Comparative Studies in Society and History 2012;54(1):65–92. 0010-4175/12 $15.00 # Society for the Comparative Study of Society and History 2012 doi:10.1017/S0010417511000594 Imagining Asia in India: Nationalism and Internationalism (ca. 1905–1940) CAROLIEN STOLTE Leiden University HARALD FISCHER-TINÉ Swiss Federal Institute of Technology, Zurich What is this new cult of Asianism, at whose shrine more and more incense is being offered by vast numbers of thinking Asiatics, far and near? And what has this gospel of Asianism, rightly understood and properly interpreted, to do with the merely political cry of ‘Asia for the Asiatics’? For true it is, clear to all who have eyes to see and ears to hear, that Asia is fast developing a new consciousness of her specific mission, her orig- inal contribution to Euro-America. ———Nripendra Chandra Banerji1 INTRODUCTION Asianisms, that is, discourses and ideologies claiming that Asia can be defined and understood as a homogenous space with shared and clearly defined charac- teristics, have become the subject of increased scholarly attention over the last two decades. The focal points of interest, however, are generally East Asian varieties of regionalism.2 That “the cult of Asianism” has played an important Acknowledgments: Parts of this article draw on a short essay published as: Harald Fischer-Tiné, “‘The Cult of Asianism’: Asiendiskurse in Indien zwischen Nationalismus und Internationalismus (ca. 1885–1955),” Comparativ 18, 6 (2008): 16–33. 1 From Asianism and other Essays (Calcutta: Arya Publishing House, 1930), 1. Banerji was Pro- fessor of English at Bangabasi College, Calcutta, and a friend of Chittaranjan Das, who propagated pan-Asianism in the Indian National Congress in the 1920s. 2 Among others: Sven Saaler and Victor J. Koschmann, eds., Pan-Asianism in Modern Japanese History: Colonialism, Regionalism, and Borders (London: Routledge, 2007); Cemil Aydin, The Politics of Anti-Westernism in Asia: Visions of World Order in Pan-Islamic and Pan-Asian Thought (New York: Columbia University Press, 2007); Eri Hotta, Pan-Asianism and Japan’s War 1931–1945 (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007); Christopher W. A. Szpilman, “The Dream of One Asia: Ôkawa Shûmei and Japanese Pan-Asianism,” in Harald Füss, ed., The Japa- nese Empire in East Asia and Its Post War Legacy (München: Iudicium, 1997), 49–63; Victor J. 65 Downloaded from https:/www.cambridge.org/core. University of Basel Library, on 30 May 2017 at 13:53:38, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https:/www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0010417511000594 66 CAROLIEN STOLTE AND HARALD FISCHER- TINÉ role on the Indian subcontinent, too—as is evident from the quote above—is less understood. Aside from two descriptive monographs dating back to the 1970s, there has been relatively little scholarly engagement with this phenom- enon.3 In this article, we would like to offer an overview of several distinct con- cepts of Asia and pan-Asian designs, which featured prominently in both political and civil society debates in India during the struggle for Independence. Considering the abundance of initiatives for Asian unification, and, in a more abstract sense, discourses on Asian identity, what follows here is necessarily a selection of discourses, three of which will be subjected to critical analysis, with the following questions in mind: • What were the concrete motives of regional—in this case Indian—actors to appro- priate the concept of Asianism? Is the popularity of supranational frames of reference solely to be explained as an affirmation of a distinctive identity vis-à-vis the imagined powerful West, or are there other motives to be found? • What were the results of these processes of appropriation, and how were these man- ifested politically and culturally? • What tensions resulted from the simultaneous existence of various nationalisms in Asia on the one hand and macro-nationalistic pan-Asianism on the other? An important theoretical tool in the engagement with Indian Asianisms is provided by Prasenjit Duara, who has analyzed the interrelations between the expansion of anti-colonial nationalism and the transformation of concepts of civilization after the First World War.4 He argues that over the course of the nineteenth century the only accepted criteria for being “civilized” and for re- cognition of national sovereignty as such, had come to consist of the values of Christianity and Enlightenment. “Civilization” (with a capital C) was under- stood to be both singular and universal. In the late 1900s, the rhetoric of an Koschmann, “Asianism’s Ambivalent Legacy,” in P. J. Katzenstein und Takashi Shiraishi, eds., Network Power: Japan and Asia (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1997); and Peter Duus, “Imperi- alism without Colonies: The Vision of a Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere,” Diplomacy and Statecraft 7, 1 (1996): 54–72. 3 Birendra Prasad, Indian Nationalism and Asia (1900–1947) (Delhi: B. R. Publishing Corpor- ation, 1979); and Stephen Hay, Asian Ideas of East and West: Tagore and His Critics in Japan, China, and India (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1970). See also: T. A. Keenleyside, “Nationalist Indian Attitudes towards Asia: A Troublesome Legacy for Post-Independence Indian Foreign Policy,” Pacific Affairs 55, 2 (1982): 210–30; and Miroslav Krása, “The Idea of Pan-Asianism and the Nationalist Movement in India,” Archiv Orientálni 40 (1972): 38–60. For the resurgence of Asianist discourses in India since the 1990s, see Christophe Jaffrelot, “India’s Look East Policy: An Asianist Strategy in Perspective,” Indian Review 2, 2 (2003): 35–68. An excellent recent contribution, which unfortunately reached the authors too late for a thorough response, is Mark Frost, “‘That Great Ocean of Idealism’: Calcutta, the Tagore Circle and the Idea of Asia, 1900–1920,” in S. Moorthy and A. Jamal, eds., Indian Ocean Studies: Cultural, Social and Political Perspectives (New York and London: Routledge, 2010), 251–79. 4 Prasenjit Duara, “The Discourse of Civilization and Pan-Asianism,” Journal of World History 12 (2001): 99–130; and Sovereignty and Authenticity: Manchukuo and the East Asian Modern (Boulder: Rowman and Littlefield, 2003). See also G. W. Gong, The Standard of Civilization in International Society (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1984). Downloaded from https:/www.cambridge.org/core. University of Basel Library, on 30 May 2017 at 13:53:38, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https:/www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0010417511000594 IMAGINING ASIA IN INDIA 67 imperial “civilizing mission” of the West became the single most important legitimation for colonial exploitation.5 However, this changed after the seminal catastrophe of the First World War, and an alternative understanding of civilization in a Spenglerian sense arose6: “An alternative discourse of civi- lization as multiple, spiritual, and moral … that had survived in the penumbra of the singular Civilization, received an important fillip towards the end of the war.… Western Civilization had forfeited the right to represent the highest goals of humanity, and the new national movements sought to turn towards their own civilizational traditions—often reconstructed in the image of Civili- zation—to found the ideals of the new nations and the right to sovereignty.”7 Through these complex interrelations between the postulates of nationalism and the transnational concept of civilization, says Duara, tensions and conflicts of loyalty are inherent in these new civilizational concepts. In addition, Sugata Bose has examined the role of extraterritorial identity and universalist aspiration among the people of the Indian Ocean in the age of global empire.8 He demonstrates that the dreams and goals of the colonized were never fully constrained by the borders of colonial states. Nationalism and universalism, far from being in an adversarial relationship, were bound in a strong symbiotic embrace.9 Anti-colonialism as an ideology was both teth- ered to the idea of homeland and, paradoxically, strengthened by extraterritorial affiliations. This, he maintains, is a powerful political theme, the importance of which has not been grasped by political theorists and historians obsessed with territorial nationalism.10 Using examples such as those of “expatriate patriots,” pilgrimage networks, and Islamic universalism, he demonstrates that there were, in fact, many transterritorial aspects to the “nation in formation.” This view is supported by several other theorists of both internationalism and trans- nationalism, who maintain that these phenomena do transgress but do not 5 See also Jürgen Osterhammel, “The Great Work of Uplifting Mankind: Zivilisierungsmission und Moderne,” in B. Barth and J. Osterhammel, eds., Zivilisierungsmissionen: Imperiale Weltver- besserung seit dem 18. Jahrhundert (Konstanz: UVK, 2005), 335–425; Duncan Bell, The Idea of Greater Britain Empire and the Future of World Order, 1860–1900 (Princeton: Princeton Univer- sity Press, 2007), 202–6; Michael Mann, “Torchbearers upon the Path of Progress—Britain’s Ideol- ogy of ‘Material and Moral Progress’ in India: An Introductory Essay,” in H. Fischer-Tiné und M. Mann, eds., Colonialism as Civilizing Mission: Cultural Ideology in British India (London: Anthem Press, 2004), 1–26; Andrew Sartori, “The Resonance of ‘Culture’: Framing a Problem in Global Concept-History,” Comparative Studies in Society and History 47, 4 (2005): 676–99. 6 Oswald Spengler, Der Untergang des Abendlandes: Umrisse einer Morphologie der Welt- geschichte, 2 Bde. (München: C. H. Beck, 1923). See also John Farrenkopf, “Spengler’s Historical Pessimism and the Tragedy of Our Age,” Theory and Society 22, 3 (1993): 391–412. 7 Prasenjit Duara, “The Imperialism of ‘Free Nations’: Japan, Manchukuo, and the History of the Present,” in A. L. Stoler, C. McGranahan, and P. C. Perdue, eds., Imperial Formations (Santa Fe, N. Mex.: School for Advanced Research Press, 2007), 214. 8 S. Bose, A Hundred Horizons: The Indian Ocean in the Age of Global Empire (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2006).