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The Mexico-U.S. Border in the American Imagination1 American Imagination1

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The Mexico-U.S. Border in the American Imagination1 American Imagination1 The Mexico-U.S. Border in the The Mexico-U.S. Border in the American Imagination1 American Imagination1 DOUGLAS S. MASSEY DOUGLAS S. MASSEY Henry G. Bryant Professor of Sociology and Public Affairs Henry G. Bryant Professor of Sociology and Public Affairs Princeton University Princeton University he border between Mexico and the United States is not just a he border between Mexico and the United States is not just a line on a map. Nor is it merely a neutral demarcation of territory line on a map. Nor is it merely a neutral demarcation of territory Tbetween two friendly neighboring states. Rather, in the Amer- Tbetween two friendly neighboring states. Rather, in the Amer- ican imagination, it has become a symbolic boundary between the ican imagination, it has become a symbolic boundary between the United States and a threatening world. It is not just a border but the United States and a threatening world. It is not just a border but the border, and its enforcement has become a central means by which poli- border, and its enforcement has become a central means by which poli- ticians signal their concern for citizens’ safety and security in a hostile ticians signal their concern for citizens’ safety and security in a hostile world. It has become routine for politicians and pundits to call federal world. It has become routine for politicians and pundits to call federal authorities to task for failing to “hold the line” against a variety of authorities to task for failing to “hold the line” against a variety of alien invaders—communists, criminals, narcotics traffickers, rapists, alien invaders—communists, criminals, narcotics traffickers, rapists, terrorists, even microbes. terrorists, even microbes. Although the Mexico-U.S. border has long been deployed as a Although the Mexico-U.S. border has long been deployed as a symbolic line of defense against foreign threats, its prominence in the symbolic line of defense against foreign threats, its prominence in the American imagination has ebbed and flowed over time. Over the past American imagination has ebbed and flowed over time. Over the past several decades, however, the political and emotional importance of the several decades, however, the political and emotional importance of the border as a symbolic battle line has risen. Indeed, the border has border as a symbolic battle line has risen. Indeed, the border has become a central trope in current political discussions about the become a central trope in current political discussions about the nation’s security, a process that scholars refer to as the “securitization nation’s security, a process that scholars refer to as the “securitization of migration.”2 Calling for more border enforcement has become the of migration.”2 Calling for more border enforcement has become the all-purpose response to whatever threat happens to appear in the public all-purpose response to whatever threat happens to appear in the public consciousness. As a result, the symbolic framing of the border as a line consciousness. As a result, the symbolic framing of the border as a line of defense has become increasingly real. Walls have been built, forces of defense has become increasingly real. Walls have been built, forces mobilized, and resources deployed in its defense, with profound conse- mobilized, and resources deployed in its defense, with profound conse- quences for American society. quences for American society. Here I offer a brief history of the Mexico-U.S. border as a symbolic Here I offer a brief history of the Mexico-U.S. border as a symbolic demarcation in the American mind before discussing its rise to promi- demarcation in the American mind before discussing its rise to promi- nence in recent years. After documenting the concrete expression of the nence in recent years. After documenting the concrete expression of the border’s rising prominence in terms of the U.S. enforcement effort, I border’s rising prominence in terms of the U.S. enforcement effort, I 1 Read 25 April 2015. 1 Read 25 April 2015. 2 Bourbeau, P., The Securitization of Migration: A Study of Movement and Order (New 2 Bourbeau, P., The Securitization of Migration: A Study of Movement and Order (New York: Routledge, 2011). York: Routledge, 2011). PROCEEDINGS OF THE AMERICAN PHILOSOPHICAL SOCIETY VOL. 160, NO. 2, JUNE 2016 [ 160 ] [ 160 ] Massey.indd 160 9/7/2016 9:39:20 AM Massey.indd 160 9/7/2016 9:39:20 AM the mexico-u.s. border 161 the mexico-u.s. border 161 review the dysfunctional consequences of border enforcement as a review the dysfunctional consequences of border enforcement as a public policy and conclude by considering why, after decades of obvi- public policy and conclude by considering why, after decades of obvi- ously counterproductive results, defending the border continues to be ously counterproductive results, defending the border continues to be such a potent political metaphor in American political discourse. such a potent political metaphor in American political discourse. Historical Construction of the Border Historical Construction of the Border The Mexico-U.S. border is a relatively new construct, both in reality The Mexico-U.S. border is a relatively new construct, both in reality and in the American imagination. At the nation’s inception, it did not and in the American imagination. At the nation’s inception, it did not exist—not in 1776 at the Declaration of Independence, not in 1783 exist—not in 1776 at the Declaration of Independence, not in 1783 when the Treaty of Paris ended the Revolutionary War, and not in 1789 when the Treaty of Paris ended the Revolutionary War, and not in 1789 when the Constitution was adopted. In the early years of the republic, when the Constitution was adopted. In the early years of the republic, there was only an amorphous western “frontier” subject to conflicting there was only an amorphous western “frontier” subject to conflicting claims by European powers with hazy boundaries between their spheres claims by European powers with hazy boundaries between their spheres of influence. At that time, the principal threat on the frontier was of influence. At that time, the principal threat on the frontier was Native Americans, not Latin Americans, and one of the complaints Native Americans, not Latin Americans, and one of the complaints lodged against King George III in the Declaration of Independence was lodged against King George III in the Declaration of Independence was that “he has endeavored to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers, that “he has endeavored to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers, the merciless Indian Savages, whose known rule of warfare, is an undis- the merciless Indian Savages, whose known rule of warfare, is an undis- tinguished destruction of all ages, sexes and conditions.” From our tinguished destruction of all ages, sexes and conditions.” From our earliest days as a nation, therefore, our frontiers were a line dividing us earliest days as a nation, therefore, our frontiers were a line dividing us from threatening others. from threatening others. In theory, the Mexico-U.S. border first came into existence with In theory, the Mexico-U.S. border first came into existence with Mexico’s achievement of independence from Spain in 1821, although Mexico’s achievement of independence from Spain in 1821, although very quickly the border was blurred by the entry of U.S. settlers into very quickly the border was blurred by the entry of U.S. settlers into northern Mexico from southern and border states in the United States. northern Mexico from southern and border states in the United States. To fill its own northern provinces with people of European origin who To fill its own northern provinces with people of European origin who might provide a counterweight to people it also perceived as Indian might provide a counterweight to people it also perceived as Indian “savages,” the Mexican government in 1824 enacted a National Colo- “savages,” the Mexican government in 1824 enacted a National Colo- nization Law whose purpose was to entice Anglo-American settlers nization Law whose purpose was to entice Anglo-American settlers into the Province of Texas with the promise of generous land grants. into the Province of Texas with the promise of generous land grants. Although the settlers expressed considerable discomfort with Mexican Although the settlers expressed considerable discomfort with Mexican Catholicism and its centralized governance, the Texans’ most serious Catholicism and its centralized governance, the Texans’ most serious grievance centered on the Mexican constitution’s abolition of slavery grievance centered on the Mexican constitution’s abolition of slavery and the attempt to enforce it in Texas after 1830. and the attempt to enforce it in Texas after 1830. In 1836 the Texans revolted and declared their independence from In 1836 the Texans revolted and declared their independence from Mexico, much as the Confederacy did when U.S. election results threat- Mexico, much as the Confederacy did when U.S. election results threat- ened the future of slavery 30 years later. Unlike the rebels of 1860, ened the future of slavery 30 years later. Unlike the rebels of 1860, however, the Texans succeeded in their revolt and established a new however, the Texans succeeded in their revolt and established a new republic with a constitution explicitly authorizing slavery, stating that: republic with a constitution explicitly authorizing slavery, stating that: . all persons of color who were slaves for life previous to their . all persons of color who were slaves for life previous to their emigration to Texas, and who are now held in bondage, shall remain emigration to Texas, and who are now held in bondage, shall remain Massey.indd 161 9/7/2016 9:39:21 AM Massey.indd 161 9/7/2016 9:39:21 AM 162 douglas s.
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