr Vassilis Monastiriotis Dr Jonathan White Dr Katjana Gattermann Dr Sonja Avlijas All views expressed in this paper are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily represent the views of the editors or the LSE. © Fırat Bilgel and Burhan Can Karahasan Thirty Years of Conflict and Economic Growth in Turkey: A Synthetic Control Approach Fırat Bilgel* and Burhan Can Karahasan** Abstract This study seeks to estimate the economic effects of PKK terrorism in Turkey in a causal framework. We create a synthetic control group that reproduces the Turkish real per capita Gross Domestic Product (GDP) before PKK terrorism emerged in the second half of the 1980s. We compare the GDP of the synthetic Turkey without terrorism to the actual Turkey with terrorism for the period 1955-2008. Covering the period of 1988-2008, we find that the Turkish per capita GDP would have been higher by an average of about $1,585 per year had it not been exposed to PKK terrorism. This translates into an average of 13.8 percent higher per capita GDP or a 0.62 percentage points higher annual growth over a period of 21 years. Our estimate is robust to country exclusion, sparse controls, various non-outcome characteristics as predictors of GDP, alternative specifications of the in-space placebo experiments and to other potentially confounding interventions to the sample units in the pre-terrorism period. -
Prospects for Political Inclusion in Rojava and Iraqi Kurdistan
ISSUE BRIEF 09.05.18 False Hopes? Prospects for Political Inclusion in Rojava and Iraqi Kurdistan Mustafa Gurbuz, Ph.D., Arab Center, Washington D.C. Among those deeply affected by the Arab i.e., unifying Kurdish cantons in northern Spring were the Kurds—the largest ethnic Syria under a new local governing body, is minority without a state in the Middle depicted as a dream for egalitarianism and East. The Syrian civil war put the Kurds at a liberal inclusive culture that counters the forefront in the war against the Islamic patriarchic structures in the Middle East.1 State (IS) and drastically changed the future U.S. policy toward the Kurds, however, prospects of Kurds in both Syria and Iraq. has become most puzzling since the 2017 This brief examines the challenges that defeat of IS in Syria. While the U.S.—to hinder development of a politically inclusive avoid alienating the Turks—did not object culture in Syrian Kurdistan—popularly to the Turkish troops’ invasion of the known as Rojava—and Iraqi Kurdistan. Kurdish canton of Afrin, the YPG began Political and economic instability in both forging closer ties to Damascus—which regions have shattered Kurdish dreams for led to complaints from some American political diversity and prosperity since the officials that the Kurdish group “has turned early days of the Arab Spring. into an insurgent organization.”2 In fact, from the beginning of the Syrian civil war, Syrian Kurds have been most careful to not THE RISING TIDE OF SYRIAN KURDS directly target the Assad regime, aside from some short-term clashes in certain places The civil war in Syria has thus far bolstered like Rojava, for two major reasons. -
The Syrian Civil War Student Text
The Syrian Civil War Student Text PREVIEW Not for Distribution Copyright and Permissions This document is licensed for single-teacher use. The purchase of this curriculum unit includes permission to make copies of the Student Text and appropriate student handouts from the Teacher Resource Book for use in your own classroom. Duplication of this document for the purpose of resale or other distribution is prohibited. Permission is not granted to post this document for use online. Our Digital Editions are designed for this purpose. See www.choices.edu/digital for information and pricing. The Choices Program curriculum units are protected by copyright. If you would like to use material from a Choices unit in your own work, please contact us for permission. PREVIEWDistribution for Not Faculty Advisors Faculty at Brown University provided advice and carefully reviewed this curriculum. We wish to thank the following scholars for their invaluable input to this curriculum: Faiz Ahmed Meltem Toksöz Associate Professor of History, Department of History, Visiting Associate Professor, Middle East Studies and Brown University Department of History, Brown University Contributors The curriculum developers at the Choices Program write, edit, and produce Choices curricula. We would also like to thank the following people for their essential contributions to this curriculum: Noam Bizan Joseph Leidy Research and Editing Assistant Content Advisor Talia Brenner Gustaf Michaelsen Lead Author Cartographer Julia Gettle Aidan Wang Content Advisor Curriculum Assistant Front cover graphic includes images by Craig Jenkins (CC BY 2.0), Georgios Giannopoulos (Ggia) (CC BY-SA 4.0), and George Westmoreland. © Imperial WarPREVIEW Museums (Q 12366). -
Borders As Ethnically Charged Sites: Iraqi Kurdistan Border Crossings, 1995-2006
BORDERS AS ETHNICALLY CHARGED SITES: IRAQI KURDISTAN BORDER CROSSINGS, 1995-2006 Diane E. King Department of Anthropology University of Kentucky ABSTRACT: In this article, I use border crossings between Syria, Turkey, and Iraq during the period from 1995 to 2006 to examine the modern state, identity, and territory at border crossing points. Borderlands represent a site where the core powers of states can display the reach, scope, face, and preferred expressions of their identities. Border crossing points between modern states that make strong ethnolinguistic and/or ethnosectarian identity assertions, as do the states on which I focus here, are often charged sites where the state may seek to impose a certain identity category on an individual, an identity that the individual may or may not claim. Kurdistan, the non-state area recognized by Kurds as their ethnic/national home, arcs across the states, and most of the people meeting at the borders are ethnically Kurdish. The state may deny hybridity, or use hybridity, especially multilingualism, for its own purposes. Ethnolinguistic and other collective identity categories in Syria, Turkey, and Iraq are assigned according to patrilineal descent, which means that singular categories are passed from one gener- ation to the next. These categories are made much less malleable by their reliance on descent claims through one parent. In such a 51 ISSN 0894-6019, © 2019 The Institute, Inc. 52 URBAN ANTHROPOLOGY VOL. 48(1,2), 2019 milieu, ethnic identities may be a factor to a greater degree than if their state systems allowed for more ethnic flexibility and hybridity. Introduction In this article I use some encounters I had at border crossing points between Syria, Turkey and Iraq in the years from 1995 to 2006 to think questions of collective identity, territoriality, and boundaries in modern states.