Hindu-German Conspiracy Trial And
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Contributions of Lala Har Dayal As an Intellectual and Revolutionary
CONTRIBUTIONS OF LALA HAR DAYAL AS AN INTELLECTUAL AND REVOLUTIONARY ABSTRACT THESIS SUBMITTED FOR THE AWARD OF THE DEGREE OF ^ntiat ai pijtl000pi{g IN }^ ^ HISTORY By MATT GAOR CENTRE OF ADVANCED STUDY DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY ALIGARH MUSLIM UNIVERSITY ALIGARH (INDIA) 2007 ,,» '*^d<*'/. ' ABSTRACT India owes to Lala Har Dayal a great debt of gratitude. What he did intotality to his mother country is yet to be acknowledged properly. The paradox ridden Har Dayal - a moody idealist, intellectual, who felt an almost mystical empathy with the masses in India and America. He kept the National Independence flame burning not only in India but outside too. In 1905 he went to England for Academic pursuits. But after few years he had leave England for his revolutionary activities. He stayed in America and other European countries for 25 years and finally returned to England where he wrote three books. Har Dayal's stature was so great that its very difficult to put him under one mould. He was visionary who all through his life devoted to Boddhi sattava doctrine, rational interpretation of religions and sharing his erudite knowledge for the development of self culture. The proposed thesis seeks to examine the purpose of his returning to intellectual pursuits in England. Simultaneously the thesis also analyses the contemporary relevance of his works which had a common thread of humanism, rationalism and scientific temper. Relevance for his ideas is still alive as it was 50 years ago. He was true a patriotic who dreamed independence for his country. He was pioneer for developing science in laymen and scientific temper among youths. -
Nationalism and Internationalism (Ca
Comparative Studies in Society and History 2012;54(1):65–92. 0010-4175/12 $15.00 # Society for the Comparative Study of Society and History 2012 doi:10.1017/S0010417511000594 Imagining Asia in India: Nationalism and Internationalism (ca. 1905–1940) CAROLIEN STOLTE Leiden University HARALD FISCHER-TINÉ Swiss Federal Institute of Technology, Zurich What is this new cult of Asianism, at whose shrine more and more incense is being offered by vast numbers of thinking Asiatics, far and near? And what has this gospel of Asianism, rightly understood and properly interpreted, to do with the merely political cry of ‘Asia for the Asiatics’? For true it is, clear to all who have eyes to see and ears to hear, that Asia is fast developing a new consciousness of her specific mission, her orig- inal contribution to Euro-America. ———Nripendra Chandra Banerji1 INTRODUCTION Asianisms, that is, discourses and ideologies claiming that Asia can be defined and understood as a homogenous space with shared and clearly defined charac- teristics, have become the subject of increased scholarly attention over the last two decades. The focal points of interest, however, are generally East Asian varieties of regionalism.2 That “the cult of Asianism” has played an important Acknowledgments: Parts of this article draw on a short essay published as: Harald Fischer-Tiné, “‘The Cult of Asianism’: Asiendiskurse in Indien zwischen Nationalismus und Internationalismus (ca. 1885–1955),” Comparativ 18, 6 (2008): 16–33. 1 From Asianism and other Essays (Calcutta: Arya Publishing House, 1930), 1. Banerji was Pro- fessor of English at Bangabasi College, Calcutta, and a friend of Chittaranjan Das, who propagated pan-Asianism in the Indian National Congress in the 1920s. -
The Relationship Between Marxism and the Colonial World Can Best Be Described As a Missed Encounter, Since the Political Traject
Socialist Studies / Études socialistes 13 (2) Fall 2018 Copyright © 2018 The Author(s) Article IN THE SHADOW OF GHADAR: MARXISM AND ANTI-COLONIALISM IN COLONIAL PUNJAB AMMAR ALI JAN University of Cambridge Abstract The Ghadr Party, an eclectic group of diasporic Punjabis, was perhaps one of the most significant political movements led by emigre Indians in the early twentieth century. Designated as one of the biggest threats to colonial rule in the 1910s, the Ghadr Party spread its operations over five continents, and repeatedly committed acts of sabotage aimed at colonial officials from India. By the 1920s, however, the birth of popular movements in India marginalized various groups that believed in the spectacular actions of a vanguard as a strategy for overcoming the stifling impact of colonial rule. Members of the party, eager to find a foothold in the changed political scenario, opened discussions for building a popular front in Punjab, with many returning to the country to participate in such an endeavour. In this article, I study the encounter between the Ghadarite tradition and the communist movement in colonial Punjab through the writings of Sohan Singh Josh, who attempted to bring these two traditions together to produce a viable political project. I argue that Ghadar's encounter with Marxism not only influenced the former, but also radically transformed Marxism itself, particularly on questions of History, violence and volition. Keywords Anti-colonialism, Punjab, Marxism, Communism, Intellectual History The relationship between Marxism and the colonial world can best be described as a missed encounter, since the political trajectories of late 19th century “social democracy” in Europe and the burgeoning critiques of colonial rule by anti-colonial intellectuals and organizations did not cross paths until the 1920s. -
An Appraisal of Ubaid-Allah Sindhi's Mahabharat Sarvrajia Party And
Journal of Political Studies, Vol.20, Issue - 1, 2013, 159:177 A Voice from the Margins: An Appraisal of Ubaid-Allah Sindhi’s Mahabharat Sarvrajia Party and its Constitution Tanvir Anjum♣ Abstract Ubaid-Allah Sindhi is among those very few political thinkers and activists of the twentieth-century India who were initially associated with the traditional theological seminaries but their political vision was marked by liberalism and open- mindedness. He established a non-communal political party— Mahabharat Sarvrajia Party in 1924 in order to translate his political ideals into practice. The Party Constitution envisaged the idea of a unique form of confederal form of government for the country. It also presented an outline of a socio-economic order which was derived from a reconciliation of Socialist ideals with the Quran and Shah Wali-Allahi thought. However, he is among one of the least understood and often misinterpreted Muslim thinkers of India. Thus, there is a need to appreciate and reevaluate the political modernism in his thought and vision. Key-words: Ubaid-Allah Sindhi, Mahabharat Sarvrajia Party, The Constitution of the Federated Republics of India, Confederalism, Socialism Ubaid-Allah Sindhi (1872-1944) of Deoband School is among those very few political thinkers and activists who were trained in traditional madrassahs or theological seminaries, but had a thorough understanding of their contemporary political and economic ideologies, and were endowed with a deep vision and tremendous political foresight. Unlike most of his fellow ulama or scholars and political leaders of Deoband School, he was receptive to modernism, though in a selective manner. It is for this very reason that he has been hailed as ‘the most broad-minded Muslim scholar of South Asia after Shah Wali-Allah of Delhi’ by Said Ahmad Akbarabadi, an illustrious pupil of Sindhi and a renowned scholar of Islam (see introduction in Aslam, n.d., p. -
The Formation of Kirti and the Kirti-Kisan Party and the Lasting Legacy of the Ghadar Movement, 1918-1928
249 Amrit Deol: Kirti Kisan Party Workers and Peasants Unite: The Formation of Kirti and the Kirti-Kisan Party and the Lasting Legacy of the Ghadar Movement, 1918-1928 Amrit Deol University of California, Merced _______________________________________________________________ Following the Hindu-German Conspiracy Trial of 1917, many Ghadar members from the United States and Canada relocated to the political landscape of Punjab and influenced the rise of the Punjabi left in the 1920s. This article examines how the Ghadar movement inspired the creation of the leftist journal Kirti under the editoriship of Santokh Singh in 1926, making it one of the first political journals to advocate for both freedom from the British Raj and peasant and workers’ rights in Punjab. The publication of the journal was followed by the establishment of the Kirti-Kisan Party by Sohan Singh Josh in 1928, a political organization that rallied for the rights of workers and peasants through a Marxist framework. This article demonstrates how both political entities took ideological, practical, and financial influences from the Ghadar movement. _______________________________________________________________ “To fulfill a particular task one should rely upon one’s own efforts.”1 (Santokh Singh, Kirti, 1926) “Proletarians of the world, unite! You have nothing to lose but your chains!”2 (Sohan Singh Josh, Kirti, 1928) Introduction In 1926, Rashpal Singh from Desh Sewak-Jalandhar welcomed Kirti to the world - a new leftist newsletter published in Amritsar, Punjab, which tackled peasant and labor issues within Punjab and abroad. In honor of its first publication, Singh wrote: It is with honor that I congratulate the creators of Kirti. -
Title Transnational Ghadr Movement : a Diasporic Dimension Author(S) BHATTE, Pallavi Citation 歴史文化社会論講座紀要
Title Transnational Ghadr Movement : A Diasporic Dimension Author(s) BHATTE, Pallavi Citation 歴史文化社会論講座紀要 (2013), 10: 157-173 Issue Date 2013-02 URL http://hdl.handle.net/2433/171640 Right Type Departmental Bulletin Paper Textversion publisher Kyoto University Transnational Ghadr Movement 157 Transnational Ghadr Movement: A Diasporic Dimension Pallavi BHATTE Introduction The narratives of India’s national struggle for independence focus mainly on the mainstream internal efforts of natives of the subcontinent. Indian scholars have largely reiterated the role of revolutionaries in foreign lands, however, with an India-centric dialogue. While they do broadly accommodate the role played by Indian freedom fighters beyond the boundaries of British India, they do perhaps tend to be partial and limited. Indeed, inclusive in the narratives is an international arena serving as a backdrop to plot the multiple locations on a global map where actors championed their anti-colonial cause. Moreover, probably not surprisingly, although this viewpoint explains the extensive reach of the independence movement as a whole it is inconsiderate in incorporating the transnational dimension. Specifically scholarship of the Ghadr movement is a classic example that has fallen prey to such marginality. Almost every piece of work on Indian revolutionaries away from their ancestral home discusses the Ghadr movement in the US, the conspiracy theory of the Indo-German collaboration, or the radical Indo-Irish connections on American soil. Some Indian works provide compelling evidential source of foundation for tracing the Indian revolutionary movement beyond Indian boundaries. １） They have underplayed the diasporic contribution toward the independence movement, by treating actors as mere Indian expatriates who had left Indian shores rather than viewing them as a part of a proactive community in their adopted homes. -
CONCLUSION Sardar Bhagat Singh Was Not Only a Great Revolutionary
163 CONCLUSION Sardar Bhagat Singh was not only a great revolutionary but a great political thinker also. He has discussed the problem of revolution in a colonial society through a new perspective. In the present dissertation a modest attempt is made in under standing the ideas of Bhagat Singh on national revolution in a colonial society, Bhagat Singh was a unique revolutionary in the sense that the early terrorists like chaphekars were moved by the religious considerations and even great revolutionaries like Savarkar, Shyamji Krishna Varma and Bagha Jatin were inspired by spiritual nationalism. They did not have the clear vision of the j^uture. But Bhagat Singh had clearly visualised the vision of future and understood the theory of socialist revolution. t In the first chapter of the dissertation the basic colonial character of British rule and its harmful impact on the lives of the Indian people# which continuously developed India's colonial dependence and under development which led to the rise and development of powerful anti-imperialist movement in India is studied through historical perspective. The continuous resistence to the British rule wholly traditional in nature# from the very inception of the rule took three broad 164 forms : (1) Civil rebellion, (2) Tribal uprisings, and (3) Peasant movements and uprisings* But a powerful national struggle against British imperialism developed in India during the second half of the 19th century and first half of the 20th century. Prom the beginning of the 1890* s opposition began to develop against the Congress leadership, its organization and the ideas which it represented. -
Imagining Asia in India Nationalism and Internationalism (Ca
Research Collection Journal Article Imagining Asia in India Nationalism and Internationalism (ca. 1905-1940) Author(s): Stolte, Carolien; Fischer-Tiné, Harald Publication Date: 2012-01 Permanent Link: https://doi.org/10.3929/ethz-b-000046363 Originally published in: Comparative studies in society and history 54(1), http://doi.org/10.1017/S0010417511000594 Rights / License: In Copyright - Non-Commercial Use Permitted This page was generated automatically upon download from the ETH Zurich Research Collection. For more information please consult the Terms of use. ETH Library Comparative Studies in Society and History 2012;54(1):65–92. 0010-4175/12 $15.00 # Society for the Comparative Study of Society and History 2012 doi:10.1017/S0010417511000594 Imagining Asia in India: Nationalism and Internationalism (ca. 1905–1940) CAROLIEN STOLTE Leiden University HARALD FISCHER-TINÉ Swiss Federal Institute of Technology, Zurich What is this new cult of Asianism, at whose shrine more and more incense is being offered by vast numbers of thinking Asiatics, far and near? And what has this gospel of Asianism, rightly understood and properly interpreted, to do with the merely political cry of ‘Asia for the Asiatics’? For true it is, clear to all who have eyes to see and ears to hear, that Asia is fast developing a new consciousness of her specific mission, her orig- inal contribution to Euro-America. ———Nripendra Chandra Banerji1 INTRODUCTION Asianisms, that is, discourses and ideologies claiming that Asia can be defined and understood as a homogenous space with shared and clearly defined charac- teristics, have become the subject of increased scholarly attention over the last two decades. -
The Anti-British Movements from Gadar Lehar to Kirti Kisan Lehar : 1913-1939
THE ANTI-BRITISH MOVEMENTS FROM GADAR LEHAR TO KIRTI KISAN LEHAR : 1913-1939 A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of Social Sciences of the PUNJABI UNIVERSITY, PATIALA In Fulfilment of the Requirements for the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN HISTORY Supervised by Submitted by Dr. Nazer Singh Bhupinder Singh Professor in History Department of Distance Education, Punjabi University, Patiala DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY PUNJABI UNIVERSITY, PATIALA 2011 Dedicated to My Dear Supervisor and Parents Dr. Nazer Singh Professor in History Department of Distance Education Punjabi University, Patiala Dated............................ CERTIFICATE This is to certify that this thesis entitled “The Anti-British Movements from Gadar Lehar to Kirti Kisan Lehar : 1913-1939” embodies the work carried out by Mr. Bhupinder Singh himself under my supervision and that it is worthy of consideration for the award of the Ph.D. Degree. (Dr. Nazer Singh) Supervisor DECLARATION I hereby affirm that the work presented in this thesis entitled, “The Anti-British Movements from Gadar Lehar to Kirti Kisan Lehar : 1913- 1939” is exclusively my own and there are no collaborations. It does not contain any work for which a degree/diploma has been awarded by any other university/institution. Date..................... (Bhupinder Singh) Countersigned (Dr. Nazer Singh) Professor in History Department of Distance Education, Punjabi University, Patiala Date.......................... CONTENTS Chapter Page No Certificate Declaration Acknowledgements i-iii Abbreviations iv-v CHAPTER – I 1-21 THE HISTORICAL SETTING CHAPTER – II 22-84 THE GADAR MOVEMENT CHAPTER – III 85-132 THE SATYAGRAHA MOVEMENT CHAPTER – IV 133-187 THE GURDWARA REFORM MOVEMENT CHAPTER – V 188-226 THE BABBAR AKALI MOVEMENT CHAPTER – VI 227-259 THE KIRTI KISAN LEHAR CONCLUSION 260-282 BIBLIOGRAPHY 283-308 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS A.D. -
PDF Compression, OCR, Web Optimization Using a Watermarked Evaluation Copy of CVISION Pdfcompressor CONTENTS
SUMAR • Dossier: Romanian-Turkish Military Relations during Modern and Contemporary Period – Major General (ret.) Dr. MIHAIL E. IONESCU – Foreword ...................... 1 – TOGAY SEÇKIN BİRBUDAK – The Question of Romanian Union and REVISTA DE ISTORIE Alexandru Ioan Cuza’s Visit to Istanbul ................................................................. 3 MILITARĂ – ÖZLEM DEMİREĞEN – 18771878 OttomanRussian War, Pleven (Plevna) Defence and Process Leading to Romania’s Independence ................ 12 Publicaţia este editată de – F. REZZAN ÜNALP – A Delegate of the TurkishRomanian Friendship Minis terul Apărării Naţionale, Relations: Ambassador Hamdullah Suphi Tanrıöver ............................................ 28 prin Institutul pentru Studii – SERGIU IOSIPESCU – The Romanian Principalities, the Ottoman Empire Politice de Apărare şi Istorie and the Crimean War. Political and Military Considerations ............................ 39 Militară, membru al Consor ţiului – PETRE OTU – Mustafa Kemal Atatürk in Romanian Historiography ..... 60 Acade miilor de Apărare şi In – CERASELA MOLDOVEANU – „The Turkish Channel” in Romania’s stitutelor pentru Studii de Se Negotiations for Exit from the Axis ........................................................................ 80 curitate din cadrul Partene riatului pentru Pace, coordo • Centenar Primul Război Mondial nator naţional al Proiec tului de – ŞERBAN CIOCULESCU, SILVIU PETRE – Dimensiunea psihocognitivă Istorie Paralelă: NATO – Tratatul a leadershipului german şi tentaţia expansiunii -
6Hadar Movement
S' 6HADAR MOVEMENT IDEOLOGY {■■‘ fX I-*?? . - 7*^| ORGANISATION & STRATEGY HAR1SH K. PURI Vp I. 3 ... GURU NANAK DEV UNiveRSfTY PRESS |;i m GHADAR M0VGM6NT GHADAR MOVEMENT IDEOLOGY ORGANISATION & STRATEGY HARISH K. PURI GURU NANAK DEV UNIVERSITY PRESS HARISH K. PURI 1983 Price : Rs. 80/- Published by S. Jagjit Singh Khanna, Registrar, Guru Nanak Dev University, Amritsar and printed by S. Jagjit Singh Walia, Manager, Guru Nanak Dev University Press, Amritsar-143005 (Phone 33911) To My Parents CONTENTS Acknowledgments i Introduction 1 1. THE BACKGROUND 11 The Social Context of Emigration 11 The Immigrants and the New World 20 Exclusion of Indian Immigrants : Interests of the Empire -27 Beginning of Political Consciousness 38 2. THE GHADAR MOVEMENT 1913-18 : A BRIEF HISTORY 54 Formation of Hindi Association of the Pacific Coast 54 Propaganda War 57 The Cruise or Komagata Maru 7® Rebellion 1915 : Bang and Whimper 31 In the German Band-Wagon 38 End of the Ghadar Phase 93 3. IDEOLOGY OF THE MOVEMENT 104 Har Dayal and His Ideological Formulations 104 Translation of Ideas into the Mother Tongue 116 4. ORGANISATIONAL CHARACTER 126 5. STRATEGY AND PERFORMANCE 146 Jiwen Dao Lagge Tiwen La Laiyey 146 Wartime Activities Outside India 168 ( ii) 6. CONCLUSION 178 BIBLIOGRAPHY 185 INDEX 214 Facsimiles of G kadar and Hindustan Ghadar 7C9 ACKNOWLEDGEMENT My interest in the Ghadar Movement was aroused in 1968 during long meetings with Baba Sohan Singh Bhakna, an important 'organic' leader of the movement and one who, even at the age of 98, exuded the spirit of revolution and idealism. The present work started as a study for Ph.D. -
WASTED HEROSIM: GHADAR PROPAGANDA and the HUMAN COST of REBELLION
WASTED HEROSIM: GHADAR PROPAGANDA AND THE HUMAN COST Of REBELLION S. Siddiqui Wanted: Brave soldiers to stir up Ghadar in India. Pay: Death. Prize: Martyrdom. Pension: Liberty. Field of Battle: India.’ ITH these words Lala Har Dayal launched the Hindustan Gadar on WNovemeber 1, 1913 in San Francisco. for the next five years it became the primary organ of the Pacific Coast Hindustani Association, also known as the Ghadar Party. from 1913 to 1917, Indian nationalists promulgated rebellion among the South Asian immigrant community in California, inspiring eight thousand South Asians across the United States to return to India to fight for freedom from the British. However, by 1918, the movement disintegrated, and their various adversaries at home and in the West captured, imprisoned and executed those “brave soldiers.” The Ghadar Movement was almost entirely ineffectual. The eight thousand Sikh, Muslim, and Hindu revolutionaries that returned to India made little impact on the larger Independence movement. It was a futile fight. The Movement was the poorly planned, quixotic fantasy of a few radical Nationalists who advanced their cause through propaganda, allowing Ghadar soldiers to sacrifice their lives in vain. A small group of activists managed to maneuver the uneducated and irresolute Punjabis into fighting for a country that didn’t welcome their zeal for aggression. Ghadar failed to bring autonomy to India, but more importantly, it endangered the political status of South Asians in the United States. The Punjabi story is singular among the various immigration expe riences in the U.S. Situated in the lush agrarian land of Northern India, the Punjab faced numerous foreign threats from inner-Asian nations ‘Hindustan Gadar, November i, 1913.