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Home , Coromandel Coast, Keling, Malaysian Indians, Mappila, Salma (writer), Shri

The Changing Identities of the Tamil from the to : An Etymological Analysis

Shaik Abdullah Hassan Mydin1 and Mohammed Siraaj Saidumasudu2 1School of Distance Education Studies Universiti Sains Malaysia, Jalan Minden, 11800 , Malaysia 2Ministry of Education of Malaysia

Keywords : , Identities, Etymological, Malaysia

Abstract: The Tamil Muslims of the Coromandel Coast, South are people whose trading networks were founded in the prominent port cities located within as well South East . In the context of the Malay world, these traders and merchants engaged uncommercial intercourse with the since the 8th century C.E. They became well-established and known among both locals and the Europeans with certain unique characteristics which evolved periodically in South India as well as South East Asia. Designations towards Tamil Muslims - such as Yavana, Sonakar, Anjuvanam, Chuliar, and Thulukkar - evolved periodically and in parallel to historical developments as well as demographical changes in South India. In contrast, within Malaysia, terms such as Keling, Chulia, and Mamak are made in reference to this community. Some of these terms are predominantly used in Malaysia, which may have derogative connotations and are often misunderstood by local .

1 INTRODUCTION (Bayly, 1989:86). Arab traders used to stay in the Coromandel coast while handling their trade The word Tamil Muslim denotes a Muslim who activities. While they were there, they married the speaks the as their mother tongue. local Tamil women. Marriages between Arab traders Tamil Muslims consider their root of origin to be and local brought about the emergence of , south-east India, lying between the sea Tamil Muslims with Arab blood, known as the Indo- and the . (More,2004:3).They were Arab community. Two groups of seafaring Muslim dominantly found residing in the port towns along merchants emerged- the speaking the Coromandel coast, including Kalayapatnam, Muslims of , the Mapilla, and the and Cuddalore, from as early as the 8th Tamil speaking Muslims of the Coromandel coast, century C.E. known as the Marakkayar (More, 17-19). These made its advent in South India through the Muslim communities eventually grew and were sea prior to land expeditions from the to known for their different sub-divisions, such as the North India, which paved ways to the emergence of Marakkayar, Labbai and Rawathar Islamic Kingdoms of Delhi (1206-1526 C.E.) and (Thurston,1907:1),who were later identified the Mughal Sultanate (1526-1857 C.E.) The spread collectively as the Chulia with other South Indians of Islam in South India took place through trading by the British and probably by other European networks and maritime activities. Some of the powers as well (Arasatnam,1989:3). Their coastal Tamil communities professed Islam as their population increased in number as the growing faith after becoming Muslims through years of importance of the Coromandel ports as international contact with Arab traders. Arab sailors and traders multi ports became central to the trade activities established their settlements along the Coromandel between West Asia and coast in the 8th and 9th Century C.E and the Malabar (Sanjay,2002:95). coast. Consequently,Tamil Muslim settlements had Islam was gradually spread to the hinterland of developed over a time along the east coast of South South India throughout the 13th and 14th century C.E. India, stretching from to Colochel in Kanyakumari (Cape Comorin). The majority of the

650 Hassan Mydin, S. and Saidumasudu, M. The Changing Identities of the Tamil Muslims from the Coromandel Coast to Malaysia: An Etymological Analysis. DOI: 10.5220/0008891906500656 In Proceedings of the 7th International Conference on Multidisciplinary Research (ICMR 2018) - , pages 650-656 ISBN: 978-989-758-437-4 Copyright c 2020 by SCITEPRESS – Science and Technology Publications, Lda. All rights reserved

The Changing Identities of the Tamil Muslims from the Coromandel Coast to Malaysia: An Etymological Analysis

Muslims resided in the prominent port cities of Through they traded and migrated in various Thanjavur, Ramanathapuram and Tirunelveli. forms other than as traders and merchants—such as Nevertheless, they also established other port cities sojourners and labourers—the Tamil Muslim such as Pulicat, Nagapattanam, Kilakkarai and community from different parts and areas of Tamil Kayalpattanam as part of their settlements (Raja Nadu, South India waseventually formed and Mohamed, 2004:30). Apart from being prominent, developed as part of the early residents of a newly Tamil Musllim trade activities, centres and established Penang port city. Indeed, the existence of settlements, and the port cities along the KapitanKeling , which was dated from 1801 Coromandel coast were also renowned as Islamic C.E.,stands as a beacon of their presence, cultural centres in South India during 12th and 13th significance and the roles that the community had in century (Bayly, 1989:88). the development of social, economic and cultural Tamil Muslims had trade as their predominant aspects of George Town, Penang. profession. The local ruler encouraged this profitable In the context of culture, Tamil Muslims who activity by providing trade facilities to their coastal speak Tamil have integrated themselves into Tamil areas. There were important ports along the culture as a shared culture, with some exceptionsto Coromandel coast, such as Porto Novo, the majority of Tamil in Tamil Nadu, South Nagapattanam, Nagore, Karaikkal, Adirampattanam, India. They incorporated themselves within Tamil Mandapam, Vedalai, Kilakarrai and Kayalpattanam. culture and traditions,and in fact regard as part of Economically, they had extensive trade connections their own(Mines, 1972:20). They did not consider with the Arab peninsular and Indian oceans. In themselves an isolated or marginalised community addition, these ports were important routes to Sri kept apart from the majority of Lanka, Melaka and other places in Southeast community in Tamil Nadu, butwere recognised and Asia(Sanjay, 2002:95) respected as a variant of the Tamil community with An extensive South Indian trade network with some unique identities. Historically, theses the Malay Archipelago became the continuing identitiesevolved gradually and contextually over a platform for the Tamil Muslims with Malaya. Tamil period of time from as early astheir establishment Muslim communities in the Malay Archipelago were and gradual growth in Tamil Nadu as well as outside established and made contact with since the 8th of India, such as in Malaysia. Century C.E in the kingdom of and during Particular appellations applied on their identities the Sultanate of Melaka throughout the 15th Century and divided into main subdivisions and sub-groups till the early 16th Century(Arasatnam,1989:17).Tamil accordingly to predominant professions, namely Muslim traders and merchants played notable roles Marakkayar, Labbai and Rawather. In the context of in royal affairs as well as trade till the fall of the discussion within the article, these subdivisions Sultanate of Melaka to the Portuguese in 1511 C.E. stand as part of their overall identities, and are not After this period, they shifted and extended their the main subject of the discourse. Thus, the article trade and political influence to other Malay states only tends to investigate and explore otheridentities, without the presence of European powers. apart from subdivisions of Tamil Muslims in Tamil Their presence was warmly accepted by Malay Nadu and Malaysia. rulers. Moreover, Malay Sultans relied upon them the most for the progress and well-being of their 1.1 Tamil Muslim Identities states and royal trade activities. Such a scenario paved ways to the development of Tamil Muslims in Tamil Muslim community was designated with , , Kedah and Acheh in 17th and 18th distinct identities from the time Islam was spread in century. As their importance and influence in trade South India, as early as 8thand 9thcentury C.E. Thus, act grew, the Sultans of the Malay states and the they emerged as a new community attached to their aristocrats appointed them as royal merchants or new faith, Islam, amongthemajority native Tamils ‘Saudagar Raja’. Furthermore, they were entrusted ofHindu faith. Overtime, Tamil Muslims were to the extent that they even married into royal generally identified and addressed chronologically families (Andaya,1979:86-87). These Tamil Muslim as Yavana,Sonakar, AnjuvanamandThulakkar in trading community who had already established South India(Raja Mohamed, 2004:61). Apart from themselves in other Malay states as well as Kedah, that, Tamil Muslim diasporas that grew in South extended their trade activities to Penang after the East Asia, andin particular Malaysia, have been establishment of a newly founded Penangport by addressed with distinctterms which includeKeling, Francis Light in 1786 C.E.(Cullin&Zehnder,1905:5). Chulia and Mamak. In fact, historically, these

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identities and appellations which evolvedin Malaysia convincing that the word Yavana may denote the date back to the pre-Sultanate of Melaka period to .After the initial conversion to Islam, the the periodof the European colonial powers and Tamil Muslim community certainly experienced and currently some of the appellations are used went through aprocess of integration and predominantly among the Malaysians. Therefore, the assimilation with the local Tamils socially and article investigates these identities of the Tamil culturally. Thus, culturally the Tamil Muslims Muslims etymologicallyfrom historical and social integratedintoTamil culture, compared to the intact perspectives, which appear salient andexpress an Arabian identities or culture. As a consequence, understanding of theTamil Muslim community. locally Tamil Muslims were not addressed as Yavana since 8th C.E. 1.2 Yavana and Sonakar Later, from the 8th century C.E. onward, Tamil Muslims of the Coromandel coast were being Yavana was the initial identity of Tamil Muslims in calledSonakar,Sonakan or Jonakan.Sonakar is a South India. According to the ancient Sangam Tamil word formed fromthe corruption of the word Literature of Tamil kingdoms in 2nd century C.E., Yonakar, which refers to the descendants of the there was a group of people called Yavana(More, Arabs. Sonakam in Tamil refers to Arabia and its 2004:4).The term Yavana is a word which people or those who hailed from the place called refers to Greeks, foreigners and . Sonakar. The usage of Sonakarwas also found in Historically, the term Yavanais only used to refer to Malabar among the Muslims. They were theearly-period Greeks and Romans.In the later addressed as SonakaMapilla.Furthermore, official periods, the Arabs, Persians and evenJews records of Ceylon call the Muslim werereferred asYavanaor Yona(Hunter, 2013:172- populationSonakar(Raja Mohamed,2004:68) 173). According to More (2004)in the middle and modern Tamil era, only the Arabs or Muslims,which 1.3 Anjuvanam probably also included Tamil Muslims, were referred as Yavana.Prominent Tamil Muslim Anjuvanam was another term used to refer the Tamil researcher and author, Raja Mohamed (2004) claims Muslims. Anjumanis derived from Persian word that Yavana supposedly and rightfully should refer which literally denotes “congregation”. This term to the Arabs solely and not to Greeks or Romans. He was related to the Tamil Muslims’ profession as argues that the trade activities between pre-Islamic traders. As a trading community, Tamil Muslims Arabs with India coincided with the existence of that resided at port towns along the Coromandel Arab colonies in coastal areas of India as early as 2nd coastestablished guilds and associations thatcatered century B.C. to their trading members. Due to this fact, Tamil Meanwhile, trade contact of India with Romans Muslims were also generally addressed as took place after this period and was only proven by Anjuvanam. The word Anjuvanam was found on Roman coins that were unearthed in many parts of copper plates and inscriptions dated to 12th-13th C.E., South India. He decisively stresses that the Roman which referred to Muslim guilds. Moreover, a coins dated between 27 B.C to 161 B.C. were most mosque in the Tenkasi area of the Tirunelveli probably brought into South India by the Arabs as District, Tamil Nadu is known as they played a salient role as the middlemen of the theAnjuvanamPallivasalto thisvery day, south seas and used foreign gold coins as a medium strengthening this argument. Anjuvanamor Muslim of exchange. Furthermore, throughout the period of merchant guilds operated from areas like Kottayam, Pliny and Periplus and even at the height of their Thirhamanapuram and Nagapattanam to promote power, Romans were not able to extend their their trading activities (Raja Mohamed, 72:2004) influence over Indian trade, which for years remained under the control of the Arabs. 1.4 Thullukar According to Raja Mohamed (2004),the word Yavana tracesits origin to the Tamil Muslims were also referred to as Thulukkar or termYavanwhich is a place name in , South Thurukkar. This term literally meansa native of the Arabia. The word Yavan, which stood as a place, Turkic region, or Turkic people. Though not all the name must have been the strong hold of Yavanas. In Muslims who frequented the Coromandel coast had some old Tamil poems, Yavanam is said to be one of come from Turkey, this term is very commonly and the fifty-six countries around India and it denotes popularly applied to all Tamil Muslims by the Arabia. From the foregoing discussion it is dominantTamil Hindu community to this day.

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The Changing Identities of the Tamil Muslims from the Coromandel Coast to Malaysia: An Etymological Analysis

Historically, the attachment of the term with the The term Chulia was originally a territorial Tamil Muslims took place as a result of the name, meaning an inhabitant of Chola or Cola- influence ofthe subjugation of the South IndianDelhi Mandalam, referring to the Coromandel coast in Sultanate in the 14th century. Hence, the Sultanate of South India (Wink1991: 309) This area was known Madurai formed and ruled Madurai in the 14th to the Arabs as Ma’bar,the term used to address century C.E.(1323 to 1378 C.E.) for 55 yearsafter Tamil people regardless of their internal sub-ethnic ending the rule of Vijayanagar of the Pandyan divisions, castes and religions. Hence, all Tamil Dynasty. The natives of Madurai called the Muslims, Tamil Hindus and others from the SultanateThulukkaniamorThulukkavanam. Since this Coromandel coast were called Chulia. This period, Tamil speaking Muslims have been argument is based on 19th century British sources, addressedas Thulukkaror Thulukkan, due tothe which refer to both Muslims and Hindus as Chulia. similarity of Islamic faith between the Sultanate of In any case, in due course of time, Tamil Madurai and the Muslims(More, 13:2004), while Muslimswere more dominantly referred to as Chulia their women-folk are calledThulukkachi(Raja in Ceylon, Burma and as a result of Mohamed, 70: 2004). their dominance in trade activities in these Chronologically, Thulukkaris the latest areas(Raja Mohamed, 2004:71). In certain appellation that refers to Tamil Muslims which situations, Chulia was applied to refer to a sub- emerged in South India as mentioned above. Thus, division of the Tamil Muslim community with the term is used by the Tamil diasporas in Malaysia certainshared identities and backgrounds. For as part of their linguistic traditions. As a matter of instance, as mentioned by Sanjay Subramaniam fact, todaythe term Thulukkar or Thulukkanare used (2001),it is found that Chulia is also used as an by of Hindu faith to address identifier of Tamil Muslims of Marakkayar,though Tamil Muslims. Indeed, the termis generally they are only a sub-division of the Tamil Muslim regarded as derogative by some Muslims.Perhapsthe trading community.Today, the term Chulia is not in historical events and foundation of the birth of the use as it was the sole identity created by the British term may serve as factor to this sentiment or it was to address the Tamil Muslims and wasthus external due tothe sentiment of disagreement and detestation in nature. among the people of Madurai who lived formerly under the rule of the Vijayanagar Kingdom against 1.6 Keling or Kling the Sultanate of Madurai. In any case,the term has been applied to the The term Keling is a Malay word which refers to Tamil Muslims to this widely, andwith solely South Indian people. In British records and different perceptions by Malaysian Indians. Without documents, the term Kling is used to refer to the prejudice, it is believed that the term only serves as a Malay version of Keling(Cullin&Zehnder,1905:9). demarcating symbol in terms of identitybetween the In SejarahMelayu or theTheMalay Annal, the term Muslims and non-Muslimsamong the Tamil Keling is used widely to refer South Indian traders community in Malaysia. Without doubt, properand and merchants.In terms of faith, both Muslims and factual understanding about the etymology of the Hindus are called Keling. Thisis due to it being the term Thulukkaris likely important in eradicating any name of a place of origin rather than other values or misunderstanding and negative sentimentsbetween measurements before the end of 19th century. The people of similar ethnicities with different faiths. Malay literature of the 17th century such as The Malay Annal and HikayatMunshi Abdullah refer to 1.5 Chulia South India as BenuaKeling(“Keling ”) and Tanah Keling (“Keling Soil”) (Hamzah The word Chulia appears in the works of Hamdani,2007:4; Shellabear, 1977:163). The word and Southeast Asia authors and researchers based on BenuaKelingand Kalinga are depicted often in the Dutch and British records. Chulia is in fact a texts of SejarahMelayu referring to South India. The prominent term that was widely used by the British following quotation from The Malay Annal depicts in particular to address and refer to the Tamil the tradition of addressing South India as Benua Muslims and other South Indians in their official Keling among the in Melaka. documents and records. Generally, the term has “Hattamaka Sultan Mahmud different spelling;Cholia,Choliar, Chuliar and pun Choolia (Sandhu, 1969:118; Campell&Samuel, hendakmenyuruhkebenuaKe 1801: 16-17) lingmembelikainserasahem

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patpuluhbagai….Maka Muslims(HalimahMohd Said & Zainab Abdul Hang Majid,2004:18) Nadimdititahbagindakebenu As a matter of fact, Keling is a sensitive term and aKelingmembelikainitu…M highly regarded as derogative byboth Muslims and aka Hang Hindu Indians in Malaysia. For instance, some Nadimpergilahnaikkapal community members in Malaysia insisted Kelingbe Hang Isap…” deleted permanently from dictionaries. From July (Shellabear, 1977:163) 2003, and Federal Territory Angkatan Pelapor India Muslim (APIM), a non-government This appellation was not only used by the Malays organization issued asummonagainst Dewan Bahasa in Malaya but it wasobserved that the people of the dan Pustaka (DBP) due to the entry of the word Malay archipelago also labelled the South Indians as Keling in the DBP dictionary, the KamusDewan Keling in antiquity.The term Kelinghas its origin Third Edition. They demanded that the sensitive from the name Kalinga, an ancient Buddhist word to be stroke out from the dictionary. APIM kingdom in South India(KhooSalmah, 2009:47). claimed that the wordKelingand its variant meanings Sarkar (1986) extracted details from Chinese records and metaphorsimply bad connotations,cause chaos, that depict the arrival of people from Kalinga disturb the peace and incite hatred, animosity, riots, atcentral .The Kalinga people formed a kingdom disharmony as well asdisunity. Their appeal, which with the name of Ho-Ling in in 674 C.E. wentto the High Court of Malaysia was however (Sarkar, 1986:71) dismissed in 2009. Thecourt ruled that the use of the According to Chinese records,the term Ho-ling is word Keling is allowed in the KamusDewan Third a Chinese word which refers to Kalinga. Moreover, Edition as the word in the dictionary is for learning information from some inscriptions prove that most purposes(The Star,2009:5). of the people from South India were known as Ho- Assuming the above event as a case study and an ling, in reference to Kalinga. Based on this example, here we would like to look at the reality argument, it is evident that Kalinga people became and sensitivity that created by the term Keling. Why the dominant community among the Indians as do Indians, both Muslims and non-Muslims, residents or traders in Central Java. Later, the term perceive the term as derogative? If we take a Kalinga was gradually applied to address the Tamils historical perspective, the appellation Kelingbecame from South India. derogative by the early 20th century C.E. Perhaps the The appellation of the term Keling applied to main factor is the arrival of South Indian indentured Tamil Muslims traders only later after the decline labours to Malaya brought by the British to work in ofHindu traders in the Malay Archipelago rubber estates. Most probably their poor socio- (Fujimoto, 1988:9).During the occupation and rule economic status associated negative values to the of Melaka by thePortuguese in the 16th century, the term Keling among the locals, particularly in the term Keling was addressed towards Hindu traders hinterlands of Malay states. mainly. This was due to the decline of Tamil Such a change of perception, which was Muslim trading activities in the port of impacted by historical changes and migrations, was Melaka.However, Keling referred not only to the contradictionto the respected and well-accepted Tamil Muslim community but extensively to Indian value associated with the term Keling by the Indians Muslims and other South Indian communities prior to early 20th century. It is most probably due to generally(McPherson,1990: 44) the fact that the Tamil Muslims mostly had contact From the context of Indian Muslims and in with locals as traders and merchants, whereas the particular Tamil Muslims, the term Kelingwas former Indians from South India came as labours. applied in different forms and contexts in Malaysia. In light of the discussion above, changes of The term was applied towards the community with a professions and forms of migrations by the Tamil diverse definition and perspective by the Malay traders implied socio-economic status. Such factors community in different . For instance, in the playvital roles as moulding factorsthat create northern region of that stereotypes and set values as well as social comprises Penang, Kedah and , the term measurementsamong the local Malaysians towards Keling is an exclusive term referringto the Indian the Indians.Another essential aspect which strikes us Muslim community, whereas in other parts of the in the light ofthis discussion is that the terms and country, Keling is used by the locals to address identities are contextual in nature. These terms Indians with of the Hindu faith rather than Indian measure differently according to different contexts

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The Changing Identities of the Tamil Muslims from the Coromandel Coast to Malaysia: An Etymological Analysis

historically. Hence, it is possible for the refers to a father-in-law(New English-English-Tamil termKelingto have its preceding status before 19th Dictionary,2006:212). Traditionally the term is used century,thought of here asits ’dignity’, based on the in Malaysia among the Tamil Muslims and to an transformation of the socio-economic status of the extent the Indians to address elderly men or Indian community. Furthermore, the changing strangers to show respect to them.Apart frommamak, attitudes of other ethnically diverseMalaysiansmay some local Malaysians, especially in Penang, transform their perceptions towards this sensitive conventionally apply the word mamu instead term in the future. ofmamak.Mamu is a variant of the term mamak, which perhaps come to usage among the locals due 1.7 Mamak to the process of assimilation between the Indian Muslims and Malays through marriages(Wilkinson, One of the most interesting cultural refinements of 1908:139). This process gave birth to the the Tamil Muslim community is the Mamak-man, JawiPeranakan community or hybrid Malays from who is famed for his tehtarik(“pulled milk tea”). In 18th century C.E. onward in Penang. To some Indian fact, the term mamak denotes an Indian Muslim man Muslims, mamak is assumed as a slightly derogatory and a Malay of Indian or Tamil Muslim ancestry term (Gaik Cheng Khoo, 2010:112). This is due to (HalimahMohd Said & Zainab Abdul Majid, the tendency of some Malaysians to imply the term 2004:17). referring to a second-class citizen, which is a According to SejarahMelayu, Indian Muslims, consequence of misunderstanding the etymology of mostly Tamil speaking Muslims, played a salient the term and the firminfluence of Malaysia’s and significant role in the court of Melaka and in derogative stereotype of the term. Taken seriously, later periods in Malay states as ministers or the term mamak appears to be an exclusive term and advisors (A.Bakar Hamid, 1983: referring to the Tamil and Indian Muslim 106). In such situations and positions, they married community, which is Malaysian-oriented in form, women from royal families and became in-laws to whereas other terms such as Keling and Chulia have the Sultan, who then called them mamak, which shared identities between the Indians generally. means “father-in-law” in Tamil. Sometimes, the sultan married the daughter of a Bendaharaand during their royal court session, the Sultan would 2 CONCLUSION call the “MamakBendahara”. or “Mamak Menteri”. The paper’s etymological analysis and its For instance, in the Sultanate of Melaka, the term conclusions of the identities of the Tamil Muslims, mamak was applied to refer to the Bendahara of both in Tamil Nadu and in Malaysia, have an Melaka of Tamil Muslim descendent and was academic foundation and are supported by social and addressed as “MamakBendahara”. It is evident that historical facts. As etymology traces the history of a in some texts of The and Hikayat word from its most recent form to its earliest known Hang Tuah, the appellation “MamakBendahara” are source, it is essential to avoid misleading found in some dialogs and quotations between the perceptions towards the Tamil Muslim community, Sultan and Bendahara of Melaka in the texts. One of which may be propagated through its usage in the dialogs in the text of Hikayat Hang Tuahdepicts traditions or folk tales. is as follows: Of great importance in this analysis is that it attaches to one the ability to analyse the roots of “SatelahbagindamendengarsembahP certain terminologies such as Chulia, Kelingand atehKermaWijayaitu, Mamak, which are crucial to mould mindset and makatitahbagindapadaBendaharaPa avoid misleading perceptions among locals in duka Raja, “YamamakBendahara, particular about such terms. berilahtempatPatehKermaWijyainiha This paper hopefully acts as solution to the mpirdengan kampong mamak.” misunderstandings among multi-racial Malaysians MakasembahBendahara,”Daulattuan about these terms. Therefore, the article may debunk ku.” the stereotypes and misleading claims which had (Shellabear, 1977: 63). long formed among the locals against the Tamil

Muslim community. Such an understanding is The term mamak is a corruption ofthe Tamil crucial in eradicating negative ethnic sentiments and word mama, which means maternal uncle and it also

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for promoting respect among Malaysians for the More,J.B., 2004. Muslim identity, print culture, and the sake of national unity and harmony. Dravidian factor in Tamil Nadu, Hydrebard, Orient Black. MuhamadFaizalSharbudin&Zamri Muhamad., 2008. RahsiaBisnesMamak..Selangor: PTS Professional REFERENCES Publishing SdnBhd YusoffHashim., A.Bakar Hamid., 1983. Peristiwa-peristiwadariHikayat 1989.KesultananMelayuMelaka:Kajianbeberapaaspek Hang Tuah:SiriKajianSastera DBP. Kementerian tentang Melaka padaabadke -15 danabadke 16 Pelajaran Malaysia: DewanBahasadanPustaka. dalamsejarahMalaysia.. Andaya,B.W. and Andaya, Leornard Y., 1982. A History DewanBahasadanPustaka. of Malaysia. Hong Kong: Macmillan Press. New English-English Tamil dictionary.,2006.First Edition. Andaya, Barbara Watson., 1979. Perak, the Abode of :Sura Books. Grace: A Study of an Eighteenth Century Malay Raja Mohamad.,2004. Martime History of The State. Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press Coromandel Muslims: A Socio-Historical Study on the Arasaratnam,S., 1989. Islamic Merchant Communities of Tamil Muslim 1750-1900. Chennai.Director of the in Southeast Asia. Kuala Musuems. Lumpur: Universiti Malaya. Sanjay Subrahmanyam., 2002.The Political Economy of Campbell, L. D.& Samuel , E. (eds.)., 1801. The Asiatic Commerce: Southern India 1500-1650. Annual Register: A View of the History of Hindustan Melbourne:Cambridge University Press. and of the Politics, Commerce, and Literature of Asia Sanjay Subrahmanyam.,2001. Penumbral Visions: Making for the Year 1799. London: J. Debrett, Piccadilly, Polities in Early Modern South India. Delhi: Oxford Cullin, E.G &Zehnder, W.F., 1905. The Early History of University Press. Penang, 1592-1827. Penang: The Criterion Press. Sandhu, KernialSingh.,1969. Indians in Malaya. London: Fujimoto, Helen.,1988, The South Indian Muslim Cambridge University Press. Community and the Evolution of the JawiPeranakan in Sarkar, H.B., 1986. Trade and Commercial Activities of Penang up to 1948. Monograph Series No. 1. A Southern India in the Malayo-Indonesian World comparative study on the modes of inter-action in (up to A.D. 1511).Vol 1. Calcutta; Firm Klm Private multi-ethnic societies. Tokyo: Tokyo Limited. GaikokugoDaigaku. Shellabear, W.G., 1977. SejarahMelayu. Kuala Lumpur: HalimahMohd Said &Zainab Abdul Majid., 2004. Images PenerbitanFajarBakti. of the JawiPeranakanofPenang: Assimilation of the Thurston, Edgar. andRangachari, K., 1907.Caste and JawiPeranakan Community into Malay Tribes of South India . 7 vols. Madras Society.TanjungMalim: UniversitiPendidikan Sultan Torsten Tschacher., 2006. The Impact of being Tamil on Idris. Religious Life among Tamil Muslim in , HamzahHamdani.,2007.Hikayat Abdullah. , Ph.DThesis,South Asian Studies Programme, National Selangor: PTS Publications & Distributors. University of Singapore. Hunter,W.W., 2013. The Indian Empire: Its People, Wilkinson R.J., 1908. An Abridged Malay-English History and Products. Oxon: Routledge Taylors & Dictionary (Romanised). Kuala Lumpur:Government Francis Group Press. Khoo Salma Nasution., 2014. The Chulia in Penang: Wink, Andre. (1991). Al Hind: The Making of the Indo- Patronage and Place-Making around the Kapitan Islamic World, Volume 1, Early Medieval India and Kling Mosque 1786-1957. Penang: Areca Books. Expansion of Islam 7th -11th Centuries. 2nd ed. Khoo Salma Nasution., 2009. “The Tamil Muslim in Early Leiden: E.J.Brill. Penang: Network for a New Global Frontier”. In(ed.). NewspaperThe Star, 22 Jun 2009. WazirJahanKarimStraits Muslims: Diasporas of the Northern Passage of the Straits of , Georgetown ,Penang: Straits G.T.(Heritage Series), pp: 97-120. McPherson McPherson, Kenneth.,1990. “Chulias and Klings: Indigenous Trade Diasporasand Penetration of the Littoral”. InGiorgioBorsa(ed.).Trade and Politics in the Indian Ocean Historical and Contemporary Perspectives, . Delhi: Manohar. Mines, Mattison.,1972. Muslim Merchants:The Economic Behaviour of an Indian Muslim Community. New Delhi. Shri Ram Centre for Industrial Relations and Human Resources

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