Dynamics of Identity Among the Bhutia of Sikkim

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DYNAMICS OF IDENTITY AMONG THE BHUTIA OF SIKKIM:

AN ANTHOPOLOGICAL STUDY

A SUMMARY WRITE-UP OF THESIS SUBMITTED

Sikkim University

In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirement for the

Degree of Doctor of Philosophy

SANGAY DIKI BHUTIA Ph.D Registration No: 15/Ph.D/ANT/01...dated16.05.2016

Department of Anthropology Sikkim University

CONTENTS

1. Dynamics of Identity among the Bhutia of Sikkim

2. Significance of Research study

3. Research Methodology

4. Objectives of the Study

5. Major Findings

Conclusions

1. DYNAMICS OF IDENTITY AMONG THE BHUTIA OF SIKKIM

Anthropological research on community identity has gained importance as scholars have focused on the content of communities’ identity (Barth, 1969, Epstein,

1978, Cohen, 1985). Community identity situates a particular community in a given social space as it is a matter of construction and mobilization. Such constructions eventually become part of social representations and therefore end up influencing the nature of social interaction of communities in a given region.

Further, Identity is what makes an individual uniquely different or identical, it is understood in many ways, an individual can be recognized from different identities, and hence we can differentiate identity as multi-layered. Though, individual will have a single personal identity but have different social identities like caste identity, class identity, cultural identity, community identity, gender identity, educational identity, above all the national identity of an individual comes at the initial level. Identity discourse has gained significantly understanding the concept of "Identity" by exploring different cultures, classes, social categories, etc.

The research study accounts on the social change and the experiences of individual members from a Bhutia community in Sikkim which has been there home for centuries. The concept of identity has approached us to analyze a social formation from various historical periods and capture the ongoing social change. To grasp the change of past decades, the anthropological approach to study on "Identity" is very helpful. To define Identity, it is something which is not given naturally but are culturally defined and constructed through ways of people lives.

2. SIGNIFICANE OF THE RESEARCH STUDY

Anthropologists are interested to study communities from a historical perspective particularly to trace the social change that has occurred in any given place. The study on trajectory of a community will inform us the important transformation that has taken in a various socio-cultural aspects. The contextual social life has a significant bearing on how it was organized in the distant past.

Bhutia are one of the smaller ethnic communities settled in all the four districts of

Sikkim with their own distinct culture, language, festivals, etc. Having such unique characteristics Bhutia community often failed to bring themselves in the limelight. One of the major challenges is that, there is not much detailed ethnographic studies conducted on

Bhutia and also much attention has not been paid to their regional local practices. Today, as the modernization process has spread the advancement of education among the Bhutia, has increased in their literacy rate brought some social mobility among them. Even though majority in the rural areas are still practicing agriculture, but they are well acquainted with the outside world. Many of them are working in government services, while and some are in business sector. These educated professionals are trying to bring about cultural revival of Bhutia community, until recently, there is a realization that they have lost and slowly are transferring some of their traditional practices and adapted different measures for cultural revivalism. Hence, the grievance has been made by the concerned members these days among them where they have been adapting different measures. Bhutia community members have started by forming different organizations and often conduct meetings for the benefit of the community. Bhutia community is also in a way to preserve their language which is in the verge of extinction; the one of the major focus of this research study is to know how language plays an important role and what measures have they adopted to protect their language in different domains.

It is important to examine how identity is constructed by a community and what it means within different social groups with reference to Sikkim. The research study is on

Bhutia identity with reference to its cultural process from historical times to the present context. The research study take on processual approach in delineating the cultural boundaries, objective identification such as language, religion and cultural practices of

Bhutia community. The research study conceptualizes identity as something that accures a sense of being integrated and continues though there is change due to the modernization process. The recent upsurge in intermarriages and political assertion within the state has given rise to new forms of identity assertion. The present research study is posed to examine the patterns of social change and continuity of the Bhutia community identity.

With rapid urban development, migration process, Bhutia community have come to the realization that, the fusion of different cultures might draw a division of line which will lead to an eradication of their traditional, age old cultural practices and heritage. For that Bhutia are in a wake of conscious stage, putting their efforts to preserve cultural heritage. Therefore, this research study intends out to examine how the Bhutia community is striving towards to retain their own socio-cultural practices in the present times. As per the constitutional amendment of 1978, there are eight other communities’ which falls under generic term ‘Bhutia’ category, but for the benefit of the present research study, the later additions of the constitutional amendment of 1978 of the Sikkim government the other eight communities are not specifically chosen for study. Only

Bhutia (lhopos) are particularly chosen for this research study.

3. RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

The tradition of doing ethnographic fieldwork for a certain study has influenced the content and course of anthropological inquiry. For this research study emphasis is mainly on observation, more particularly participant observation, interview, case study and historical sources.

The present research study is an ethnographic which endeavor attempt in recording the identity of Bhutia community. Ethnographic research process has taken a deeper aspects on how individual members assign meanings in their everyday life. The research study is empirical and qualitative in nature. The research data was collected from both primary and secondary sources. In the secondary data, historical documents like the archival records, books, journals and related magazines are gathered. For the primary data, the researcher herself, as a participant adopted the qualitative techniques like interview, observation, and case studies from the selected sample villages where predominant Bhutia community exists.

The research was carried from 2016-18 periodically in the following selected villages of Sikkim. 1. East- Sang, Sumin and Simick Lingzey

2. West-Pelling, Chongpung and Singyang

3. North- Phodong

4. South- Ralang, Namchi

The sample includes Bhutia community’s elders, women and the youth. Village

Buddhist Monasteries and their functionaries have been covered for the research study. Further, the research study collected data from the villages, semi urban areas and urban areas with the snowball technique. Focused Group Discussions were employed in the research study to understand the magnitude of the chosen topic.

As the researcher herself belongs to the Bhutia community, Reflexive process from an auto-ethnographical account has incorporated in the research study towards understanding various forms of cultural change and identity formation.

4. OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY

• To know how Bhutia community has been influenced by different social classes

in the pre and post-merger phases.

• To study the role of Buddhist Monastery among Bhutia society.

• To investigate the contextual processes of Bhutia community in reaffirming

cultural autonomy.

• To unravel how Bhutia community practice cultural boundaries with other

communities in rural and urban areas. • To understand the process of social change among Bhutia community in linguistic

revivalism, education and employment.

• To find out how the present generation is acting out culture and identity

5. MAJOR FINDINGS

• The examination of identity construction has been done among the Bhutia of different

geographical locations, being living in the different villages and exposed to different

forms of culture from other communities, the research study highlights the similarities

and cultural changes currently practicing by the Bhutia community members all over

Sikkim. The Bhutia community, are currently negotiating the process of transition, at

this scenario, an attempt is being made by the members to search for new symbol to

connect the past history with present traditions. This evident as the Bhutia

community's practice in showcasing their territorial religious symbols and religious

identity.

• The notion of identity is widely discussed in anthropological enquiry, as it is

theorized in a fragmented, multiple and fluid manner. Thus, the identity denotes the

social dimension of human existence. Through the passage of time, Bhutia

community have undergone many changes and transformation within the society. The

mingling of different ethnic groups within the Bhutia community has created a huge

social transformation within the Bhutia community, once a ruling, elite community is

now recognized as a Schedule Tribe. The cultural traits of other ethnic minor

communities grouped in the 'Bhutia' generic term has been defined in terms of their similarities of culture, origin and religion which possess shares commonality with the

Bhutia.

• The different rituals practiced like the birth rites, marriage and the death rites are the

most important in the social institutions of the Bhutia community. These are the

institution where, the changes in culture is observed and understood the reason for

such transformation within the community. Research in a different Bhutia villages of

Sikkim, the idea of social transformation within the community is grasped which is

varied from one village to the other. There are significant noticeable changes with

regard to the rituals performed in the important ceremonies like birth rites, marriage,

death rites, educational process and economic activities. In the earlier days, groups

among Bhutia community had unique identities, however, with the passage of time,

these subtle differences among them have dwarfed leading to a more common

identity.

• The study encompasses the social and the cultural differences among the Bhutia

community, one of the strongest notion is that cultural boundaries between the

different communities. The cultural boundaries between ethnic communities can be

seen as the major turning point for Bhutia community to reiterate their traditional

knowledge, ethos and their land. The important boundary when it comes to

differentiate with the other community is the cultural symbols like food, religion,

dress, language and everyday practices. With the passage of time, the cultural

symbols are amalgamated with the other cultures of various region and transform into

a new form. The later reorganization on cultural importance has made an awareness

among the Bhutia community to revive their earlier cultural legacy. • This research has focused on the growing significance of culture of the Bhutia

community of Sikkim. The community have been undergoing a process revivalism in

an attempt to establish continuity with a suitable historic past through their tradition.

They are engaged in exploring the dynamics of culture towards locating their ethnic

roots towards reconfiguring their social destination. The search for the roots and

identity through the prism of culture includes the search for both tangible and

intangible heritage. People’s imagination touches upon geographical boundaries,

language, script, history, religion, ritual, music, song, dance and festival.

• While, there are changes witnessed over the years within the Bhutia community, the

core identity of Bhutia community with Buddhistic religious affiliations is intact on a

large scale. The role and duties of religious and ritual specialists like monks, and the

spiritual Gurus like the Rinpoche are highly revered by the Bhutia community and

still follow the Tulku system for the highest monastic order. The remnants of

Buddhist religious symbolism is intact.

• Bhutia community is responsible in formation of a centralized Governance in Sikkim

region in the form of Chogyals during 1642 AD. When the indigenous ethnic

communities have their own polity. In the present times, the Bhutia community

members have expressed that the democratic form of Governance from an

Theocratic/Aristocratic governance system has transformed Sikkim as egalitarian and

peaceful region.

CONCLUSION

The agents and process of modernization like the rapid transport and communication, urbanization, formal education have created new awareness among the people including the Bhutia. The Bhutia community has taken advantage of the agents’ modernization to spread modern education to advance their community on modern basis.

Though, there is a social and cultural convergence of Bhutia with the other ethnic communities in Sikkim society, yet, Bhutia community members consciously maintain their unique ethnic identity, and the efforts are in place to revive their cultural representation in their everyday life. The identities are never stable within themselves, they are socially constructed and are entangled in the process of paraphrase. In the case of

Bhutia community, the exposure of such agents of modernization has several ramifications at various levels which leads to either of construction of new identities and cultural changes.

CHAPTER-I

INTRODUCTION

Anthropology as a discipline with its unique approach in the study of a holistic and comparative study of human society and often denoted as the creator of its cultural destiny. Therefore anthropological studies revolve around the human societies at all aspects of culture for instance religion, politics, social life, family, kinship, economics aesthetics, health, technology, etc.

Understanding ethnic communities in India, the research poses in the absence of proper archives, written documents and related sources. Ethnographers face immense challenges in unraveling the cultural history of these societies. At the contextual level, the ethnographer has the opportunity to collect data on, livelihood, food habits, religion, rituals, etc. to appear the ethnic communities in a holistic way. Anthropologists are also interested to study communities from a historical perspective, particularly to trace the social change occurred in a given socio- historical plane place. The trajectory of a community will inform us the important transformation that has taken in a various social aspects, which the contextual social life has a significant bearing on how it was organized in the distant past.

define Identity, it is something which is not given naturally but are culturally defined and constructed through ways of people lives.

Anthropological research on community identity has gained importance as scholars have focused on the content of communities’ identity (Barth, 1969, Epstein,

Additionally, Identity is also conceptualized as set of characteristics that somebody identifies as belonging uniquely to him or her. It is the sense of belonging together or a collective "we" feeling. Etymologically, the word identity has Latin origins and is derived from the word identitas; the word is formed from idem meaning same.

Thus, the term is used to express the notion of sameness, likeness, and oneness. More elaborately, identity means “the sameness of a person or thing in itself and not something

else” (Simpson and Weiner 1989). Identity “is presently used in two linked senses, which may be termed social and personal”. In the former sense, an identity refers simply to a social category, a set of persons marked by a label and distinguished by rule deciding membership and (alleged) characteristic features or attributes. In the second sense of personal identity, an identity is some distinguishing characteristic (or characteristic) that a person takes a special pride in or views as socially consequential but more-or-less unchangeable. Generally, identity was understood as the distinctive characteristics belonging to any given individual, or shared by all members of a particular social category or group. Identity may be distinguished from identification; identity is a label whereas, identification refers to the classifying act itself. Identity is thus best construed as being both relational and contextual, while the act of identification is best viewed as inherently processual. However, the formation of one’s identity occurs through one’s identification with significant others (primarily with parents and other individuals during one’s biographical experiences, and also with “groups” as they are perceived) (Weinreich and Saunderson, 2003).

“Identity refers to the ways in which individuals and collectivities are distinguished in their social relations with other individuals and collectivities” (Jenkins,

1996). As identity comes in a various forms, Social or cultural identity is the collection of social roles that a person might play. “Identity" refer to either (a) a social category, defined by membership rules and characteristic attributes or expected behaviors, or (b) socially distinguishing features that a person takes a special pride in or views as unchangeable but socially consequential (or (a) and (b) at once). In the latter sense,

“identity" is modern formulation of dignity, pride, or honors that implicitly links these to social categories (Fearon, 1999).

Given a community, where all the members share a common identity, cultural identity is the identity or feeling of belonging to a group. It is part of a person's self- conception and self-perception and is related to nationality, ethnicity, religion, social class, generation, locality or any kind of social group that has its own distinct culture. In this way, cultural identity is both characteristic of the individual but also of the culturally identical group of members sharing the same cultural identity. In a community there is a strong bond and a mutual relationship between all the members and they share similar cultural traits, values, norms, beliefs, language etc. which create solidarity among them.

The identity of different communities is differentiated by the cultural, religious, linguistic and racial diversity of the different groups residing in particular area, and the class, educational and occupational differentiation within them. Cultural identity of a community is understood from subjective and objective components. Both these aspects are interlinked than are mutually exclusive. The objective component is given by identification from the other communities in terms of religion, language, and other social criteria. While in the subjective component of the cultural identity it is taken from the community members. Hence the main aspect of cultural identity is to distinguish their community with other communities in a given social space. The social and cultural process is more important where the members constantly practice and it becomes established over a period of time.

Situating Bhutia Community Identity

This research study is an ethnographical aspects of Bhutia living in different parts of Sikkim. Bhutia community is a significant social group in the state of Sikkim, the origin and the history of Bhutia community is very unique in its own sense. Many scholars have different versions on the exact date of their origin in Sikkim, despite different interpretations on Bhutia community’s settlement in Sikkim. The name Bhutia, sometimes spelt and pronounced as Bhotia, derived from the name of their original place

‘Bhot’ which is ‘Tibet’ from where the Bhutia of Sikkim originally belonged. The Bhutia people is scattered in all the four districts of Sikkim, they call themselves as Lhopos1 which means ‘the dweller of Southward’ and earliest inhabitations of ‘the Greater

Sikkim’. It is said that, the Tibetan settlers came to Sikkim from the neighboring valleys of Chumbi and Ha and regions beyond these southern valleys such as Kham Minyak from

13th century onwards and established the kingdom in 1642. They prefer calling themselves Lhopo (lhopa) which means the people from the south, however, today they are generally known by the terms Bhutia, Sikkimese, also Denjongpas the people from

Denjong or Demojong (Bras mo ljongs- ‘the fruitful valley’, often translated as the

‘valley of rice’) (Balikci, 2008). The history of Bhutia community in Sikkim was started with the Nymgyal dynasty, till then the lifestyle of the Bhutia community was not well organized (Gyamptso, 2011).

The research study, analyze into the notions of the identity, and it’s the change and continuity within the community process in preserving their cultural and traditional

1Lhopos: The term given to the Bhutia of Sikkim, Lho means South, therefore the Lhopos are the people who migrated from the Southern Tibet. 5

traits. This study also attempts to understand how the members of the Bhutia community are trying to retrieve their past identity to shield their identity for future.

How much do you know about your culture Lhopos/ Bhutia?

My late grandfather Mr.Ongay Bhutia used to ask us every time when we used to visit our grandparents house during vacation, we never paid attention to his question as for the school going kids playing with cousin, running up and down in the paddy field was more important for us. Day’s passes into years, he never gave up asking same question, we too, had developed a habit of listening to him since he was excellent story teller, he would discuss and narrate the incidents of his life I still remember his stories about how his grandfather fought with lemlemey2 and stole bell from his underarm, how he used to carry whole buffalo in his shoulder, how they used to worship

Pholha3celebrate lossong4, those discussion were stick in the back of the mind until I understood his intention behind those tales.

From a fairly tender age, I have sense his concern for our community and his afford in making us memorize Buddhist chanting by bribing us with "Laktoking" famous chocolate toffee of those days. I had many things which I wanted to discuss with him about his maroon robes, yellow shirt having fronts pockets, loose white pants which every old aged man used to wear, his chantey (table) and thee (chair) 5and the reason

2Lemlemey: is a wife of Banjhakri (a supernatural shaman from forest). Lemlemey is usually described as bloodthirsty, having long hair on her head, long pendulous breasts and feet pointing backward. 3Phola: the male ancestral deity. 4Lossong: It is the traditional festival of Bhutia, falls on the 10th month of the Tibetan Lunar calendar, when farmers celebrate the harvest. 5Chantey and Thee: is the symbol of honor among Bhutia. 6

behind why no one was allowed to sit on his spot, not even my father. Therefore, from my early age, I have developed a strong desire to know about Bhutia community religion, culture, tradition, customs, and language.

Later, with the passage of time, I realized that the dress worn by a men and women, the language spoken by a person will indicate his/her identity as well as his/her place of origin. For any community in this world realm, the above parameters is must essential for the retention of the tradition and culture. The research study has fostered my interest in knowing more about Bhutia culture and tradition with respect to a healthy discussion and under the guidance of Lopen Pem Rinzing and Lopen Sonam Gyatso

Bhutia, it was identified, that within the Bhutia community there are many differences in the performances of rituals depending on their geographical location. They further added, their regrets in despite having many Bhutia knowledgeable individuals in Sikkim there are limited studies done on Bhutia community. I could sense their concern of not wanting to lose any tradition and cultural practices of Bhutia community and their intention to preserve these age old traditions for upcoming future generations.

While I was preparing for research proposal in the year 2015, many questions were running in my mind, for instance how I am going to approach people for my research and study? How they will respond to my question? The main concern was being a Bhutia girl, myself, I was not comfortable to ask about our own culture and tradition. I eventually, decided to change my topic I have chosen or will exclude most of the part which was supposed to be as part of my research study. Eventually than, I started reading more books, journals, articles, pamplets on Bhuita and observed social life from my own house to my relatives and then my neighbors, I was more curious to know about our

cultural heritage and age old traditions. Being grown up in a hostel during my school and college days, I was not much familiar with the traditional cultural practices, customs of my own community, though my parents used to narrate about such things, it was also sorrowful, that I didn’t get to attend most of the functions. This is not only in my case, but I personally feel most of the present younger generation do not have the opportunity to be a part of such important functions which denotes that the younger generation are not much familiar with own cultural practices.

In this reflective process, I would like to recall an incident of my cousin’s

Wedding Reception in Gangtok, when the Bride and the Groom were getting ready to cut their wedding cake, I noticed a group of an old aged men were discussing about the age old customs of Bhutia wedding, out of my curiosity, nonchalantly, I approached one of the elderly man, Mr.Gurmey Bhutia, a ritual specialist and a retired Bhutia teacher, “how was the system of wedding when you got married? Did you experience any kind of changes from then to now? Yes of course! he replied, during our time there used be to more rituals which were mandatory to follow by the right person however, these days slowly it is changing and now they are confining towards other cultures. Laughingly, he added “not only in wedding, but in other functions also many changes are going on as well, and sooner or later it is for obvious that our traditional culture might vanish along with us”. I could sense his concern of not wanting the age old practices to change and his desire for the present generation to encourage themselves towards age old practices. That little conversation had made me more concerned; for which, I have started developing a strong interest of new finding and experience. I view this as an opportunity to enhance one's own interest to experience one's own culture and tradition without any moral

obligation which allows not only to know about our roots, but also makes it in certain ways to fill the void of knowing socio- cultural issues, the junction which is also equally necessary for academic writing for the time ahead.6

The Bhutia of Sikkim in Pre Merger period 1642- 1975

The population of Sikkim consists of Bhutias, Lepchas and Nepalis7 with different ethnic identity, where the Lepchas are considered as the oldest inhabitant of ethnic community of Sikkim. Apart from these community the considerable size of Limbu known as Tsongs or Yakthungba are also known as the earliest settlers having a distinct dialect and are animist who are now converted into Hinduism and Christianity (Sinha,

1991). During those days, the Lepcha were mainly food gatherers and hunters and practice shifting cultivation. The Lepcha having their own culture, tradition and language made them a distinct tribal identity and ruled Sikkim by the Lepcha's chief untill Bhutia migration in Sikkim.

The Bhutia settlers came to Sikkim, they were mostly the traders and herdsmen and formed a monarchy, the Phuntsog Namgyal 8 was the first Bhutia ruler of Sikkim in

1642, under the influence of Tibetan theocracy (Dutta, 1994). The Bhutias were devoted more to trade then agriculture, since then the traditional economic system of Sikkim, the land of Sikkim belonged to the Bhutia ruler.

The majority of Bhutia inhabitants are descendants of immigrants from Tibet, which included traders, peasants, Buddhists monks and aristocrats and form a Buddhists

6 Personal Interview taken on the tradition of marriage, which is gradually fading away. 7 Nepalis: is a meta group which consists of Rai, Gurung, Newar,Bahun, Chettri, Khas, Bhujel, Mangar, Jogi, Thami,etc. 8Phuntsog Namgyal: He was the first Chogyal of Sikkim, coroneted in the year 1642 AD. He was the 13th century prince from Kham of Mi-nyak house and also a fifth generation descendant of Guru Tashi. 9

kingdom in the year 1642. The migration of Tibetan in Sikkim was not only limited to religion, they helped in the introduction of economic practices such as landownership and also started the taxation practices in Sikkim. The Tibetans who migrated into the land of

Sikkim in the thirteenth century started amalgamating with the animist Lepcha who were attracted by the rich Buddhist tradition, culture and religion. Afterwards, the Tibetan immigrants formed a new identity in Sikkim and started calling themselves Sikkimese

Bhutia from then onwards.

Mullard (2011), states, that the creation of the state was primarily a political event, to trace out the political desire of Phuntsog Namgyal to posses his personal power and wealth. Furthermore, Sikkim was once ruled by the Namgyal Dynasty also called

Chogyal Dynasty, from Kham district of Tibet. Phuntso Namgyal, in the year 1642, he was coroneted as the first Chogyal meaning Dharma Raja or Religious Raja by the three revered lamas who were arrived in Sikkim from the different directions north, west and south. The Chogyal has ruled Sikkim for almost 330 years until people of Sikkim voted in a referendum to make Sikkim in Indian union as the 22nd state.

Position of Bhutia

According to Tran (2012), during Chogyal era to run the monarchy smoothly and collect tax, the Chogyal selected 12 kahlons (ministers) out of Cho-rig-ru-chen-chu-nyi and 12 jongpons (head of jong or districts) out of Chagzot (prime minister), donyer

(dewan), trungyig (security), nyerchen (grand Steward, dingpon (chief officer of fort),

Chupon (chief of ten-man force), Kazi (landlords) and other intermediary officers. The formation of Kazis during Chogyal rule gave rise to a new social class under the

administration and are assigned to collect taxes from the village and in turn paid a fixed sum calculated at a certain rate per acre to the king (Basin, 2002). The kazis were mostly

Bhutia landlords with a few Lepcha who has assigned a status through marital alliance and with the loyalty to the then kings (Datta, 1994), he further states, that the land owning system did not pose any threat to the Bhutia immigrants, as the Lepchas were the simple community practicing shifting cultivation hunting and gathering. This indicates that anybody could occupy any vacant land and cultivate as long as possible during those days. Hence the ownership of cultivable land had been under the control of Bhutia landlords and aristocrats. The Lepcha did not pose any threat to Bhutia ruling class and remained under the domination, which illustrates the further myth of blood-brotherhood

9treaty which did not go in vain. The domination of the Bhutia was so over powering as some of the Lepcha remained excluded. The one, who enjoyed the equal dominance, is through intermarriage with the aristocrats and lead the supreme life. Such distinction creates the anthropologist while observing social distinction between the two communities and to those who are willing to study on community identity on these ethnic groups.

The large- scale immigration of Nepalese from neighboring Nepal in Sikkim, did not change the land settlement pattern, the main power of the land was hold by the monarchy. The Nepalese acquired the land which was dislike by the Bhutia and Lepcha who were more confined with the fertile land. With the Nepalese migration in Sikkim in

19th century, the Bhutia and Lepcha cultural and social absorption reached and emerged together as ethnic group. They shared an assimilation in culture, religion etc through the

9 Blood brotherhood: "Thekong Tek got Khe Bumsa to commit to observe an unwritten agreement whereby all the male Bhutia tribes are to be treated as brothers of Lepcha and all female of Bhutia tribes to be treated as sisters of Lepcha tribes" (Gyamtso, 2011). 11

practice of intermarriages and their land ownership (Nakane, 1966). To represent themselves as the original inhabitants of Sikkim, the Sikkim subjects 10were issued for both the communities and to continue domination over the resources and power from growing numbers of Nepali immigrants. The main intention behind the regulation of the

"Sikkim Subject" was to maintain the economic and political interest and also to get more benefits and dominance over limited resources. Initially, only the three ethnic communities of Sikkim the Bhutia, Lepcha and Limbu were assigned for Sikkim Subject which itself recognized them as the residents of Sikkim by all the regulation and maintained the register of legal settler of Sikkim by Sikkim Subjects register after 1951 land reform program (Datta, 1994).

The Bhutia of Sikkim in the Post-merger era 1975 onwards

"On May 16, 1975, the former Buddhist Kingdom of Sikkim was incorporated as the 22nd state of India with the 36th Constitutional Amendment Act" (Arora, 2006). The

Sikkim Assembly passed the resolution on April 10, 1975, which was in favor of the demands of the removal of Chogyal and to protect interests of the people of Sikkim who had chosen a democratic system which can be protected by meeting their demands (Das,

1983).

With the merger, the whole system was changed; the Himalayan kingdom became the part of Indian constitution. The system of monarchy was transformed into democratic political system, with the emergence of new political parties in Sikkim. Though the kingdom was dissolved, the special provision were maintained for the ethnic

10 Sikkim Subject: it is an important legal document for a various purpose. The main purpose of Sikkim Subject is to claim the rights and benefits of he/she resides in. 12

communities of Sikkim which were inserted into the Indian constitution under the Article

371 F11 to meet the special needs and circumstances of the state. According to the Article

371 F it safeguards the rights and interest of the different section of the population of

Sikkim.

Post-Merger changes and the position of Bhutia

Many changes have occurred and the process of social change is an ongoing process, such changes have swept the situation of the communities and its people for over past years. Due to the implementation of large scale development projects, the people from other states entering the land of Sikkim for better opportunities while, the people of

Sikkim are travelling to the other parts of country for better jobs and education. These trends of migration to neighboring states inform us that there are massive social- cultural changes which are taking place within the ethnic communities in Sikkim.

The ruling government was replaced by the democratic government; all the organic resources have been designated as public goods under the direct control of the state. The changes have been occurred in terms of steady rise in social services, administration and law and order enforcement etc. The merger creates the expansion on the business and services sector, for which the state need skilled and better educated

11Article 371F: Under this article many special provisions were given to the different communities of Sikkim, for the provision of number of seats in Legislative Assembly for the state of Sikkim which may be filled by the candidates belonging to such sections may stand for election to the Legislative Assembly of the State of Sikkim. The total strength of Sikkim Legislative Assembly is 32 out of which 12 seats are reserved for Bhutia and Lepcha commonly called as (BL) seats and 1 seat reserved for monks called as Sangha seat. Article 375F special provision are provided which ensures special rights especially for the Bhutia and Lepcha, the reservation of seats in the assembly not provided as Schedule Tribes but as equal to the political Agreement of 1973. Such benefits are provided to Bhutia and Lepcha community, the same law applies to the Sangha seat in State Assembly. Similarly, the tribal land of Bhutia and Lepcha cannot be selling or purchase by non-tribal. These are the old laws which are well protected under this provision and cannot be rectified; one has to get a parliament endorsement for rectification.

persons for which, local people are not qualified for. In this scenario, the people from other parts of India are attracted to Sikkim, such situation made the original inhabitants afraid of losing their control over state's resources and power. However, the distinct identity of Sikkimese and non Sikkimese was emerged through political assistants, which gave special provision to the original inhabitants in terms of resources, education and employment opportunities. Now-a-days, the concept of "we" feeling and ethnic identity have emerged in the everyday social practices of every Sikkim citizens to grab the opportunity within the own state and figure out their own position irrespective of any ethnic backgrounds.

The kingdom of Sikkim was founded in 1642 by three Nyingma Lamas namely

Lhatsun Chenpo, Ndgag Senpo Chenpoand Kartok Khuntu Zangpo, they set Phuntsog

Namgyal as the first Chogyal at Yuksum12 in west Sikkim as per the prophecy made by

Guru Rinpoche. Untill 1975, the reign of Chogyal managed to administered Sikkim with the support of Monastery. After merger the monastery helped the Bhutia community in the restoration of Buddhist rule with the large number of Buddhist member. It is reported that, the political representation of the Buddhist monasteries in Sangha13seat did not protect the minority rights as a section of the Nepali groups like Gurung, Tamang, Newar etc are Buddhist and Sangha seat represent for them as well.

12Yuksum: Yuksumwas the first Capital of Sikkim established in 1642 AD. 13Sangha: In Sikkim out of 32 seats in State Legislative Assembly, one seat is reserved for Sanga, where only a monk can contest an eletion. 14

CULTURAL IDENTITY OF BHUTIA

Social or cultural identity is the collection of social roles that a person might play.

“Identity" refer to either (a) a social category, defined by membership rules and characteristic attributes or expected behaviors, or (b) socially distinguishing features that a person takes a special pride in or views as unchangeable but socially consequential (or

(a) and (b) at once). In the latter sense, “identity" is modern formulation of dignity, pride, or honour that implicitly links these to social categories (Fearon, 1999).

Cultural identity is the identity or feeling of belonging to a group. It is part of a person's self-conception and self-perception and is related to nationality, ethnicity, religion, social class, generation, locality or any kind of social group that has its own distinct culture. In this way, cultural identity is both characteristic of the individual but also of the culturally identical group of members sharing the same cultural identity.

Identity particularly is the individual characteristics by which a thing or person is recognized or known. As it is very elaborately explained by Ashworth who defined identity as being “that which makes something or somebody uniquely different and it is also that which makes somebody or something the same, or identical with something or somebody else.”(Brosius and Polit, 2011). In a community there is a strong bond and a mutual relationship between the all the members and they share similar cultural traits, values, norms, beliefs, language etc. which create solidarity among them.

The Bhutia of the Sikkim are ethnically diverse, their assimilation of their cultural pattern can be traced from their way of living. The ethnic identity and entity of Bhutia of

Sikkim were transformed by enactment of the Constitution (Sikkim) Scheduled Tribes

Order Of 197814. This legislation dealt with existence of ethnic people of Sikkim. It distorted the identity and entity of the Bhutia by including the eight other ethnic communities: Chumbipa, Dopthapa, Dukpa, Kagatey, Sherpa, Tibetan, Tromopa and

Yolmo. This is how; an attempt is being made to place the Bhutia of Sikkim in the category of tribe. The native communities comprised of the Bhutia-Lepcha people who never demanded for their inclusion in the Schedule Tribes of India. They never wanted to surrender their political rights for mere Scheduled Tribe benefits. This order was passed without giving them the opportunity to be heard and understand the proper concept of

Schedule tribe status. They didn’t even know what Scheduled Tribe was all about at that point of time, It came to them as a bolt out of blue and at a time when they were still battling to overcome the physical and psychological trauma which they suffered during the agreement signed at Gangtok between the Chogyal representing the people of Sikkim and the Government of India (Das, 1983).

There are number of communities across the India which are still facing identity issues usually it relates to the minority groups with the changing ways, a community sheds all its traditional practices and adapts to the new ones which then place them in the dilemma about their own cultural identities. Sometimes, the culture of the dominant population affects the culture of the minority often resulting in identity crisis and loss of the original culture. Society is not a static it’s a dynamic, change is the law of nature, what is today shall be different from what it would be tomorrow. Social change is the significant alteration in the social order of a society. It includes change of social behavior,

14 The Constitution (Sikkim) Schedule Tribes Order of 1978: According to this Order, the indigenous communities of the state are specified in the Schedule Tribe in relation to the state of Sikkim. 16

nature, institution, social relations etc. It may also refer to the idea of social progress the socio-cultural evolution.

The popular believe was that, the indigenous communities who are now classified in Bhutia category, is that, there is no doubt, that the eight communities are the people of

Tibetan origin. The different people I talked to about the merging of other eight communities in Bhutia generic term, they seem unanimous, they are not sure that it will be unreliable to jump into such conclusion. The different person I interviewed from different field for instance, school teacher, politician, lawyers, community elder to draw the conclusion on regard to understand the term Bhutia. It was necessary for me to understand their point of view, on which they blame Sikkim government for not having proper population census data; it is believed that, they borrowed the census from West

Bengal government. Though the proper evidence is yet missing, to introduce its reason to underline at present scenario.

The Question of Bhutia Tribal Identity

As far as Sikkim history is concerned, there are books written since 1640-41 onwards which writes about the origin, authentic culture, ethnological history, people which established and project the different distinctions. In Sikkim, some of the groups are considered to be long into a Scheduled Tribe group with the description of how they live, how they maintain and regulate social relationship. Whatsoever, the life of the community may be, they try to meet their strength in the difficult situation to deal their problem that existed in their day to day life. They protect their group by forming their own world and preserving their art, culture, tradition and believe system. Howsoever,

isolated and meager the life of a community may be , they try to make the most effective use of their natural resources in accordance with technological equipment and social resources (Bose, 1971).

The feeling of marginalization generally occurs between the one group by other group that creates tension and conflict in a multi-cultural society like Sikkim. Gurung

(2011), states that the example of Tibetan way of life emphasized that led to the feeling of marginalization among other during Chogyal's rule, similarly after post merger Bhutia feels the same way in a presence of Nepali dominant culture. Such feelings affirm the idea of distinct identity of the group and appeal the idea of justice, equality to conserve cultural symbols like dress, ornaments, language etc. Thus the question of a Bhutia tribal identity is not a new in the political history of Sikkim. However, the real threat on the

Bhutia Identity occur during 1978, Constitutional Schedule Tribe Order, where the

Bhutia and the Lepcha are declared as the Schedule Tribe on which other eight indigenous communities are included within definition of Bhutia umbrella term. These tribes are Chumbipas, Dopthopas, Tibetans, Tromopas, Yolmos, Sherpas, Kagatey and

Drukpas having distinctive cultural symbols and distinct identity. Beside the question of tribal identity, it reflects upon the question of ethnic identity of these groups to preserve and to protect the right of the different Bhutia groups. The 12 seats reserved for Bhutia-

Lepcha, where the Bhutia has to share with the added group and they can contest an election by the using the term Bhutia Identity.

Reaffirming New Identity

The Reaffirming Identity emerged in the significance of social, culture and individual life of the communities added within a Bhutia group are marginal communities of the Sikkim undergoing the process of transition like many other communities. The search for new situation with an attempt to deal with the change in a culture, custom, tradition etc. from their historic past to present state to grasp over the land and the people within the state. Therefore "both identity and belonging rely heavily on symbolization"

(Toffin & Czarnecka, 2011).

Cultural process on the other hand has acquired a significant position in the socio political scenario in Sikkim, however the possible stretching of new identity was to defining new roles of ethnic majority in Sikkim. Almost every community in Sikkim explores the dynamics of culture and tradition within their ethnic location. Bhutia have engaged in the dynamics of culture to set up their social significance which explores the idea of new identity. The new "Tribal Identity" among the Bhutia community has gained recognition of Sheduled Tribe in Sikkim, which designate to afford some benefits. Such similarities has been viewed by Middleton (2016), (as he uses the term) Ghorka for the

Nepali- speaking groups for the agitation for a separate state of Gurkhaland in 1980's.

The question of Reaffirming identity search for both tangible and intangible heritage which explores towards the community's geographical location, language, script, history, myth, legend, songs, dance, music, festival, rituals and so on. However, the culture of a certain community is rather fluid and flexible, and expected to change due to the limited written documents, thus, it is somehow occupied with the process of

revivalism. Therefore, in the context of Bhutia new identity is somehow always classified by the existence of culture yet there are other areas of approach.

In a social spectrum of Sikkim, it is no doubt that the Bhutia are the followers and the decedents of Khe Bumsa, and the other ethnic minorities of Tibet who are located in

4, 60,000 square miles and are divided in to more than ten racial group like Menpas,

Denpas, Sherpas etc. these communities share a similar boundaries with China,

Mongolia, Kashmir, Sikkim, Bhutan, Nepal, Myanmar and the North Eastern States.

These are the indications that communities are incorporated with the Bhutia clan while considering their similar geographical location, culture, tradition and life styles. Gyamtso

(2011), in his book tried to justify the term Bhutia is a generic name given to the people of Bhot origin and includes a number of tribes and clans possessing diverse culture, language and same geographical location.

Religion is considered as one of the significant agent for defining ethnic identity.

In the present scenario, the religion is field of domain for the Bhutia and other eight communities put together in the Bhutia generic term. To locate the process of identity, religion is one of the major categories for the process of identity formation. One may explicitize the doubts about the communities who are Buddhist from the original region of Tibet to the land of Sikkim. The communities are seen earnestly following Buddhism that has influence since birth, thus they share a similar faith towards this religious doctrine. I could locate the commonalities between these communities within the religious system of believe and conceptual framework. The cultural and the religious paradigms are changing very recently, as the community member are trying to revive the

age old religious practice of Pholha rituals among the different clans within these communities to occupy the space for their tribal origin.

These ethnic minorities in Tibet further practice the divination and exorcism in different social function of marriage, funeral, birth rites ceremonies, crops harvesting, sacrificing of animals. All these practices could be the evidence of the other eight communities to include in Bhutia generic term.

In the present view, religion is no longer a simple faith for the people, rather it is considered as the understanding of important agent for defining ethnic identity. Towards dealing with the defining religious identity of the different sub groups of Bhutia, they are dealing with their legends and histories of Buddhism of the olden days.

Food is yet another significant setting in the process of new identity formation.

With the emerging of new ethnic identity, food is also chosen in the reorganization of their present ethnic identity in Sikkim. The typical lifestyle of the diet system of these ethnic minorities adopted zoom cultivation, cooked buckwheat pancakes which is their stable food. Similarly,Lopas preferred roasted buckwheat, dried milk curd, then the

Denpas are considered as smokers and drinkers (Gyamptso, 2011). However, Chang - the traditional millet beer used by these communities on various grounds' for instance, ceremonies, ritualistic offerings, festivals are yet the another indication of these communities showing some relevance. These ethnic minorities originated from Tibet are now considered as the Bhutia of Sikkim, due to sharing of similar kind of diet among the communities in Tibet which is brought in the land of Sikkim.

Geographical location is another significant arena for these communities to reclaim its ethnic space, nevertheless the communities locate the aspects of geographical location from different angles. The geographical original has a different meaning for the

Bhutia groups of Sikkim, though they claim themselves as the different groups but they accepted the status of Schedule Tribe in Sikkim by merging with the Bhutia generic term.

The Lhopos of Sikkim were threaten with the addition of the other marginal group as they are bound to accept them, sharing the benefits socially as well as politically. The eight communities other than Lhopos are trying to relocate them into the identity of indigenous tribe of Sikkim. The Lhopos on the other hand after the 1978 Order, had to face the drastic change by sharing the preserved Bhutia-Lepcha seats with the communities who were later added within Bhutia group. The Revenue Order No 1. did not benefits the other eight gropus, which includes the buying of the land of Bhutia and

Lepcha communities.These Bhutias are now the inseparable part of the marginal communities of Sikkim.

Review of Literature

Studies on Community’s identity, with reference to traditional tribal community in India have been made by different scholars. Most of the studies on Schedule tribes have highlighted their culture, developmental issues and other related aspects. There are very limited studies on Bhutia community in Sikkim. The new discourse on “identity” is gaining moment in anthropological research studies, particularly the communities in

Sikkim experiencing social transformation in the present times.

However, there are few studies on ethnic communities in Sikkim, which informs us about various aspects of culture. Many researchers have done their study on different communities, they have studied about their unique culture and their ways of living in their societies. Among these studies, a study was on Bhutia a Himalayan tribe, who were settled in all the four districts of Sikkim.

“The life style of the Bhutia communities of Sikkim was not organized till the

advent of the Namgyal dynasty and it can therefore, be said that the history of

Bhutia communities in Sikkim has started with Namgyal Dynasty” (Gyamtso,

2011:9).

Popular belief was that, it was the royal family of Sikkim who made a Sikkim as a small independent kingdom. Though, today Sikkim is a part of India but it is always recognized as the Himalayan kingdom. It became the protectorate of the British

Government in 1890 and was integrated into the union of India in May 1975. Tibetan was used in the past but presently Bhutia communities have their own culture and tradition; they speak their own Bhutia language as spoken dialect and for all literary, cultural and educational pursuits.

Benwell (2006), in his book “Identity and Discourse” mentioned that identity to be a central organizing feature of our social world. Across the social sciences and humanities, it is increasingly treated as something that is actively and publicly accomplished in discourse. He has defined identity in its broadest sense, in terms of how people display who they are and mean to each other. It examines a different discursive

environment in which people do ‘identity work’: everyday conversation, institutional settings, narrative and stories, comodified contexts, spatial locations, and virtual environments. The author describe and demonstrate a range of discourse and interaction analytic methods as they are put to use in the study of identity, including ‘performative’ analysis, conversation analysis, membership categorization analysis, critical discourse analysis, narrative analysis, positioning theory, discursive psychology and politeness theory. He has also given a clear sense of the coherence (or otherwise) of these different approaches, the practical steps taken in analysis, and their situation within border critical debates. Through the use of detailed and original ‘identity’ case studies in a variety of spoken and written texts in order, the writer offers a practical and accessible insight into what the discursive accomplishment of identity actually looks like, and how to go about analyzing it.

Darwar (2008), in his article “Cultural Identities of Tribes of North-East India”, has stated that the indigenous leaders across the globe started restoring to defense of their cultural practices as a result of perceiving threat to their tribal identity. Formations of associations, especially the cultural and literary Associations formed an important aspect of this agenda for cultural defense. The study into the North- East of India where different tribes are in conflict for their identities the Adi cultural Associations points out the prevalence of two trends a) party politics and b) Alien culture to be eroding the traditional culture and thus effecting the culture identities of people of Arunachal

Pradesh, thus leaving them no alternative to preserve their traditional practices and their culture.

“The establishment of Gonpa 15has been part of the political scheme of the central

government from the beginning of Sikkim history. Phuntsok Namgyal and the

three Tibetan religious men are said to have jointly founded the first political and

religious institutions in Yoksam after the enthronement of the Chogyal, the latter

taking care of the construction of the royal palace, and the religious men of one

monastery each. This account probably refers to the role of the religious

institutions in the centralisation of Lhopo's political power in Sikkim. Indeed,

after settling in Sikkim, the Lhopo converted the local populations, such as the

Lepcha, to Buddhism” (Vandenhelsken, 2003:56-57).

With regard to the socio-historical development of Bhutia in Sikkim, the Buddhist monasteries have played a vital role for the identity of Bhutia community. The monasteries are always considered as important and sacred place in the villages from past to present, where the Bhutia community resides. This is an indication that the history of

Sikkim started with the establishment of the Buddhist monasteries in Sikkim. Therefore, one can trace the history of Sikkim by studying the oldest Buddhist monasteries in

Sikkim.

“Tibetan influence is not limit to the religious world, however, it is also

identifiable through the introduction of economic practices such as

landownership, structures of taxation and a form of stratification based on the

principles of Tibetan land economy” (Mullard, 2006:56)

15Gonpa: Is the term used by people of Sikkim, to denote Buddhist Monastery. 25

In above given document, Mullard provides the early history with number of interesting insights into events, chronology and religious influence in 17th century

Sikkim. This gives the brief analysis of the most prominent origin history for the Tibeto-

Sikkimese people and their king.

“About the Bodh or like the Bhots, it seems that most of their ancestors came

from Tibet and its surrounding countries, mainly 7th and 8th centuries A.D. Many

of these invaders settled down in these areas and mingled with the aborigines by

marriage and other mode of social intercourse” (Saklani, 1998:60).

Similar to the Bodh people, who migrated from Tibet and settled in the

Himalayan region of different states of India, the Sikkimese Bhutia are also migrated from Tibet and settled in Sikkim. The only difference between Sikkimese Bhutia and

Bhotiyas is their custom, beliefs and myths. Sikkimese Bhutias are the followers of

Lamaist Buddhism.

“The Bhotiyas have none of the doctrines of Buddhism, or the common practices

of Lamaism. They have so little of the degrading immorality and demon-worship

of the Bon-faith, which must have been in vogue in Tibet before the time of their

immigration” (Saklani, 1998: 62)

A general description of communities in Sikkim was given by Risley (1894)

“Gazetteer of Sikhim” which accounts the origin and history of the various communities residing in the Sikkim hills.

Gurung (2011), in his book “Sikkim Ethnicity and Political Dynamics” express that Bhutia was the community which has been recognized as one of the Scheduled

Tribes of Sikkim in 1978. Bhutias are the one of the important schedule tribes in Sikkim.

The Government of India has also identified them as a tribal group.

“After Independence Sikkim was made a protectorate of India rather than on of its

constituent states. The protectorate status meant that Sikkim retained control over

its internal affairs while India was responsible for its defence and territorial

integrity. By virtue of being a protectorate of India until 26 April, 1975, it has

been politically and economically influenced by India and became the twenty

second state of India after that” (Bhasin, 2002:2)

Before assimilation with the Indian union, it was ruled by a hereditary

Maharajaha, who was assisted by the Kazis16, large landlords. During the British rule

Maharajah was also assisted by the British political officers. When it is merged with

Indian union, it has witnessed great changes in political structure, social structure, economic life and cultural values during the past hundred years, which results in a multiform ethnic mix.

“The changes that have been occurring in Sikkim are diverse and far-reaching, the

factors which causes the core elements of Lepcha identity and culture to be

vanishing are complex” (Bentley, 2007: 61)

Bentley (2007), has discussed the changes in religion, political, economic and demographic which has taken place among the Lepcha community in Sikkim, due to the

16Kazis: they were the large land owners, appointed as the land owner and the minister during Chogyal Reign. 27

connection with the global economic market mainly because of their cardamom cash crop.

Sinha (2004), in his book “Bhutan: Tradition, Transistation and Transformation” where Bhutan is an independent kingdom like previous Sikkim, which was ruled by

Chogyals (royals) of Sikkim, and it was Chogyal Phuntsok Namgyal who laid the foundation of Sikkimese kingdom.

“Indiginity and tribalism obviously constitute indeed a serious case in German

history, both from an endocentric and exocentric perspective……The German

tribes, since their mythical formation before the Great Migration of the People,

certainly were frequently on good terms with each other and well able to

communicate, due to the proximity of their Germanic languages (later call

dialects)….” (Stilz, 2009:19).

In this context, the term indignity is considered as an important for the Bhutia of

Sikkim, where their language is one of the major element to recognized them as proper

Bhutia from Sikkim.

“The concept of identity is a multi-dimensional one, and incorporates dimensions

such as ideology, cognition, codes of conduct, observable patterns of behavior,

ecology, demography, technology, economic and power distributions and

more”(Mohanti, 1993:20).

The identity of the Bhutia community can be seen and perceived in many ways: the religion, their place of settlement, idol which they worship. Initially, their identity

was recognized through their status and the clan which they belong to, and the power which is distributed according to their status.

Parallel to the origins of Bhutia in Sikkim, the Bhutanese17 as a frontier community have been suspicious of alien people. Historically, Bhutan as a land on the periphery of the two cultural cores insulated itself against the political postures made from the Lamaist Tibet. As a mechanism of self-preservation, Bhutan transformed itself from theocracy to a dynastic rule in the first quarter of the 20th century with active support from its southern cultural core of India (Sinha, 1991). Identity in all the corner of the world plays an essential part in individual lives which helps them to recognize themselves and the place where they are originally belonged to. Thus, identity in Bhutan became important to represent itself and this small country decided to transform itself to a dynastic rule.

Deepak (2004), in his book “Sikkim Study Series” he says that the Bhutia language had so far been a spoken dialect only, and for all literary, cultural and educational pursuits, Tibetan language was used by the Bhutia people of Sikkim before the formation of Bhutia language in Sikkim. With the adoption of Sikkimese Language

Bill 1977, the State Assembly recognised the three languages Lepcha, Bhutia and Nepali as the state Languages of Sikkim. Simultaneously the Bhutia language is now recognized and has its own importance for the community.

“In Tinchim village, until the end of the nineteenth century, every patrilineage had

its own shaman responsible for the lineage and its households’ ritual needs.

17Bhutanese: Person from Bhutan. 29

Although the villagers considered themselves Buddhist, there were no lamas in

Tinchim until 1990 and people were dependent on Shamans and other ritual

specialists who officiated all the rituals needs” (Balikci, 2008:9)

Tracing on how the religious practices are inextricably intertwined with the cultural identity process, apart from the practice of mainstream Buddhist ideology Bon rituals are also practiced. Though, Buddhism is consider as a main religion of the Bhutia community, Bhutia people also practice Shamanic rituals and are still observed in some parts of North Sikkim.

“In about 1600A.D a Tibetan Minyag dynasty from the eastern Kham province

migrated and made themselves kings…. The Royal Sikkimese chronicles records

the main events in the history, which mentions that the Lepchas have also

migrated from the east and they were of “Indo –Chinese origin” (Siiger, 1967:26)

It was Gye Bumsa18, who first came to Sikkim with his wife to meet the Lepcha bongthing19Thekongtek20 to bless him with a male descendant. Upon their return to their native place he had three sons, later when he returned to Sikkim to express his gratitude and thanks giving ritual for his sons, a blood brotherhood treaty was signed between both of them. This was the start of relationship between the two communities, today they live peacefully along side with each other and celebrate Pang Lapsol21remembering the treaty

18Gye Bumsa: was the prince of Minyak House from Kham in Tibet, he was the first person who came to Sikkim and established his lineage. 19Bongthing: is the tern used to describe the priesthood or shaman who officiates the traditional ritual. 20Thekongtek: was the Lepcha priest of Sikkim 21Panglabsol: it is one of the important festival of Sikkim, it is celebrated to offer thanks to Mount Khangchendzonga, the guardian deity of Sikkim. 30

signed by the two communities decades ago which is still remembered today as the brotherhood treaty.

Lepcha and Bhutia along with the other communities have rather had a bitter-

sweet relationship from the beginning. As becoming a “dying race” in around

1900’s (Gorer, 1987:37) the Maharajah of Sikkim reserved Dzongu only for the

Lepcha.

Coming to contact with the other communities the Lepcha have been greatly

influenced and their ways of life is much modified by their neighbors, the

Sikkimese, the Nepali and above all the Tibetans (Grorer, 1987: 45).

Alike Lepcha, Bhutia of Sikkim have also influenced by the other communities which are migrated later in Sikkim. Interaction with other communities has led to many social changes among the Bhutia. Many changes have occurred due to modernization process in the tradition and customs of Bhutia, though, these changes have totally framed the community in different aspects.

“The indigenous communities of India, most of who have remained unique in

respect of their culture and traditions, are numerous and some of them are

numerically strong” (Saklani, 1998:59).

Among these indigenous communities, Bhutia of Sikkim has also remained unique in terms of their culture and tradition which is also a one of the reason for Bhutia of Sikkim to stay connected with each other in a society.

The impacts of modernization process in cultural and linguistic heterogeneity of the Indian subcontinent have many tribal communities, which are gradually opening up for intense interaction with the non-tribal world. It is important to understand what extent of modernization is essential for the development of individual as well as the community? This makes people more active and intelligent for securing their life. As

Harvey said that,

“The core aspiration of modernity was to use the accumulation of knowledge…

for the pursuit of human imagination and enrichment of daily life”

(Sivaramakrishnan and Agrawal, 2003:2).

“One way of looking at home improvement programs such as Changing Rooms

and Tapeten- Wechsel is as lessons in the art of fashioning identities, a matter

which could indeed be seen as to a degree ‘spiritual’, its reliance on hammers and

glue notwithstanding. The great proliferation of such programmers, and their

gardening and personal appearance counterparts, might be seen as part of an

alleged change in ways in which self-identities are coming to be conceptualized

and realized in what is sometimes called ‘late modernity’ ”(Macdonald, 2007: 27-

28).

Today, in this modernization process, one must help an individual to be more advanced and have knowledge of the different things but at the same plane, such process is hindering in their culture and tradition, and many changes have been occurred due to such processes. In this context, the notion of community identity is to

preserve their traditional cultural traits, as the domain of culture has acquired to reclaim present identity of a community, (Panda-Bhattacharyya, 2015).

The above research studies pin point on, how a community identity was formed and may change due to socio-historical process. However, there are no full length and systematic studies on Bhutia community identity in its historical context and its change and continuity in the contemporary Sikkim.

Significance of the research study

Bhutia are one of the smaller ethnic communities settled in all the four districts of

while and some are in business sector. These educated professionals are trying to bring about cultural revival of Bhutia community, until recently, there is a realization that they have lost and slowly are transferring some of their traditional practices and adapted different measures for cultural revivalism. Hence, the grievance has been made by the concerned members these days among them where they have been adapting different measures. Bhutia community members have started by forming different organizations and often conduct meetings for the benefit of the community. Bhutia community is also in a way to preserve their language which is in the verge of extinction; the one of the major focus of this research study is to know how language plays an important role and what measures have they adopted to protect their language in different domains.

It is important to examine how identity is constructed by a community and what it means within different social groups with reference to Sikkim. The research study is on

that Bhutia are in a wake of conscious stag, putting their efforts to preserve cultural heritage. Therefore, this research study intends out to examine how the Bhutia community is striving towards to retain their own socio-cultural practices in the present times.

As per the constitutional amendment of 1978, there are eight other communities’ which falls under generic term ‘Bhutia’ category, but for the benefit of the present research study, the later additions of the constitutional amendment of 1978 of the Sikkim government the other eight communities are not specifically chosen for study. Only

Bhutia (lhopos) are particularly chosen for this research study.

Research Methodology

like interview, observation, and case studies from the selected sample villages where predominant Bhutia community exists.

The research was carried from 2016-18 periodically in the following selected villages of Sikkim.

1. East- Sang, Sumin and Simick Lingzey

2. West-Pelling, Chongpung and Singyang

3. North- Phodong

4. South- Ralang, Namchi

The sample includes Bhutia community’s elders, women and the youth. Village

Buddhist Monasteries and their functionaries have been covered for the research

study. Further, the research study collected data from the villages, semi urban areas

and urban areas with the snowball technique. Focused Group Discussions were

employed in the research study to understand the magnitude of the chosen topic.

As the researcher herself belongs to the Bhutia community, Reflexive process

from an auto-ethnographical account has incorporated in the research study towards

understanding various forms of cultural change and identity formation.

Objectives of the Study:

• To know how Bhutia community has been influenced by different social classes

in the pre and post-merger phases.

• To study the role of Buddhist Monastery among Bhutia society.

• To investigate the contextual processes of Bhutia community in reaffirming

cultural autonomy.

• To unravel how Bhutia community practice cultural boundaries with other

communities in rural and urban areas.

• To understand the process of social change among Bhutia community in linguistic

revivalism, education and employment.

• To find out how the present generation is acting out culture and identity

CHAPTER -II

ETHNOGRAPHIC PROFILE OF BHUTIA COMMUNITY IN SIKKIM

Sikkim is the second smallest state in India, lying between 27 degree to 28 degree

North latitude and 88 degree to 89 degree east longitude. The word Sikkim is corrupted from the limbu word Sukhim,22 which means the ‘new house or palace’. The Lepchas called it nye-mal-el which means ‘heaven’ and for Bhutia it is termed as Denzong which means valley of rice. Historically, it is evident that the three ethnic categories Bhutia,

Lepcha and Nepali community co-exist with each other. Arora (2007), states that, tribal identities are understood in terms of how they are defined by others and in terms of their own articulation and self-definition in relation to land and sacred landscapes.

Like other States in India, Sikkim is a state consisting of a diverse communities, cultures, religions and customs. Sikkim has also the distinction of a communal harmony in between the people of different groups. As Sikkim is composed with multiple ethnicities or cultural traditions, and possesses the attributes of a plural society, it has been reported that they have come and settled in different phases of history. Even at physical feature, communities are identified at different racial features, mostly mongoloid characteristics. The Bhutias, the Lepchas and the Nepalese and the plainsman are the communities in Sikkim often known by their warm, simple and friendly behavior. The communities and their history of accurate date of settlement in Sikkim are difficult to point out. However, through folk- tales, it is generally believed that the Lepchas are acknowledged as the earliest inhabitants. As pointed out by Gorer (1996), the Lepcha, the people of Mayel (the valley of Kanchenjunga), of Sikkim has no authentic history of

22Sukhim: it is a Limbu term, Su means new and Khim means house. 38

migration however through folk-tales, it is generally believed that the Lepcha might have migrated from Assam and upper Burma. After Lepcha, the next community to settle in

Sikkim was the Bhutia from Tibet since 10th to11th centuries, similarly the migration of

Nepalese started from 19th century onwards.

It is historically understood that the state of Sikkim was a Himalayan Buddhist kingdom, which is founded in 1642 AD by the Tibetan Nyingma lamas and ruled by

Namgyal Dynasty, a monarchy of Tibetan origin. There has been a long tradition in which both lay man and monks had been undertaking long journeys to the Tibetan monasteries with a view to attain merits and knowledge. It became a protectorate of the

British government in 1890 and was integrated as a part of India in May 1975, which is also an end of a Chogyal rule in Sikkim.

It is reported that the Tibetan settlers came to Sikkim from the neighboring valleys of Chumbi and Ha and regions beyond these southern valleys such as Kham

Minyak from 13th century onwards and established the kingdom in 1642 AD. They prefer calling themselves Lhopo (lhopa) which means the people from the south, but today they are generally known by Bhutia, Sikkimese, also Denjongpas the people from Denjong or

Demojong (Bras mo ljongs- ‘the fruitful valley’, often translated as the ‘valley of rice’)

(Balikci, 2008).

The Bhutia are said to have descended from eight clans known as Beb-Tsen -Gyat of the great ancestor of Khe-Bumsa, a prince or chief from DO-Me in the Kham provience of Tibet, while others say that it was from Khe-Bumsa’s three sons that they have descended and multiplied. Currently, there are two divisions among the Bhutia of Sikkim,

they are the Beb-tsen- Gyal (eight clans of the seteller) and the Tong-du-Ruzhis (the four regiments of 1000 in each) sons of Khe-Bumsa. The four tribes of regiments of Tongdus are named as follows: 1. Shandarpa, 2. Tse-chu- dar, 3. Guru Tashi and 4. Nyimagyalpo.

Then there are the Lingserpas, the descendants of those who gradually got separated so far. They are said to have been called the Beb-Tsen-Gyat (8 clans), and are 1.Bonpa,

2.Gonsarpa or Gantagputsa, 3.Namtsangkor, 4.Tagchungdars, 5.Karsorpa, 6.Gyonto-pa,

7.Tsungyapa, and 8.Topa or Dokhangpa. These 12 clans are said to be the pure 12

Bhutias or lhorees and eligible for entrance into the Pemayangtse monastery as priest.

Both the sub-groups are traditionally endogamous in character. They are depended mainly on agriculture dairy farming and pastoralism. Community life of Bhutia is organized around local Gonpas or monasteries.

There are several sub-groups and distinct territorial groups among the Bhutia. The

Bhutia community are known for their place of habitations such as the Drukpas are people from Drukul, of Bhutan; the Chumbipas, people from Chumbi valley (now eastern

Tibet); the Dhopthapas, inhabitants of Dhoptha a place in south Tibet, the Tromopas or

Do-Mu-Pas, inhabitants of Do-Mu, the Lachungpas, inhabitants of Lachen valley and

Tibet under the leadership of Lempen; are all Bhutias. Many areas mentioned like

Chumbi valley, Harchu valley, Amochu valley of Tibet and Bhutan were the part and parcel of ‘The Greater Sikkim’ (Subba, 2008).

The Bhutia ancestors were migrated from Tibet through different passes in the

Himalayas to Sikkim, North Eastern Nepal, Darjeeling, and Kalimpong. It is said that

Gye Bumsa first came to Sikkim with his wife in search of the Lepcha Patriarchy and bongthingThekongtek. The couple was childless and requested the Lepcha bongthing to

perform a ritual where Kangchendzonga and territorial deities of Sikkim were invoked so that they might be blessed with a male descendent. Upon their return to Chumbi, the couple had three sons who later became the ancestors of a number of Bhutia patrilineal descent groups, including that of the Sikkimese royal family (Balikci, 2008).

Bhutia tribes are of the Tibetan origin. In the northern part of the Sikkim where they are the major inhabitants, they are known as the Lachenpas and Lachungpas. Bhutia people are scattered all over the Sikkim but the majority are concentrated in the dry valley of the north Sikkim and west Sikkim respectively. Bhutia community did not have their own political parties before 1947 as their interest were adequately protected and represented by the various proclamations issued by the Chogyal from time to time. (Das,

1983), In his book The Sikkim Saga states that "the Bhutia rule had seen the emergence of a new social class called the Kazis who constituted the top echelon of the bureaucracy for the Bhutia ruler" as their political organization was administered by King and Kazis with

Mandals, Mukters, and Pipons all over Sikkim in Bhutia villages. Later around 1948, the first ever political organization of the Bhutia “Sikkim National Party” was formed with an objective to oppose the demand of the Sikkim State Congress for accession with India, establishment of responsible government and abolition of the Zamindari system. In 1978,

Bhutia community has been recognized as one of the Schedule tribes of Sikkim, along with Tromopa, Dopthapa, Sherpa, Yolmo, Kagatey, Drukpa, Tibetans and Chumbipa within the definition of the term Bhutia (Gurung, 2011).

Social Organization

The Lepcha, Bhuita and Nepali communities represent different ethnic groups in the land of Sikkim. The majority of the present Bhutia inhabitants are descendants of immigrants form Tibet during 13th century, including peasants and Buddhist monks as well as aristocrats who played a major role in the formation of kingdom in Sikkim, which has resulted in cultural and political changes. In past days, Bhutia migration in Sikkim, there had no central political system or any administrative system; with Bhutia migration they formed a system of bureaucracy, with the cooperation of Lepcha’s chiefs. The coronation of first Chogyal Phuntsok Namgyal in Sikkim results with the changes emerged in the different system, the local Lepcha chief also contributed for the formation of the kingdom, and they were appointed as governors, ministers or councilors. Mandal system, was appointed in a village level, they played a main role in collection of tax from the village which is in form of grains or whatever they grow from their fields. The king used to select 12 kazis from the superior families of Lepcha, the family who served well, were chosen for ministers and remaining were classed among the common people and they are appointed to contribute their services as required by the kings.

The migration of the Bhutia into Sikkim was important not only for the formation of political system but it also spread the Tibetan Buddhism. The monks were known as very intellectual, they are often appointed as advisors in political affairs of the kingdom.

The establishment of monasteries has played an important role, in some parts of Sikkim, the village administration is still controlled by the monasteries. Teen sarkar 23was famous till few years back, they were assigned with the power to punish those who violets rule in

23Teen Sarkar: locally used word to describe three important people in monastery. 42

the village, Teen sarkar are usually the Dorjee Lopen, Chutimpa, omzae are an important person in decision making. While stressing on the concept of Teen sarkar it is important for an individual to note that it is the duty to obey the decision made by the Teen sarkar for the benefit and regards of the religion, such affairs doesn't seem logical in today's democratic world. Yet, the Bhutia community still have different explanations: while taking interview of Singyang Ana and Mandal Ajo of west Sikkim Pelling mentioned that it is the duty of a lay man to follow the path shown by our respective monks from our area, firstly they sacrifice for the welfare of the family and other earthly desire. We consider them as the messenger of god, and medium to attain the ultimate law of nature which is birth and death. They are blessed to wear Sangay's Namza that is the dress wore by monks, one who is blessed to wear this dress, we should respect them like Sangay

(Buddha) and the decision made by them is never wrong.

Bhutia peasants or settlers were accompanied by the Lepcha community, and had a great significance in the development of native community, the Gonpa (monasteries) became the important centre for local community. It was centralized as the part of political system of Sikkim during earlier days, but at the same time, had close links with the religious system. Monasteries were the main reason for the change of society from primitive to a peasant and the strict rule were made by the monks, where the king also have no power to speak against religion. During olden days, if a person fails to attend a meeting conducted by the monastery they would pay fine as labor for a day or two or weeks in a monastery where they have to work in the monastery’s field or garden as well as they give some grains and crops to the monastery. Today, with the rapid advancement the monetary form has became very easy way of settling any issues.

In recent decades, the Bhutia community deals everything with the laws enforced by the central or state government and most of the local governing structures were already disappeared. Still some of the traditional social organization mange to survive till now with the concern of the community thus, it would be interesting to know about its ways of governing its own community. One of the interesting example of the traditional administrative institution of Bhutia of Lachen and Lachung of Sikkim is Dzumsa24 inherent from the past which has managed to survive itself with the new changing circumstances with the modern world. Dzumsa is a traditional local self government system which means "gathering place", a villagers or council assigned with the duty of carrying out the administration of the village or a community (Thapa and Sachdeva,

2017). According to Sabatier (2004), The Dzumsa is the traditional administrative system of the villages of Lachen and Lachung, high altitude communities speaking a Tibetan dialect and settled in Sikkim's North District.

The system of self governance was established during the first half of the 19th century, historical accounts states, that the King of Sikkim, the ninth Chogyal Thutop

Namgyal created the institution of Dzumsa and assigned the Pipon, the village chief and delegated power authority to look after the functioning of the villages. The Dzumsa handles all the administrative issues of their localities along with the concerned democrative system, after the Sikkim's merger with India, the panchayati Raj system was of local self governmental are extended in all the parts of Sikkim except the vallyes of

Lachen and Lacung.

24Dzumsa: traditional administrative institute of Lachen and Lachung. 44

Chogyal Period

There is limited historical evidence about the ancient Sikkim's history except the first inhabitant Lepcha and the Chogyal rule in Sikkim which was lasted for roughly 330-

332 years. The ancient history still lies in obscurity, the past known today illustrate through legend and myth, and with the short tales which we hear from our grandparents often becomes our bed time story. Sikkim was ruled by Chogyals since 1642-1975 by the

Namgyal clan from Tibet, who arrived in the year 1400's and won a political control over

Sikkim. The Chogyal means "DharmaRaja" or " Religious king" is the title which also conferred upon a special class of temporal and spiritual rulers. As per the history of

Sikkim, it is said that, the regin of Chogyal was fortold by Guru Rinpoche

Padmasambhava the ancient Tantric Buddhist leader. The Guru Rinpoche predicted the three Lamas who arrived from three different directions will meet at Yuksum and proceed for having religious head to rule Sikkim. Likewise, the Chogyal Phuntsok

Namgyal was crowned as the Sikkim's first ruler with the great event in 1962.

The chronology of Chogyals of Sikkim (1642-1975)

1. Phuntsog Namgyal

2. Tensung Namgyal

3. Chador Namgyal

4. Guyrmed Namgyal

5. Phuntsog Namgyal ii

6. Tenzing Namgyal

7. Tsugphud Namgyal

8. Sidkeong Namgyal

9. Thutob Namgyal

10. Sidkeong Tulku Namgyal

11. Tashi Namgyal

12. Palden Thondup Namgyal

Social Organization of Bhutia (Lhopo)

The Bhutia are the mongoloid people living in all the geographical locations of

Sikkim, they are the people belonging to Tibetan origin having same physical structure, religious similarities, their way of livelihood, cultural pattern, scripts and to some extend one can even witness the similarities in language. According to history, it has been accepted that, from tenth and eleventh centuries, the people from ‘kham’ province of eastern Tibet started to move down towards Sikkim and established their colony for various economic, religious and political reasons. Sikkim till its merger with the Indian

Union in the year of 1975, the Himalayan kingdom was ruled by 12 succeeding

“Chogyals” or Dharmaraja of Bhutia lineage and was in power for over 300 years from

1642 to 1975.

Bhutia community is a significant social group within the state, the origin and the history of Bhutia community is an unique in its own sense. Many scholars have different versions on the exact date of their origin in Sikkim, despite different interpretation on

Bhutia community’s settlement in Sikkim. The Bhutia community is the ethnic group in

Sikkim known from different names Bhote, Denzongpa, Lhopos, Lhoree and sometime

they address themselves as akulhopo25 when they are communicating within the Bhutia group. The Bhutia are one of the smaller group of communities living in the state of

Sikkim have their own culture, language, distinct identity etc. For a centuries they are also recognized from their place of settlement, which I got to know from one of the middle aged man, from north Sikkim “hill man” or “hill community” he stated with a smile on his face, as the reason was they always wanted to live near nature, where there is abundance of resources and away from all kinds of natural calamities.

According to the 2005-6 state socio-economic census of Sikkim, out of total population of 5, 81,546, the Bhutia community comprised 49,837 persons constituting

8.57% of Sikkim’s total population. Looking from the total households in Sikkim, 9,584 households belonged to Bhutia community, which constituted 8.57% of the state’s total households. While number of members per household among all population of Sikkim was 5.20. Though the sex-ratio was 920 for all communities of Sikkim among Bhutias it was 966. While the 2011 census shows the total population of Sikkim was 610,577 of which 323,070 were male and 287,507 were female. Among these numbers Bhutia community consists of 16% which is roughly calculated from the total population of

Sikkim. In terms of distribution of religion the total population of the Bhutia community by religious faiths was 97.79% Buddhists, 1.19% Christians, 1% Hindus and 0.02%

Muslims.(State Socio Economic Census, 2011).

25Akulhopo: it is a term used to represent all the Bhutia of Sikkim. 47

Marriage

Bhutia practice intermarriage within their clans and follow a very hierarchical system of bride the groom selection the bride wealth is still in prevalent within the community. Perceived clan inequalities are widespread, and marriage outside the community is looked down upon. The marriage is endogamous at the community level.

Modes of accruing mates are by service in the early days, but negotiation has been a common practice contemporary. Monogamy is general practice today, but in some parts especially, in rural areas they still practice Polyandry and Levirate marriage system.

Today, weddings are usually done by taking the boy and a girl in confidence, and by the parents of the either side or by eligible boy or girl. The traditional Bhutia wedding is very laborious, it requires a lot of time for preparation, men labor. Some prefer simple wedding if they have, economic issues, family issues or if they are marrying outside the community. The first step for the wedding is engagement by consulting with an

Astrologer or with monks who is expert in astrology. There are basically three steps to be followed for wedding

1. Khachang

2. Nangchang

3. Nyen

Birth Rites

The Bhutia term for Birth Rites is “byakay” (to bring chicken) or “Ongay badah”

(offering khada 26to new born baby), this ritual is held at home in honor of a new born.

When a baby is born in a family, the ritual will take place in the home some family refer it as a purification of house, delivery women and a new born. baby. Three days after the birth of child, one women per household or a man in the absence of woman and the close relatives from a neighboring villages will come to the house of a new born to bless the baby and to brings chicken for mother of new born, so that they can have chicken soup out of it and can also serve “Phyasha27 gyaree” to the guests at the time of function. The guests also give some amount of money which is inscribed in the family register.

Death Rites

Among the all rituals, the ritual conducted during death rites is most expensive because it goes till the 49th days. While performing this ceremony one has to sell land and his movable and immovable properties to finish this ceremony with meaningful rituals. It has also encounter during olden days especially in village remote areas some of the people from lower status have become landless. Due to their low economic status, they are forced to sell their agricultural land to conduct the funeral rites. Practice of butchering of animal was very common, if someone dies in a family, then a family member of the

26khada: traditional silk scarf, used in different occasion or ceremonies in the form of offering anyone. The different khadas are used for different occasions, during wedding and birth they use multi-colored and plain khadas for funerals. 27 Phyasha: Bhutia term used for chicken. 49

house has to give ghow28. The feast should be given in a name of deceased person, which the community believe that the deceased person will not suffer of hunger. The practice of keeping of cattle was common till few years back especially in the Bhutia village of west

Sikkim, the older generation used keep oxes or pigs for the purpose of their own funeral.

Lately, the monasteries along with the members in a community are bringing some reforms while observing the death ceremony where they succeeded in the prohibition of using meat and alcohol during funeral rites.

Language

The Bhutia of Sikkim have their own language called “Lhokay” or “Denjong ki

Lhokay”. The language is different from the Tibetan and the Bhutanese, though some of the words are encountered similar. Lhokay is the only Bhutia dialect in Sikkim which is used within the community and in their dwelling, Bhutias not only speak Lhokay but they are also good in speaking other languages as well for instance, Lepcha, Nepali, Hindi,

Bengali, English etc. Before 1977 AD, Tibetan language was the official language which is used in school and offices, however after reorganization of the three ethnic languages, the Bhutia, Lepcha and theLimboo as the official languages in Sikkim during 1977AD.

They started using their own language Lhokay as their official language by adopting the

ThumiSamboda’s Tibetan scripts to scribble a Bhutia language. Thereafter, many Bhutia pioneers played a important role in reframing the Bhutia language, Sri Norden Tshering and Sri Pema Rinzing Bhutia played a most pivotal role in the preparation of Bhutia

28Ghow: to provide food, donation in the name of deceased person 50

language books and grammar for students of colleges and schools. Bhutia language started gaining its momentum from primary to secondary to senior secondary to college.

The two pioneers have contributed their time in the writing and preparing books and syllabus for the students of Bhutia language, they composed many Bhutia language books of stories and poems, grammar etc. The great achievement of Bhutia language was in

2016, where Bhutia language and literature has introduced at MA level in Sikkim

University.

Given below are the some of the Bhutia manuscripts, basically the Bhutia language, have three different forms manuscripts:

1. Humay (Capital)

2. Huchay (Small)

3. Khuk (Shorthand)

Language and Scripts

Religion

The Bhutia of Sikkim are followers of Buddhism, mainly the Nyingma and Kagyu sects. Since the establishment of monarchy, the Buddhism has spread all over the Sikkim, with that Monasteries are established. Buddhism has influenced not only to the Lepcha but to other communities like Tamang, Gurung, Sherpa, Pradhan etc. We hardly encounter Bhutia converting their religion, though few of them have converted to other religion like Christianity, which is because of their own family issues like illness, quality education for kids, economic crisis etc. the Bhutia community of Sikkim are dedicated towards their own religious matters and make sure to visit their respective area’s monastery during important and auspicious occasions. Both the genders are considered as equal in the eyes of religion. Women have been enjoying equal right as men, even if they marry outside religion, it is noticed that women still continue their own religion and also

send their children to pursue monastic education. At present, due to amalgamation of other religions, changes are there but it has not hampered in the status of women. Unlike in Hindu temples, the Bhutia allow women to enter monasteries during their monthly menturations. Therefore, monasteries are considered as an epic form or image of

Buddhism which played a vital role in a life of people.

The community strictly follow their religious work right from their own house to local Gonpa. At home, they always make sure to perform their annual ritual like

DawaThangpo Chemee (Puja done during the beginning of year), Rimro (puja to get rid of obstacles, bad lucks), cheirup yangkub (puja for good luck and wealth), domang and bum dhok (chanting of religious books and scripts mantras) are some of the rituals which is done in each and every household of Bhutia community.

Food Habits

Food is one of the very important element of culture which carries its own identity. Most of the Sikkimese Bhutia are non-vegetarian, they prefer meat langsha

(beef), phaksha (pork), phyasha (chicken), nyasha (fish) etc. rather than vegetables and also they are dependent on seasonal fruits and vegetables. The traditional edible food is

Tsampa (rice powder), Shachu (dried beef) is a delicious food to them, and local chang drink in a container payib (made up of wood or bamboo) and arak wine are also considered as important used for religious purposes sometime and it is usually consumed by adults. Soocha (nettle), Dong (bamboo shoot) are some of the traditional food items.

In addition, the other important food items are Khurim, Jiro, Chadung, Khabzee.

Attire and Ornaments

Clothing makes it easier to differentiate within the community they belong to.

Likewise, Bhutia community wears “kho” for both male and female, the kho worn by male is called Po-khow and the attire worn by female is called mo-kho. Traditionally, women wear along with loose sleeved blouse honju and underneath they wear kho held at waist by a long piece of belt like cloth called kera, use of pangden (apron) by women is indicative of the marital status of women, unmarried women are not allowed to wear

Pangden and along with that they wear Tibetan kinga shamboo as their cap. Male folk usually wears double high necked shirt (wanthas) with bakhu and use chinese thuri shampo as cap. The quality of a cloth worn by them varies according to their economic status ranging from simple cotton to silk (kochen). They are free to wear any type of materials they as per their preferences, no such objection is there in wearing dresses of any materials. Apart from this Bhutia women are very fond of gold, they wear khow

(traditional necklace), dew (bangle), zhuku (ring), are the jewelers used by women during marriages and for important occasions.

Education

Bhutia has their own language and script. Bhutia language falls under Tibeto-

Burman language family. Though, Bhutia claim their origin as southward of Tibet, however, their language has more similarity with Dzongkha, a national language of

Bhutan. Bhutia use Tibetan script. Historically, third king of Sikkim, Chogyal Chador

Namgyal, made a law of sending second son of each Bhutia family for monastic education. Today, it is not the case; even though good numbers of present generation are taking Buddhist education and many of them have taken a path of monkhood. There are numbers of Sheda29 throughout state where young boys are given Buddhist education.

One of the prominent institutions in state for higher study in this field is Sikkim Institute of Higher Nyingma Studies.

In government schools, learning Bhutia language has made compulsory for Bhutia student. Presently, Bhutia language has started in the colleges and university curriculum.

During my research study, it is observed that the Bhutia speak and communicate with each other in their own language, but outside the house they generally speak Nepali language. Due to establishment of English medium schools throughout the state, the younger generation mostly does not know complete Bhutia scripts.

Medical System

Bhutia have their own indigenous medical system to deal with any health issues.

When people fall sick, most of the families first consult with monk. They visit monastery meet their Dharma Guru (Tulku or Rinpoche) in an expectation of getting heal or taking guidance from them. Earlier, Bhutia used to appease deities by sacrificing animals with the ritual performed by bongthing (shaman of Lepcha) during their early age. The reason for such sacrifice was because it was believed that illness was caused by evil spirit.

In the present times, they resort to both traditional and modern health care practices according to nature of the health issue and degree of the health problems.

29Sheda: means Buddhist monastic school. 55

Housing Patterns

The Bhutia families normally prefer to stay together in close proximity. They reside in a cluster of Bhutia families usually close to their relatives’ house, so that they can help each other during the time of need. They build two storied house rectangular in shape, the structure of the house will be same only the size and the design of the houses will be different which can be build according to their economic status. To construct a house on taller-stone foundations which is supported by poles made of the big trees trunks. The ground floors are usually kept for domestic animals and to store firewood.

The walls of the house will be covered with wood or bamboo splits plastered with mud and clay materials and the straw and the reed are used for roof. However, today we hardly get to see such houses as most of them prefer tall buildings, only in some parts of village we still find the traditional Bhutia houses. The housing pattern has changed drastically not only in Bhutia but others communities also prefer more concrete house from iron rod, stone chips and cements rather than traditional one.

Name of the House

To understand the social life and social activity of the Bhutia of Sikkim, one has to know the place where they reside and the name of the houses are described accordingly as per as the description of house, its locality and type of land pastures. In villages, each and every Bhutia house are known by its particular name, when visiting particular house it is common to see the one use the name of the house where he or she is visiting. The Bhutia houses are known by several names like Khyoba, khyomay, etc which could be based on any past history for example the name of my own house is

Demuk, my father informed me about its meaning he said Demuk is a combination of two words De and Muk, De means monster and Muk means to put to death, he further added the story he heard from his grandfather,

"This was a place where demons and witches used to meet and decide for their next prey, and there used to be a one powerful shaman, one night when he was passing from the area he saw the group of witches who were involved in a meeting, he quickly hid inside the bushes and started listening to their talk, he was so surprised to know that the witches were actually planning to kill him, as he was the powerful shaman and creating disturbances in their task. He, along with other shaman from neighboring village did a very powerful ritual to destroy the power of witches and put to end, so Demuk was the place where they eradicate all evil powers” and my father decided to keep the name of the house as Demuk because my grandmother believed that by keeping this name the house will not be in contact with evil power".

Likewise, the names are selected based on the history and location of its locality for example if someone says “I am going to Khyoba. ‘Khyoba’ is not a name or kinship term. It is the name of a house by which all people get to know where he/she is going.

Khyoba means; in middle of the village, as the house is at the middle of the village. Some of such terms used for the name of houses are-

Name Meaning

Gagyap Hill back

Chulung water way

Chu phaka Other side of water

Doza Main house of Dozatpa clan

Gearom Main house of Gearongpa clan

Chalum Pangden Orange orchard

Numchaksa Oil mill

Dzongka Castle

Khyomae Below village

Lambi In the middle of numbers of path.

Khyobha Hidden village

Khyomay Isolated village

Makhim Main house

Mandang Name of Chorten

Chortengangh The place of Chorten

Gangkha On the hill

Ongkow A small landlocked stretch of water

Kedongthang Banana Orchard

The above given names played a pivotal role for Bhutia identity. The houses they live, they have its particular name and the place they live it has its name too, similarly, other Bhutia village in any part of Sikkim, they too have names of their village which is based on their interesting past mythical stories. During my field work in Phodong village of North Sikkim, I was very much inquisitive to know about the reason for meaning behind the particular names given to their respective area. I have interviewed an one old man happen to be the one of the old monk of Phodong monastery and also the oldest

among everyone in that particular area, villagers used to address him as Ajolama. On asking about the meaning of the Phodong to the residents , they often reply "it's because of the monastery as the name of the monastery is Phodong". Yet, the 90 years old man dressed in yellow shirt has a different explanation, he stays with his wife and two of his helpers on top hill of the Phodong. Can you follow our language? Ask the old man in straight Nepali language with a slightly smile on his face, lai nga lhokay kha lab chu la

(yes, I can speak Lhokay) : I replied, that was my first impression as I heard from my field guide that he is a very private person and doesn't entertain any outsider or scholars or those come to ask any information, he is either busy with meditation, chanting and spinning prayer wheels in monastery or taking care of his cattles. We started our conversation step by step in our own language, when asking about the meaning of

Phodong I got the most satisfying answer. He started with the following story:

"the present land where the monastery is situated originally belonged to late

Wongyal Dorjee, it was during the reign of Chogyal Phuntsok Namgyal and the tenth

Karmapa, Choying Dorjee. The land owner was busy in construction of his residential house and he had engaged many workers for the construction. The busy workers noticed one bird came and sat on the main post, on noticing the bird the one of the worker asked to the older man the name of the bird, the old man replied "Phodong pho". After that incident the people started to call the name of place as Phodong. The owner of the land eventually after few years of settled life he faced many problems and his life became miserable. He then decided to donate his land along with the constructed house and handed over to the Karmapa in the year 1764 AD. The house was recognized as gonpa by

Karmapa Choying Dorjee and the monastery was named as " Phogen Karma Thupden

Tashi Choling".30

Land

Bhutia are mostly concentrated in the West district of Sikkim, as the history of

Sikkim started from West. As most of the Bhutia population is in the West, the research study started from Nuph Denzong (west Sikkim) by covering two villages. Apart from west Sikkim my field area also concentrated on some regions of east, north and south.

The villages chosen for my fieldwork are Sumin, Sang, Simick Lingzey, Phodong,

Chumbong, Singyang, Tashiding, Ralang, Namchi where majority of Bhutia population are settled, which was rather a good experience and opportunity for a researcher to know about own culture in depth, as my research was based on my own culture. Inspite of knowing most of the things about my own community and being belonging to the same community, I have realized personally in my field that was not enough for me to understand about my own community and to convince the villagers to open up with me.

In some areas, people were happy to see a young girl keen to taking up own community for higher studies, they were more open and provided enough data, helping me to meet more expert person having a proper knowledge of culture and tradition. While in some areas, it was difficult for me to convince them, especially the elderly people who are more worried to open up and hesitate to speck with young generations, as they have fear of being wrongly interpreted some even thought that it is not healthy to share their

30 I am referring a story narrated by Ajolama. 60

personal knowledge to some random person. There was also pressure from the community to write only good information about the community, Still somehow, the study has been carried out, with the help of conecerned member, who played a major role in conviencing some elderly person.

CHAPTER - III

CONTEXTUALIZING BHUTIA COMMUNITY IN A CONTEMPORARY

SIKKIM SOCIETY

Family

Family provides love, support to each of its members, it is an element of social structure and form the first in which the life of an individual is included. (Shah, 1973:3), further, states that the word “family” is understood in different ways: “1. The household.

2. The body of persons who live in one house or under one head, including parents, children, etc. 3. The group consisting of parents and their children, whether living together or not; in a wider sense, all those nearly connected by blood or affinity. 4. Those descended or claiming descent from a common ancestor; a house, kindred, lineage…”

Thus the family is characterized as social unit which is usually related as common residents. It is a simplest group in a society consisting of father, mother and their offspring's, it is in face an important group which has tremendous influence on individual which lasts from birth to death. The nature and the structure of the family vary from one society to other, according to Roy (2003), the origin of the family have been trace out by many scholars like L.H Morgan, J.G. Frazer and R. Briffault through Darwin and

Spencer's evolutionary doctrines and tried to project family through unilinear evolution.

Among them Moragn's evolutionary scheme is considered as correct though, not universal.

The family among the Bhutia community can be considered as of having a common descent related by affinal or by consanguineal. Generally, the girls after marriage joins the family of her husband, while in some case depending on the situation of a girl’s family, the husband of a girl choose to stay with wife’s family as phuchab31.The elder male member will be the head of the family, all the important decision will be taken by him, in case of his death, the wife becomes the head of the family and takes all the important decisions if the elder son is not mature enough to take responsibility.

Traditionally, Bhutia people live in a joint family. The system of joint family is still seen in the some parts of rural areas of Sikkim. With the rapid increase in the job opportunities, education, health, etc. the essence of joint family among Bhutia is weakening. Even though, they live separately from their family, during festivals or any important occasions, every one gathers at their Makhim32 together. It is generally seen as,

Bhutia society is neither fully egalitarian nor fully patriarchal or matriarchal. It is in the middle where decisions are taken by both the genders. However, in some cases decisions are taken by the one who is expert in dealing with the situation. If there is any important decision to be taken, it is done with the consent of all the grown up member of a family, for instance for organizing some ceremonies, or other social factors, etc. Whatever decision made by the elder or any task given by elder are always obeyed and followed by the younger members.

Basically, the different cultural practices are altering in many communities, while it is interesting to note that the entity of food serving practices is seen as one of the

31Phuchab: title which a guy gets after getting married, if he chooses to stay with his wife's family. 32Makhim: main house of the family 63

unique tradition among the Bhutia where the food is served according to the age stratification. Nonetheless, in absence of the head of the family their share of food should be kept in their plate before serving to the other family members. It has been noticed that the system has been practice in every Bhutia household and the specifically the women folk are bound to follow the same. In such case, I have observed the following during my fieldwork,:

One afternoon, I was passing by Captain's Youngda cafe which is very famous for delicious donuts, as I entered inside the cafe and ordered for my regular black tea and donuts. Sorry, we don't have donuts today! the girl politely replied. With a little disappointment, I came back to my home stay and told my land lady and daughter in law of the house, to prepare donuts in her kitchen, she agreed. When she finished making, she quickly served it to me and her little three years old son, I didn’t even realize that she forgot to offer it in their alter room and neither she realizes to separate it for her father in law. Same evening, when her father in law and her mother in law returned from manilhaka,33 I asked Ajyola for such practices, he replied; for the sake of discipline and he smiles at me. He told me that it is very important to serve food to the elder member as it is the discipline which one has to teach their younger one not only that it is also for the sake of religious purposes, that it is very important to remember our god before meal, as

God is on top priority and eating food without praying means you are not a religious person. After this statement his daughter in law throwing sign with her eyes for not telling me the incidents of donuts.

33Manilhaka: is a place where lay person can come to pray during auspicious days of the month. 64

Similarly, the another important practice which is often considered as important among the Bhutia is the tradition of Tshokchi 34(traditional wooden table). Food for elder male member is served on Tshokchi which is the sign of honor; the system of the

Tshokchi is acquired only by the male member after the demise of the father. Prior to this, the children are not allowed to eat in Tshokchi. However, eating in Tshokchi before the demise of the father is considered as a sign of dishonoring and it is also believed that such action might diminish the life span of the father. On the contrary, women cannot enjoy the same practice as man, since the practice of patriarchy is dominant among the

Bhutia community. Women are often assigned to protect the ongoing tradition and interestingly it has been observed that woman folk gets Tshokchi during their wedding and time of death.

Kinship terminology

Different societies classify social relation differently, it has form an important part of human beings in every part of the country or a society. Many anthropologists study kinship to understand the basic facts of human life which includes socialization, parenthood, family way etc. The study of Kinship deals with the legal terminology and concepts: rights, claims, obligation, contract, agnation, corporate etc. The reason for studying kinship is to comprehend thoroughly about inheritance, succession and marriage and transfer of property and social position, however, on death the transfer of property goes usually to a kinsman (Fox, 1967).

34Tshokchi: it is a tradition wooden table, which is only meant for male head of the family. I t is the sign of honor. 65

In short, kinship terminology refers to words that describe the familial relationships which is important to understand small-scale societies and non-Western societies. Kinship is one of the basic institution found in every society which establishes relationships between individuals and groups. In societies people are connected together by different kinds of bonds for instance by affinal or consanguineal, fictive kin-like relationship which is neither based upon marriage or blood relationships.

The Bhutia kinship terminology is mainly based on the affinal or consanguineal, the emphasis is on the family pattern where most of the families are nuclear and vertically extended and some carry the remnants of the joint family as well. Today, the tendency towards the nuclear family is mostly observed from different parts of Sikkim which has result in the decline of the joint and the extended family system. There is distinction between the usage of the term between the matrilineal and patrilineal sides.

This indicates the practice of unilateral descent traditionally, which is practice among

Bhutia. For instance, the word used for aunt and uncle are different, from patrilineal side the term used for uncle is called as aku and aunt is called as ani and from matrilineal side uncle is called as azang and aunt is called as amchung.

The descriptive and classificatory kinship terms are used to describe the relationship among them, example of classificatory is when a kinship term like agya is for elder brother and wife's elder brother. Example for descriptive is when a kinship term like Phogya which is used only for husband, such term represents only one type relationship between two people.

The Bhutia is further divided into the different clans or a families known as gye

35or gyepo according to which the different Bhutia families are classified. The marriage between the same clan is strictly prohibited and if the modes of acquiring mates were by service in earlier days than negotiation has become a common practice now a days. In a

Bhutia community everyone is referred by some kinship term within the society, whereas the uses of kinship term outside community is also prevalent. They extend the kinship term which are applicable to their neighbors, who is not necessary a member from the same community. Therefore, everyone get placed in some kind of kinship term. In order, to meet the required purpose in a society, the below given kinship terminology deals with an analysis of different terms used by Bhutia community for their convenience:

English translation- Bhutia terms:

Mother Aam

Father Aba

Father of both parents Ajyu

Mothers of both parents Anna and Angyu

Younger Brother Phami (by female) Pinlo (by male)

Younger brother’s wife Nam

Elder brother Agya or Achu

Elder brother’s wife Machi

Son Phu

35Gye or gyepo: division of clan. 67

Son in law Mako

Daughter Phum

Daughter in law Nam

Elder Sister Ai

Younger Sister Num (female to female) Phusim (for male)

Elder Brother Agya Gyambo

Younger Brother Bai Chungbo

Fathers younger Brother Akku

Fathers younger Brothers wife Amchung

Fathers elder Brother Abba bompu

Fathers elder Brothers wife Ammbompu

Mothers Brother Azyang

Mothers Brothers wife Angi

Mother’s elder sister Ambompu

Mother’s elder sisters husband Abbabompu

Mother’s younger sister Amchung

Mother’s younger sisters husband Akku

Sister in law Machi

Brother in law Cho

Father’s elder sister Angi

Father’s younger sister Angi

Cousin elder sister Ai

Cousin elder Brother Agya

Wife Mobi

Husband Phogya

Similar kinship terms used for different kin members

Ajyu Father of both parents.

Anna/Angyu Mothers of both parents.

Nam Younger brother’s wife and Daughter in law.

Amchung Mother’s younger sister and Fathers younger Brothers wife.

Abba bompu Fathers elder Brother and Mother’s elder sister’s husband.

Ammbompu Fathers elder Brothers wife and Mother’s elder sister.

Ai Cousin elder sister and elder sister.

Agya Cousin elder brother and elder brother.

Num Younger sister and younger cousin sister (term used by female

to female).

Phusim Younger sister and younger cousin sister (term used by male to

female).

Phami Younger Brother and younger cousin brother (by female).

Pinlo Younger Brother and younger cousin brother(by male).

Acho Brother in law and Mother’s younger sister’s husband.

Angi Father’s younger sister, Father’s elder sister and mother’s

brother’s wife.

The marriage among the Bhutia community is strictly a clan exogamy and kinship is still consider important. The parallel cousin marriage is strictly prohibited, though the practice of cross cousin marriage was prevalent during earlier days, but the present generation do not encourage the age old system of cross cousin marriage and it has completely disappeared. The Joking relationship among the Bhutia community still exists which is custom permitted, this type of relationship exist between the husband and his wife younger sister. The Avoidance relationship also exists in Bhutia community, such relationship exist between father-in-law and daughter-in-law, elder brother-in-law and younger sister-in-law. Nicholas (1963), states that the ecological influence affects the flow of social system which resist on surrounding environment or natural system. As the

Bhutia from Sumin practiced the system of marriage within their locality, their social system is relatively simple it has now created a new social formation within the village, where everyone is tied in a social relationship and marriage from the same surrounding does not seem permitable for the present generation.

In every society the existence of certain characteristics of interpersonal relationship among the kin is a common phenomenon, which vary with the degree of strength depending on length of affinal and consanguineal bond.

Clan system

There are number of clan system across the world, having specific rules, customs, traditions, etc. among the clans which may differ from one clan to another clan. The member belonging from one clan are considered as brother and sister, so the marriage is strictly prohibited. The Bhutia clan in Sikkim is comprises of a number of group of

people, household, families, kinship (actual or perceived) whose ancestors are migrated from the land of Tibet. Therefore, some of the rules, customs, tradition are observed different from one clan to another clan.

According, to Namgyal & Doma (1908), unpublished manuscript translated english version, it states that the Bhutia are said to have descended from the great ancestor Kye-Bum-Sa, who was the chieftain of Bhutia community. Kye-Bum-Sa had three sons namely Kyahurab (Swindler), Miponrab (leader of men) and Langborab

(Plough Men) which have descended and multiplied into different clans. Descendent of

Kyaburab came to known as Yul-Ten-pa36because this clan have always shifted from one place to another. The descendent of Lang-bo-rab are the Linzer-pa. Miponrab was the most intellectual son of Kye-Bum-Sa. He married a Sakya lady and had four sons; the eldest son was named as Zhan-Po-Tar because the baby was born at his maternal uncle’s house. Second son was named as Tshes_Behu_Tar as he was born on the 10th day of the

10 month. Third son was named as Nyi_Ma Gyaspa as he was born on Sunday. And the last one was named as Guru Tashi as he was born on the day when an idol of Guru

Rinpoche, was inaugurating for Tashi Rabnae37. Such used words are the indication that the community specifically concentrate on the words which has a traditional and religious values.

Therefore the different clans in Sikkim are distinguished and grouped under following categories:

Tong-du-ruzhisj are:

36Yul-Ten-pa: is one of the Bhutia clan of Sikkim, Yul means place and Ten means to come out. Therefore, the possibility for getting this name is due to their practice of shifting of their place from one area to another area. 37Tashi Rabnae: is the one of the main rituals of Bhutia community, conducted for good fortune of house, family , business, etc. 71

i. Shandarpa

ii. Tse-chu-dar

iii. Guru Tashi

iv. Nyimagyalpo

Beb-Tsan-Gyat (eight Clans) these are:

i. Phenpas ,

ii. Gensarpa

iii. Nagchankarpo

iv. Thakchungtharpo

v. Karchokpo

vi. Khyongdaepo

vii. Chengyalpo viii. Dokhangpas

Then there is Lingzerpa, the decedents of these who gradually got separated are

added in this category, however the

Further Phenpas are sub-divided into five classes. These are as follows-

i) Nakdingpo

ii) Lhasungpa

iii) Yaechak

iv) Napen

v) Phenchung.

Classes consider as lower than above as they were the one who came later

i. Phuchophopo

ii. Ladingpa

iii. Gaerongpa

iv. Khenpo

v. Thaepo

vi. Sharpo

vii. Hokpo viii. Barfungpo

Later they were also taken as higher class.

Classes of Chumbi origin-

i. Chumbipo

ii. Gaengerphuchopo

iii. Lamtharpo

iv. Adenphuchopo

v. Gaengerpo

vi. Athup-phucho-phopo

vii. Dogtrolpo viii. Khimpharpo

ix. Lachenpa and Lachungpa are believed to be a descendant of Lopen Lendup from

Haa.

x. The other classes formed on the basis of their place of residence-

xi. Assampo

xii. Mabalpo xiii. Pathingpo

xiv. Phingringpo

xv. Namapo

xvi. Kagyalpo xvii. Shyakchangpo xviii. Dhapthapo

xix. Doruppo

xx. Gagyappo

xxi. Dothapo xxii. Lhahokko xxiii. Machangpo xxiv. Khimsarpo

Like any other anthropologist, my primary interest was to know everything in

detail which sometime put me in a situation of both encouragement and distraction at the

same time. However looking back upon my fieldwork experience, I cannot stop thinking

of Ajyoyap Chopel Lama and Mr. Sonam wangchuk Bhutia, monks from Pemayangtse

Monastery Pelling, they contributed largely on my understanding of clan system and their

history. The two personalities left an unerasable impression upon me, ever since I set my

fieldwork in West Sikkim, I knew that they were perfect grasp for my study on clan

history. With the limited archive on clan story it was difficult for me to frame the origin

of different Bhutia clans in Sikkim, somehow, I could grasp some information through

the story narrated by the two pioneers and different clan experts. Therefore, given below

are some of the folk lore origin of clans of Sikkim from Sumin village based on the

understanding of story:

Dozatpa

There are different stories in different places regarding the origin of Dozatpa clan.

"We are the children of stone" said the elderly man of the clan itself, Mr. Gyatso Bhutia or Ajo Gyatso. He further added that; being a Bhutia you should be able to understand from the word itself. In Bhutia language Do means stone and Za means breast. The story starts with the first ancestor of Dozatpa who was given birth by an old woman, being born from an old woman, the baby was not accepted by anyone and considered as bad omen for the people. Later, the baby was abandon and left alone inside the cave to die, however due to some good fortune of the baby he grew up healthy by consuming a milk from a rocky structure.

AjoLama, is the present Phow, and the other elderly person from the clan has different interpretation of the story on their clan. He said; Long year ago, there was a war going on in a village, in which whole village was destroyed and people were killed.

Everybody died except the only woman who managed to keep her alive, she worked as a maid in one of the house of Dozatpa clan. She begged an intruder to spare her and baby's life, who was the only alive son of her master. Being an unmarried and alone during an unpleasant situation of war she could not take the responsibility of the baby. Later, she unwillingly forced herself to leave the baby and kept him inside the cave, where the baby grew up by consuming the milk of a rocky object. With the days passed by the baby grew up and was able to come out from the cave. When he came to nearby village people asked him about his parents and home, the boy pointed towards a cliff and said he was originated from the stone. When people rushed towards the pointed cliff as directed by a

boy, they were astonished to see the milk dripping from the stone which was in the shape of human breast. With this event the people from the village named him Dozatpo.

Dozatpa is further divided in to five sub clan, during my fieldwork in Sumin I came across the different Dozatpa sub clans, having their own story of their origin. The story starts with;

1. An old Dozatpa man lived with his four sons, he assigned them to go on a long journey to prove their bravery. He asked his eldest son to go for a long journey along with few companion. On his way, the eldest son made his path through a jungle by slashing plants and bushes with his sword which comes in his way. One of his companion had a problem in his stomach, he kept his baggage a side and went for a nature call. The eldest son did not notice him going and he continued his journey by cutting trees and the bushes that is blocking his way. When his companion return from nature call, he was surprised to see the banana trees that had already grew up. At a point he thought he might have lost his way and started looking for his baggage, when he reached the place he saw an old man passing by, the old man asked " where did you come from? He answered " I reached till back of the hill and cannot find my master and banana trees are of this height. The old man after hearing his story named him as Gyagyap Dozatpa (‘Gagyap’ means ‘hill back’).

2. The other half of the story continues with the eldest son: on his journey he saw a foot print of tiger which made him frightened and failed to complete his journey and returned back his home. When the father ask him about his reason for returning back, the son

replied ; I saw a foot print of tiger (ta ki kajae) and returned back to save my life. The son was later named as Takshim Dozatpa (‘Tak’ means ‘tiger’).

3. The old man sent his second son with same task. Eventually the second son too came back without completing his journey, when he was questioned for his return, he replied; on my way there was a ocean which I was not able to cross and I came back home with failure. Later he was named Gyamchoeshim Dozatpa (‘Gyamcho’ means ‘ocean’).

4. Same task was given to a third son. He started his journey more similar to his elder brother through jungle by cutting plants and bushes. In the middle of his path he came across a Paksing nachay 38which he was unable to complete his journey as the trees caused him skin infection, and he was forced to returned back. Thus he was named as

Ugae sing.

5. When the last and younger son started his journey, instead of going further he end up going to neighbor’s house where offering ritual was going on, he engaged himself in the rituals and could not continue his journey on the same day. When he returned back he told his father father that he was at neighbour's house and explained him about the offering rituals for deities. Therefore, the old man named him as Lhachung Dozatpa

(‘Lha’ means ‘deities’).

Dozatpas in the village of middle Sumin are Takshing Dozatpa. The ritual of Pho lha (ancestral god)among Dozatpa clan is perform by the eldest man of a clan, as reported Mr. Thengay Bhutia, he stated that it is not compulsory for the ritual performer

38Paksing Nachay: forest covered with bamboos. 77

to be a member of the same clan. If a ritual performer is unable to perform the ritual due to some health issues or some other circumstances. In such case, the Pho lha ritual performer is highly depend on man’s fate or luck. It is not something that can be share or learn from other.He further added, in ancient times, human meat from the right part of the body was used for the offering to please thier Pho lha (male ancestral god). Later, practice of using human meat was replaced with the meat of yak and ox.

Shyarchokpo

Shyar in Bhutia language means ‘east’. Shyarchokpas are people known as the people from east. In middle Sumin village, there are three houses of Shyarchokpa clan.

They claim their ancestral origin to Bhutan from where their forefather along with his three brothers entered into Sikkim and settled at Pendam east Sikkim. The man, married a

Phaepo woman from Sumin village who happened to be the only child, thus, he started living in his wife’s house as a Phuchap39. Shyarchokpas perform Pho lha ritual at their makhim. Shyarchokpaspho lha ritual is performed by chopo40from village monastery without any sacrifices of animals. As informed by one of a Shyarchokpa elderly man, in earlier times Shyarchokpas Pho lha was done by sacrificing animals. It is now, completely stopped by one of the forefather, a religious man, he along with his clan members decided to give up the ancient way of Pho lha rituals more particularly by killing of animals.

39Phuchap: term is used for son-in-law who stays at in-laws house. The system was very common during earlier days, it was mandatory for the son-in-law to stay at wife's house to three years, to impress his in- laws and show his ability to take care of his wife and children. 40Chopo: Buddhist monk 78

Basipa clan in the village is originally from Ranka, a village in east Sikkim which is 23.9 km far from capital town of Gangtok. They settled in the village around in the year 1986 and now are permanent dwellers of middle Sumin village. There is only one

Basipa house, for ancestor prayers they visit their original village that is Ranka where they perform the ritual once in three years, for which they used to offer Yak shya.41As yak is not available in their present settled area they buy it from other places of Sikkim were yak is easily available. There pho lha appeasing ritual is done through minaka(clan member)not by chopo. A ritual performer for Basipa clan can be either from a clan or outside a clan but the performer should have knowledge about the ritual.

GEARONGPA

There are two houses of Gearongpa clan in Sumin village. One is where almost all member of Gearong clan lives and another one is a house of third son has constructed his house later. They are the fifth generation of Gearong clan living in middle Sumin and claim their earlier settlement area at Dikling in east Sikkim. Presently, among Gearongpa clan Pho lha is done by third son of the house. Earlier, the ritual used to be performed byDozatpa clan, after his demise the responsibility was taken by third son. Later Ajyu

(grandfather) of Gearonghouseshared the story of their forefather named Gholay;

Golay was a great monk, one day he went to attend a marriage ceremony of menjuma chen to conduct a tashi ritual. During those times, when the son gets married the and daughter- in -law and comes in, either the grandmother or mother of a groom was

41Yakshya: meat of yak. 79

supposed to be killed in order to serve their meat on a wedding feast. According to their custom one side of arm placed along with knife should be offered to head monk who is conducting the marriage ceremony. When Ajyu Gholay was preparing for marriage ceremony, the mother of menjuma came to warn him saying;Since, now my daughter in law is coming and thus they will kill me for the wedding feast and in this course, if my meat will be insufficient to feed the guests, in such case the head monk has to sacrifice their life. After this, she was taken away, similarly the right hand along with the knife was offered to him. After a while, he was informed that the meat was not sufficient, out of fear he flew away from yokha (balcony like structure made with bamboo) to a branch of a tree as it was an ideal place for him to hide from the eyes of menjuma who were unable to see the sky because of their chin attached to their neck. But unfortunately they saw a shadow of him and started cutting a tree. The moment, Ajyu Gholay saw a vulture, he rode and flew away from there by the way through river. Therefore, the Gearongpas believed that they are the children of Ajyu Gholay who flew away on a back of Gae (vulture) through a

Rong (river bank) which is today known as Gearongpa- Gerong Ajo (Fieldwork 2017).

KHANGSHARPA

Khangsharpa is a clan belongs to noble man of the time of Namgyal Dynasty.

Even today, they are known as Kazi or Yab42. The exact date of their settlement in Sumin village is not clear till now however, Mr. Adhey Bhutia, claims that the Khansharpa came to the village because of the invitation given by people of Sumin, to save the

Village during the time of war between two kingdoms of Sikkim and Bhutan. They are

42Yab: the term is used for the high official to honor them. 80

the important people to whom we cannot ignore in the history of Sikkim as well as the history of Sumin village.

Among Khangsharpa,pho lha is performed in a Buddhist way, the ritual is performed by chopa. The ritual takes two days to complete. First day is the preparation of torjae43in which tormas are made for decoration of altar. On second day, is the final day for ritual, in which they place 12 pieces of meat particularly of bull, along with 12 tormas, they place their ancestral sword, shields and hat in front of their household deities. The second step for the ritual is followed by ritual of dance by the village elders dance holding the sword and shields. It is the only time when people outside the clan can touch these belonging of Khangsharpa. Apart from that, they believe that touching of these items can harm people. As information given by Ms. Diki Choden Bhutia, daughter in law of the Khangsharpa family, she informed that, the other clans are not allowed to touch the belongings of Khangsharpa. When she newly married in the house, while cleaning the altar she mistakenly touch the sword and shield that caused her to face extreme back pain.

Monastery

The turning point in a history of Sikkim which deals with the establishment of monarchy, and the establishment of Buddhist religion on the other hand. Buddhism in

Sikkim travelled from Tibet with the migratation of Tibetans in Sikkim, which then after

43torjae: starting day of any ritual. 81

emberged as a Buddhist kingdom in 1642 AD, run by the Tibetan lamas who are responsible for the formation the Nyamgyal dynasty in Sikkim.

There are two prominent sects Nyingmapa and kagyupa of Mahayana Buddhism flourished in Sikkim and exists till date. Monastery or a Gampa or Gonpa plays an important role in the day to day activity oa community, it will be fair enough, if one can consider the monastery as a social institution. It is the place for worship, an ultimate dependance of an individual. Each and every village has their own monastery. Similarly, in every part of Sikkim, there are some clan monasteries which are recognised with the name of clan, in such monastery only the clan ritual will take place. For instance, there is

Lassungpa monastery in South Sikkim, as my mother and my aunt was invited to attend their clan puja which was going to be held at the monastery. Like wise, the monasteries in

Sikkim are considered as important, it is the only place where evryone comes under one roof irrespective of any social distinction. It is the only institution where the rules and the regulations are strictly followed by every individual.

Few generalization can be made on the importance of the monasteries in Sikkim, which I have observed during my fieldwork. Rites and the rituals are rooted in each and every social activity of Bhutia of Sikkim which are protected by the monastery. From birth to till death the monastery are entrusted with the responsibility to carry out the ritual practices and to protect the land. Apart from all Buddhist rituals, the community has a unique tradition Neysol44 practiced by all the monasteries in Sikkim. The purpose of following the above rituals is to protect the land covering all the elements like mountain,

44Neysol: worship of territoral deities. 82

river, lakes, forest,snow etc. On this perticular day the Aye-lha-zybda45are envoked and worshiped by monks as well as shamans. Therefore, in a monastery all the important rituals of a community is conducted, the religious duty and the household responsibility goes hand and hand, with the advancement of social life the community is never lagging behind in the religious duty, they always pay visit to their respective monasteries during important ceremonies and the dates mentioned in Bhutia calender dathow46.

Apart from the monastery, the another important religious institution is the

Manilakhang, which is destined not only for the women but their participation is seen highest in number. Howerever, few male participation has been observed presently who started coming for regular prayers along with the women, my landlord Mandal Ajo and few male member from Pelling, Singyang and Chombung village started going to

Manilhakang after their retirement, which is the another indication of their dedication towards their religion.

The villagers reported the difference between the Manilakhang and proper monastery were not much aware with the difference. I found it confortable to have a conversation with Dorjee Lopen 47Kunga Champo and Khangsow48 Lopen Gyaltsen

Champo of Simick monastery about the difference and the importance of both the religious institutions. They mentioned that Monastery is the main temple where all the rituals and the individual prayers take place whereas the manilhakang is only a prayer

45Aye-lha-zybda: local deities. 46dathow: da means month and thow means list. All important dates(good and bad day) are mention in this calendar for the after consulting with the Bhddhist astrologer. 47Dorjee Lopen: he is the head lama and the conductor of the different ceremonies in Gonpa. 48Khangsow: it is the ritual which take place every month to please the deities of a particular monastery by offering millet alcohol, rice and khad. 83

hall used by any lay person espically the village ladies who used to come for prayers in all the important religious dates.

The monastery in every part of Sikkim has it own rules and regulation which is followed by its local people. Pemayangtse is the one of the oldest monastery of Sikkim which still follow the old rules and the regulation. While having little information on the clan hierarchy system of the monastery, I was told to meet Dorjee Lopen of Sanga

Choling monastery, who happend to be a younger brother of my land lord Mandal Ajo. It was necessary for me to know the current situation of the monastery, I was not being able to talk to anyone on this matter, it is very suprising to know that the villagers are not comfortable talking regarding the system of monastery. My meeting with Dorjee Lopen ended with a traditional luch at his resident, where we end of discussing on the monastic education and the traditional Bhutia food. He politely refused and requested me not to add this topic in my thesis, I could sense his worry for getting division among the community. However, he could justified the age old traditions of monastery which is meant only for the few clans to keep the monastery pure, and it is belived that the only clans which falls under Beb-Tsan-Gyat and Tong-du-ruzhisj can go for the deechuk49as per the solemn pledge with the deities. Myself, being a girl from a Lingzerpa clan contributed my popularity in the village, I was named as Lingzeb phumto my pleasant surprise, I was called by the Laptha Lopen a very resoureful person for scholars. My meeting with him turn out to be a very fruitful for my study, within three hours of conversation, I could grasp the points which he wanted me to add in my thesis.

49deechuk: a proper reigious ritual where a monk or any village boys get intotheir own monastery's social group 84

The Pemayangtse monastery was once meant for the clans which falls under the

Beb-Tsan-Gyat and Tong-du-ruzhisj, today other community clans are also allowed to take monastic education from the monastery. Many changes took place with the passage of time, the tradition of sending one of the son from each household for monastic education is not seen mandatory today. I could observed from my field area , especially in West Sikkim where the tradition was more common because being a location for the old monasteries of Sikkim. Pelling, being a tourist destination the economic condition of the villagers have steadily increased, they started sending their children to get a education from private schools. Today, it is hard to find a monk from each household unlike past generation when it was mandatory for a second son to go for monastic education for religious purpose. Though, the formal schooling education is more preferred by the parents, still some parents send their children for monastic education as the monastery too started teaching other general subject along with Buddhist teaching. In some cases, the monastic education is chosen for disclipline while in some case the kids themselves are interested to take up monastic education.

Change in Bhutia Culture due to other Religious influence (Hinduism, Christianity)

For over a decades, Bhutia are known by their original religion Buddhism, which is the one of the most dominant religion in Sikkim. Bhutia community always prefer identifying themselves as Buddhist which is their own distinct culture and religion.

Among the Bhutia, however, there is no criteria for influence of other religion as they have always been on the receiving end, they are happy to follow their original religion which has been taught by their ancestors. Being a dominant religion for a Bhutia,

Lepcha, Tamang etc. They have always owed Buddhism which taught them to be more

disciplined in their daily life. Despite, being a dominant religion in Sikkim, the some external forces have made a unimaginable impact upon the community which results in the adaptation of other religion like Hinduism, Christianity etc. which fit in their personal life. Such factors includes intermarriages between communities, education, sickness, etc.

They have not just transformed into other religion, while in recent times, some of them are trying to amalgamate both the religion to go hand and hand. They are not willing to let go with their original religion nor they want to leave the converted religion as they have converted due to their personal problems. Since then, such families are found to be practicing both their 'traditional' as well as converted religion where the priest from both the religion are invited to perform side by side which are characterized by syncreticism.

In spite, of the general view on the converted Bhutia, the elderly villagers in my field areas repeatedly talked to me about the converted Bhutia for adapting other religions. I could sense their anger towards the converted ones, which even made me more inquisitive to know their reason for their converting to other religion. On this contrary, I met few people toknow their reason for conversion. I spoke to one of the middle age man who was converted to Christianity for past twenty eight years, In his words, he elaborates, "I married a girl from Hindu community and we are not accepted by my family and her family. We are left with no option rather than following Christianity".

Similarly, I met a young girl who was converted to Christian, she told me that her family is Buddhists, only, she was compelled to change her religion due to her illness, she jokingly told me that she does not have to be a part of her pervious religion, which she find it very hectic as compare to her new religion, and also she gets to go to Gangtok city every Sunday to attend church as there is no church in her village. Similarly a woman in

her mid 60's told me that she fell in love with a Hindu man and she changed her religion, with the passage of time, she started following her original religion and she told me that she has two alter rooms in her house and her son is more interested to learn Buddhist traditions and taking classes to learn Bhutia language.

Though, people have converted or some have unwillingly converted due to their own problems, but there is an unspoken tension felt by the community members, as they have realized that such trend might erode the actual religious identity. Nevertheless, the

Buddhism is still a dominant religion for the majority of people, especially for Bhutia.

Change in a Lifestyle of Bhutia

During my fieldwork in Pelling, Mr.Pem Rinzing Lopenla invited me for a lunch and asked me why I was collecting information on the Bhutia, why not on other communities? I answered him pointing on his three years old granddaughter, that "my intention is to present an account of traditional social life, culture and rituals of my own community which would be beneficial for the coming generations".With the rapid changes in the condition of the social life of Bhutia that if the information is not collected in due time, it would be lost forever. Along with him, other the villagers were also curious about my study. why I was working on this topic, what exactly I was trying to portray and why I have come to Pelling for my study? I told them that I was collecting information on the social life of Bhutia community which will be my small contribution towards my own community. Nonetheless, the villagers were quit flattered with my reply and told me that my work was similar with that of foreign scholars, who have visited

their village for their study on different topics. Apart from this, The villagers were also curious about my marital status, I was questioned many time for getting married and with my answer they found quite vague. Few elderly villagers even suggested me to marry in the same place and continue my research for lifelong and even suggested a possible match for me.

I somehow managed to attend all the weddings in the village without bothering to be invited. I could not afford to miss such important occasion like weddings, funerals, housewarming, birth rites in the village among the villagers, because it was the only way to trace their present social life and compare it with olden days. Myself, being a girl from the same community and being fluent in Bhutia language, I was always welcomed and treated well. During such important occasions I noticed the many changes which I find it different from the information given by Mr. Pema Rinzing Bhutia, on proper traditional culture. At weddings, the songs and the dances, mostly of Bollywood and Hollywood were preferred. The traditional songs are hardly seen as some of the elders take part in the tradition of singing and dancing at wedding which is also limited for some time for a sake of proper tradition, the participation of youths are hardly seen.

The another condition which is changing rapidly is the housing patterns, the traditional houses have converted to huge buildings. Now-a-days due to the spread of ecotourism the community encouraged themselves to started constructing the traditional house to convert into a home stay, in which a visitor can stay in their house and eat whatever is cooked in the house which facilitate a family environment. Such steps has made it easier for the community to showcase their tradition and culture which is easily recognized from other ethnic community of Sikkim. The crafts work which is visible in a

particular home stay could also be seen as the promotion of culture and to differentiate it with other communities.

Are Monasteries the preserver of Bhutia culture and tradition?

Monasteries are regarded as the important institution from the religious perspective. It is the only place where social hierarchy of a person does not count.

Monasteries in Sikkim have played a central role in the Buddhist religion for a long time,

Monks from a particular monastery are assigned to provide their service when needed by the people from their village or town. Monks are treated with respect as compared to any lay person from a community. However, the image of a monastery is seen as the only institution to follow the Buddhist ritual and for a long time the monks are considered as the medium of religion whose presence plays a pivotal role in the religious contexts.

The Bhutia community are seen relying on the monastery and monks for every ritual which take place in the household. It is often seen the large number of Bhutia participation in the monastery, which one can indicate the community concerned for their culture and tradition. The curiosity of a community towards a monastery is either a sign of respect towards their tradition and culture.

Monastery is the only figure where the traditional rules and regulations did not change, it has still manage to carry out its religious task coping with the changing society.

Appointment of Dorjee Lopen, Omzee50, Chutimpa51is still practiced and the appointed

50Omzee: he is the conductor of the ceremonies in the monastery. 51Chutimpa: is looks after the discipline within the monastery. 89

ones are obliged to perform their task in order to run the monastery's rules and regulation. However, the main purpose of the monastery is to carryout ritual task uniformly, but it is also seen as the only place which is made potentially powerful by the community where different people irrespective of any caste are free to perform their rituals uniformly. Thus it is clear that the position of monastery is often seen as a preserver of Bhutia culture and traditional identity.

CHAPTER -IV

RITES OF PASSAGE

Birth Rites

The Bhutia term for Birth Rites is Pyakay52or Ongay badah53, this ritual is held at home in honor of a new born. When a baby is born in a family, the ritual will take place in the home, some refer to it as a purification of house as well as delivery women and a new born baby. Three days after the birth of child, women from each household or a man in the absence of a woman from localities and the close relatives from a neighboring villages will visit the house. The visitors bring chicken for the mother, as taking chicken soup at the time of delivery is very necessary for fast recovery. The tradition of giving money which is put inside the envelope and is inscribed in the family register, the visitor bring khada and gifts like, one changkhub54rice, alcohol, butter and new cloths and blankets for child. The guests are usually served gyaree55at the time of pyakay.

The relatives used to gather for ritual, neighbors and close friends also visits to congratulate the family. After marriage when a woman gives birth to a male child,the maternal uncle has to visit the house of new born baby with a pig or ox for offering a ritual called shanglha56and conduct pholha for the bright future of baby and the mother of the baby will get peezow57after giving birth of her first child. Monks also plays an important role in phyakay, they are invited by the member of the house and to perform

52Pyakay: to bring chicken 53Ongay badah: offering khada to a new born baby. 54Changkhub: traditional bag, used during important occasion for packing of rice. 55gyaree: a piece of meat served during important occasion. At the time of wedding, lossong festival etc. 56Shanglha: rituals performed by maternal uncle when a first child is born. 57Peezow:it is the gifts which includes both tangible and non tangible items received by woman after the birth of first child. 91

buddhistic ritual called changshay kabsay58and chant dribsang to purify both the baby and mother with holy water and incenses. Only after their visit, the house is considered as pure and simultaneously the other people will visit the house. Same day the baby will be named either by the parents or by learned monks or by Rinpoches. During olden days it was mandatory only for the women folks to visit the house, male participation are seen less in number. The ceremony will last for one day, on particular day of pyakay, no one is allowed to sit in front of the main door, the popular believe is that the deities will visit the house to bless a new born baby with good future. Therefore, sitting in front of main door is not allowed as they believe that deities will not be able to pass through.

Before delivery there are some preparations, every pregnant lady should take care of their diet and especially their health, prepare millet alcohol, butters, hatching of chickens. These practices were compulsory during olden days, when the woman are deprived of getting medical facilities. Therefore, these preparation will be convenient after the birth of child for performing birth ritual. After delivery there are some steps which a mother should follow for instance, taking bath for five to six times a day in a scented water with herbal plants and should drink millet alcohol. All these practices are for purification and to make woman physically strong. They are usually guided by the women folks who are expert in childbirth, they help with bathing and feeding. I was told by women in the village about the importance of chicken soup, so that they could recuperate and become healthy again.

According to the elderly Bhutia women in the village, when a baby is born the mother and child are kept in a separate room as per their convenience. They believed that,

58Changshay kabsay: ritual of purification. 92

new born child are more prone to get the shadow of evils which makes them fall sick, weak and does not get proper sleep. To avoid this circumstances, usually the monk or a shaman are invited during the first three days of the birth to ward off evil spirits.

Before delivery: When a woman conceives, there are certain things which they have to take care of, there is no restriction on the mother during the time of pregnancy or after a birth of a child. The family and her husband take care of all the necessities which woman need during the time of pregnancy. Among the Bhutia community, there is no restrain in any religious affairs, they can actively take part like any other ordinary woman. But there are certain things that woman and her husband should take care of which are restricted by the cultural or traditional belief. According to Mrs. Geanden

Bhutia from Singyang busty and Mrs. Phulden Bhutia from Simick Lingzey village, they are more experienced and helped many women during their delivery and have more knowledge of traditional practices. According to them there are certain rules which the pregnant lady has to take care of, pregnant woman and her husband should not see the lunar and solar eclipse which is believed that the baby are born with some deficiency or sometime born deformed. Further, they are restricted not to see dead animals or accidently killed animals, it is considered bad omen for the unborn baby. The couple is not allowed to tie the threat on a box of seeds which they believed that during the birth the umbilical cord gets tied with the neck and makes it difficult for delivery.

The pregnant lady is called Phuchhem,59 the first and foremost thing they visit a high lamas or Rinpoche to seek blessing for the wellbeing of their unborn child. The pregnant woman should not eat the meat of an animal which is killed in her presence or

59Phuchhem: Bhutia term for pregnant woman. 93

which is killed by cutting off of throat, such practice are treated inauspicious for the child and are traditionally believed that the child will die soon after they take birth. The couple should avoid going to mourning house, which affects the child's personality. During night or at the time of twilight, which is considered as the time of evils and demons, the pregnant woman are not suppose to come out from her house.

When a couple is having a baby there is not only the woman who is bound to follow some traditional beliefs. The husband along with his wife has to take care of certain things that he has to avoid which are listed down;

a) He should avoid hunting, it is believed that if he accidently breaks an animal's leg

during hunting the child is more likely to be born as Kangkyong60, if an animal is

dead with excessive bleeding then the child is likely to be born with a blood mark

on his/her face and body.

b) He should avoid fishing with hook, which indicate that child is born with cleft-

lip Kharey.

c) He should not block the holes of any leaking bamboo, it is believed that the child

would likely to be born without private parts. He should also avoid making

bamboo cylinder chang chu pipe for carrying water or for serving chang, which

is traditionally believed that child would developed a certain character of

speaking through his/her nostril or would likely to get a problem with his/her

throat.

60 Kangkyong:cripple. 94

Apart from traditional beliefs, the food also plays an important part, the pregnant women should take an adequate amount of nutritious food to deliver a healthy baby.

There is a customary believe that the chang61, tsampo62, chum63etc should prepared in advance during the time of pregnancy.

After Birth: When a child is born the tradition of feeding a little amount of butter or honey as soon as the child is born which is believed good sign for the new born. The another important task to be performed after the childbirth is immediately cutting of branch of tree and placed in a courtyard of a house which symbolize a new member have joined in a family. The first three days after the birth of a child is considered as "impure" or "polluted" known as Dhip as per the tradition, the relatives and neighbor avoid to visit during the first three days. After three days the ritual of purification will start by inviting the lamas who performs a ritual of purification for a child, mother and the house. The lama conduct the ceremony by burning incense and sprinkles holy water in all the rooms of the house, similarly the mother and the new born has to bathe in a water mixed with holy water. Thereafter, the lama prepare the horoscope of a child after the process done with removal of defilement.

The making of amulet is very important, made with the child's own naval cut after birth or with the old coins and snail's shell which is customary and helps to protect child from getting frightened in their sleep. The amulet will be heavy for child so parents put it under the pillow of a child or tie it in cradle. Today with the availability of the tiny

61chang: local alcohol made up of wheat or millet. 62tsampo: snacks made from rice 63chum: rice 95

fashionable bags in the market, the new parents seems more curious to buy, which is more convenient to hang around child's body.

On the same day the woman from the village and the relatives visit the house for phyakay, same day the naming ceremony of the baby will be done according to tradition.

The event is celebrated in its own way, where they help each other by providing a live

Chicken and butter which is reciprocal. According to tradition the guests are served with chicken curries and rice by the family, the maternal uncle usually gifts the baby with money and other presents.

Change: The birth rites in a Sikkimese Bhutia have its own customary importance, like any other community it has to go with certain beliefs undersigned by our ancestral which have its own importance in showing community identity. Many vital points have to be kept in mind and restricts themselves during the time of pregnancy and for the well being of unborn child. These customary beliefs are somewhere degrading presently which is felt by community itself, on such note they are finding it possible means to attach with the age old practices, however it could not trace back the old customs.

During earlier days, the liquor, rice, butter, eggs are prepared before the birth of a child. With the financial stability of a people such system are no longer observed in a community. The woman after delivery used to take bath for the multiple time to keep them clean and healthy, now with the advance medical consult, the excess bath may create health problems. Apart from this the tradition of taking local alcohol is no longer

seen due to the busy schedule the tradition was replaced by western liquors which is easily available in the market.

The phyakay used to be done immediately after three days now a days it is held on an auspicious date depending on the recovery of child and mother. According to old

Sikkimese tradition, the born was named by the eldest amongst the woman folks of the village which will be based on seeing the color and physical appearance or a day of his or her birth. Such system no longer exist in a community. Presently, the family consults with a high ranking lama or Rinpochefor suitable name for the baby. The system of

Phyakay event is replaced with the people gradually being attracted to a western custom and hosting parties.

Marriage

Marriage is seen as an important institution in all societies, it is a social institution which maintains a social life through marriage ties. It is recognized as the union between two people in a bond which lasts untill death and are legally and socially sanctioned union that is regulated by laws, rules etc. The very definition of marriage is purposed by different authors with their own analogy. According to Beattie (1966), "Marriage is a union between man and women such that the children born to the women are recognized legitimate offspring of both partners" further it states that producing offspring is seen as great importance in regard to inheritance and succession. According to Gough (1959), marriage is portrayed as a medium of established relationship between women and person related to her.

Bhutia practice intermarriage within their community and follow a very hierarchical system of bride and groom selection and bride wealth is still practice within the community. Clan discrimination is widespread, and marriage outside the community is looked down upon. The marriage is endogamous at the community level. Modes of accruing mates were by service in the early days but negotiation has been a common practice now. Monogamy is general practice now, but in some parts especially in rural areas they still practice polyandry.

Bhutia of Sikkim, they have a very unique way of marriage practices. They practice intermarriage within their community and follow a very hierarchical system of bride and groom selection and bride wealth is still practice within the community. Clan discrimination is widespread, and marriage outside the community is often not taken into consideration. The marriage is endogamous at the community level, modes of accruing mates were by service in the early days but negotiation has been a common practice now.

Even though monogamy is general practice now, but in some parts especially in rural areas they still practice polyandry and Levirate marriage.

In earlier days, the weddings are fixed by the relatives or by the parents; the boy and the girl don’t seem to have any objection. Today weddings are usually done by taking the boy and a girl in confidence, and by the parents of the either side or by eligible boy or girl. Cast Endogamy was usually practice; but if someone marry outside the community then some strict rules are made like boycotting from community or paying jaatdanda where the couple give feast to the whole villagers and pay a fine of rupee 10,000 for boys and 20,000 for girls and gift giving to the bride and the groom are also prohibited. Now a day's community have changed the system without keeping any gender biasness the

amount of fixed rupees 20,000 for both male and female. Intermarriages among Bhutia are not allowed with the other communities except for Lepchas, as the communities have lived side by side for many years. Both the communities have basic similarity in terms of descent and inheritance, which includes their culture, religion and custom of bride price.

The main reason for the intermarriage between these two communities is mainly because of the descendants of those who have intermarried. As Nakane, says that “the first tendency indicates that intermarriage is likely to occur rather among the marginal population of the community: those, either Lepcha or Bhutia who once practiced intermarriage, make it easier for their descendants to intermarry… (Nakane, 1966).”

The traditional Bhutia wedding is very laborious and expensive, requires a lots of time for preparation, men labor etc. The traditional wedding starts a month before, the relatives, family friends gather and discuss for the preparation of the wedding. The first step for the wedding is an engagement consulting with an Astrologer or with monks who is expert in astrology.

Earlier with many sons and the limited resources, the Bhutia of Sikkim used to follow the system of Polyandry, to conserve the ancestral land and labor in the family.

This form of marriage was common practice until it was abolished by Crown Prince

Sidkeong Tulku in 1912 (Risley, 1894). Though it is still prevalent in some parts of

Sikkim in a condition if the brothers and the woman they are marring don’t have any objection. The Bhutia of Sikkim usually practice the system of Monogamous,

Polygamous, Polyandrous, in some villages of Sikkim, they also practice Levirate system in case of the death of husband. The widow marry her husband’s younger brother and regard him as husband. Under certain condition, the marriage within the mother’s lineage

is permitted; one is allow marrying his cousin if gab of at least three generations separates the spouses. But such marriage is only allowed within the matrilineal side,

“Like most of the inhabitants of the Tibetan cultural areas, the people of Tingchim believe that the person inherits his bones from his patrilineage and flesh from his matrilineage. People of the same patrilineages sharing the same ‘bone’ can never intermarry and in this sense the patrilineages are strictly exogamous while it is possible to marry someone with whom one shares a certain level of ‘flesh’,” (Balikci, 2008).

Marriage: Rites and Custom

The community has a very unique system of marriage customs that is different from the other ethnic communities and the other Bhutias of the Himalayas. Given below are some of the basic stages necessary for the purpose of marriage.

Khachang

With the approval of astrologer the boy’s family will arrange some important person, the middle man Aku, Azang phamee (paternal and meternal uncle) along with few elders will go to girl’s house for Khachang,. The gift of basket full of Chang, will be given to the girl's family along with Rs.5 and Khada (silk scarf), now with the passage of time, the amount has increased to Rs.1000 which has to be paid by maternal uncle. If the girl’s family will accept the gift of Kachang, then it is a sign of approval from girl’s family and they will prepare further step for Nangchang (engagement) and all other

100

necessities for the wedding will be discussed in the same day. The girl’s father and her maternal and paternal uncle will make their demand for Ring (bride wealth), which has to be pay by boy’s father. In such cases, the boy’s paternal uncle will try to negotiate if the demand is too high and simultaneously the date will be fixed for the engagement.

Nangchang

The Nangchang is held at girl’s house, the boy's family has to brings nangchang which includes local chang, amount of Rs. 151 and khada. With the time passage, now the gifts for nangchang has changed with the iteams available at the local market like fruits, biscuits, liquor are also added in the iteams for nangchang ceremony. The amount of money has increased to Rs.1001, that is meant for maternal uncle.

Phumay's Ring (bride wealth)

Ring includs gosug sum (whole beef, ox particularly with no defects, chang

100kg, champo 100kg, chum 100kg), saytah nyee tah (gold and silver ornaments for bride) and the amount of money could be 30,000 and above depending on the capablity of the groom's side. The money is later, either kept by the girl's family or may return to bride and groom after marriage ceremony.

The mother of the birde gets the seperate gift called as amay khyom 64includes chandi (tea bag), 1kg mah (butter), single pyarow (chicken especially rooster which is

64 amay khoym: gifts prepared for the mother of bride. 101

dressed without cutting off throat and limbs) and amay khayrah (traditional cloths) and silk khada.

The gifts should be given to the relatives of the girl as per the list prepared by girl’s family. According to the list, the boy’s family must prepare the gifts Sumtsen (three items) and Jitshen (four items) for the girl’s immediate and secondary relatives. Boy’s family should prepare the Khyom (gifts) like meat; pork, chicken, Basu (rice snacks),

Changarak (millet alcohol or liquor), and Chum (uncooked Rice) and khada. The secondary one will get Sumtsen and immidiate relatives will get Jitshen. The gift item should pack in a very pleasing manner, chum and basu in Changkhub (cloth bag), meat in a bamboo strips so that it will look presentable when they give it the girl’s relative. At the celebration ,the boy and the girl will be offered khadas and after Ring is paid, the boy and the girl can stay together as husband and wife and have kids even if they are not officially married as the community already decleared the paying of ring is as equal as wedding.

Nyen

The final step is Nyen, the actual wedding, the meaning of the Nyen is “relations” when the boy and the girl are getting married then directly or indirectly two families will get related to each other. On the wedding day groom is usually accompanied by his Aku

(paternal uncle), Azang (maternal uncle), Chow (aunt’ husband), Pharow (bestman) matched by the astrologer. When the groom arrives at bride’s house, he and his team will be beaten with a stinging nettles by the women from the bride’s side and make three walls, the groom and his party need to pay an amount of money and liquor in each gate to

102

let them pass. The use of nettles is believed that it will ward away the evils those who follow them in the way. The groom side are welcomed by offering khadas, after that main ritual will take place in Chosam65, where the monk will perform Yangku followed by Badah (offering khadas) by parents relatives and guests with gifts and money which is put in the plate placed in the front table of bride and groom. With the end of Badah the couple will be pronounced as husband and wife. After wedding rituals at bride’s house, the groom will take her to his house. Gamee (village elder), azang and gyab phami usually brother and pharow (bridemaid) will accompany the bride to her new house. The bride will be welcomed by her mother in law and other women folks and feed them sugar and milk for good luck. Women folks will escort the bride to kitchen where she will light the fire of the main hearth of the house and boil milk. After this ritual, the couple will again sit in the Chosam and the monks will perform Tashi ritual for the good luck and fortune for the new married couple, along with that the phola ritual will also performed by shaman or monk followed by Badah ritual. The wedding will last for whole day, at night the elders, the relatives and the village people will celebrate the wedding by singing and dancing.

Different forms of Marriage

Marriage is an institutionalized mating arrangement between man and woman and thereby works as a precondition of universal family organization of human beings

(Parthasarathy, 1988). He further explain the concept of marriage in a study among

65Chosam: main alter room 103

Yeruka shows that life is meaningless without marriage and it is the moral duty of a parents to fix a marriage of their daughters and sons. Among the Bhutia community of

Sikkim, marriages are analyzed by certain rules and restrictions with reference to clan organization. They practice caste endogamy and clan exogamy, the practice of exogamy further restricts the marriage with a person who are related by marriage and blood. They believe in monogamous marriage, as mentioned earlier Bhutia are divided into different clan, marriage with the same clan is strictly prohibited. For example, a girl from a

Lingzerpa clan cannot marry a boy from a Lingzerpa clan. The practice of levirate and polyandry was common before but today, such practices are completely neglected, though some couples married through these marriage practices are still there in some parts of Sikkim. Generally, the practice of polyandry depends on the status of a male members of a family which is concerned with the property they own, in this case generally the brothers marry a same woman and live in a common house.

Modes of Payment: In Bhutia community giving bride price is a common custom in marriage ceremony. Giving bride price is known as Ring. After the date of the marriage is fixed, the groom's father pays a Ring which is demanded by the bride's side, the Ring is paid in cash and kind which is given before the wedding or in a wedding day before ceremony will start. The maternal uncle plays an important part in the wedding, the groom's side has to give a special gift to a maternal uncle. The process of gift giving will continue till the birth of the first born child of the wedded couple. In case of divorce, death of a bride the maternal uncle has no necessity to refund the bride price, in case a woman who leave her husband to marry another man, the second husband of the woman has to refund the bride price to first husband. The system of bride price among Bhutia are

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strictly follow, all the authorities comes in the hand of man but in terms of marriage the woman and her family holds more power. In marriage through elopement the guy family has to arrange the important person to go to convey the message of elopement of their daughter and ask for further permission to get the couple married from both side of the family. The main person to deal the marriage are Gyamee and Azang. They are assign to go next day to discuss about the bride price with the girl's family and relatives and bring back the message to the boy's family which accordingly they will prepare the demands of the girl's side. Beside all the rituals and systems, the practice of negotiations is always there. Apart from the remaining rituals, if the marriage is through elopement, then the groom side has to pay a fine for eloping which is called as Kingay.

According to the information given by Mr. Namgyal Dorjee Bhutia, from Sang

East Sikkim, Deputy Commissioner of Excise Department, a very resourceful person with good knowledge of old traditional system. It is very surprising for me when he mentioned the system of khyom (gift) was started somewhere around late 70s or early

80s. Before the Ring was suppose to pay in the form of meat, rice, money etc. Instead boy's family used to bring whole pig and ox to the girl's house for the purpose of marriage. While taking animals for the purpose of wedding, the boy's side has to make sure that the animals shouldn't have any kind of deficiency from top to bottom. If there is any deficiency in animals then the girl's family will not accept. As it is believed that deficiency means incomplete in marriage, the couple might separate in between or they have to face family hurdles in coming future. Now with the passage of time, such system have changed, the community started looking for convenient way for both the families.

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The system of Ring can either bring by the boy's family or arranged by girl's family provided the boy's side has to bear the cost for all the arrangement.

In marriage through eloping, the process of marriage is slightly different then the arranged marriage, in arranged marriage it is usually Khachnag, Nangchang, Nyen which is sometime extends till 3 years. Whereas in marriage through eloping, the Nyen

Nangchang and other rituals take place in a same day.

Remarriage: The community allow the system of remarriage, a women can marry twice or several times provided at every subsequent marriage, her pervious husband has granted for divorce or if the previous husband is not alive. In some cases the in laws of woman will arrange the marriage for their widow daughter-in-law by taking her and her family's consent. A widow gets equal status in a family and society she is allowed to take part in all the important occasions, festivals, religious functions which take place in home, village or monastery like any other ordinary person. If a man wish to marry a widow, he has to follow all the marriage custom which is bound by the community, right from giving Ring which can be either paid to the previous in laws or woman's family with the mutual decision taken by both the families. If a widow is having a child, then it is her decision to take her child along with her. In some cases usually the previous in laws will take the child custody, if the child is below two years old then the child is send with the mother as they need their mother for proper nourishment. When the child is above four years old, the child will be send back to their grandparents house. The children born out of remarriage do not attach any social stigma.

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Divorce: According to Prathasarathy (1988), "marriage implies a stable relationship between a husband and his kinsmen on the one hand and the wife and her kinsmen from the other", it is said that marriage binds the relatives of a husbands and wife's together and always make it possible way to maintain the relationship smoothly. If the married spouses are not able to live peacefully under one roof then the ultimate results will be divorce. In a Bhutia language divorce is known as Khay Shay which means separation of husband and wife. The divorce is accepted either husband and wife can ask for, it is usually occurs on various grounds, financial support, change of religion, cruelty etc. The divorce usually take place in the presence of parents from both sides and clan and village elders whose decision is considered final. Today, with the essentiality of legal documents the process of divorce has to be done legally, after taking the further consideration from the elders the matter will be further proceed to court for official record. If the man is seeking for divorce then he has to pay a nominal amount to the woman.

The community allows a divorcees to marry again, divorce occur in terms of different grounds such as family disputes, adultery, dissertion, failure to support wife, cruel treatment etc. Marriage formed a certain relationship with the people who are not related by blood but are related through marriage, such relationship are maintained by certain duties, convention and uniform commitment.

If a couple decides to take divorce then there are some process, the first and foremost thing is to involve the both side family and village and clan elder. Further the matter will go to village panchayat and courts for official divorce, before the village administrative system along with the presence of village and clan elders used to solve all

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the matters in the village, now the couple usually take the legal advice. If a divorce is desired from the both side then the repayment of bride price or any other compensation is not required. If a divorce is on account of one side either man or woman, the man are responsible to take care of complete expenditure of his wife and children for education and health, however woman are not avail with any compensation if the divorce is consent through woman side.

Change and Reason for Change

There were certain rituals observed in a wedding, which is mandatory to follow.

The old rituals of wedding is slowly degrading and some has already degraded. The one of the important ritual which no longer exist is thumzee a dish prepared from beef and gyuma a dish prepared from animal intestine, which used to be very important for the family to provide such dishes for the guests and Gyampu kindem66. With the passage of time, these items are replaced with the different variety of snacks easily available in the market.

Thowtaw: morning meal for those who come for help.

Dentaw: meal served with meat soup for special guests.

Nimtaw: afternoon meal which the villagers has to pack and take back to their home, if there is leftover.

66Gyampu Kindem: is the word for to represent guests, from groom side. 108

Now a days with coming of the buffet system and multiple catering business, the old traditional system is replaced by the modern practices. The system of Chagyu was one of the important ritual which has its own meanings, Chagyu contains all the organs of animal which is cut into small pieces according to the number of guests present in the wedding. The dish is prepared by piercing the organs in a bamboo skewers and served everyone in the wedding which is presently no longer seen in the present Bhutia wedding.

On discussing the matter with the elders, I was told that it became impossible for them to manage to serve for everyone, which they further decided to serve only to Gyampu kindem. The reason for banning such system is due to the increase in the number of guests which used to be very limited during early days, two ox used to be enough for the whole guests. With rapid modernization process and employment opportunity the number of guests has gone up for past few years where the individual life is more confined socially with the people from other parts.

Apart from the missing food culture, another missing practice is the system of phuchab, where the guy has to live with girl's family to impress his in laws, so he gets the permission from his father-in-law to take his wife to his home. In this system the man has to stay in girl's house for at least three years and do all the work which he is assign for, work usually include grazing of cattle, collecting firewood, ploughing field etc. During the span of three years he has to prove his ability to take in charge of his wife and provide his service for his in-laws for good cause. Today such system are no longer exist in

Bhutia community, as the most of the today's generations are working class people under government or private sector which creates difficulty in availing themselves for such tradition.

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Death Rites

If the birth is the beginning of life then death is the end of life. It is the final stage of every individual born in this world, and often considered as great loss for a family or society. Death rites are very important in every culture, even though their procedure for performing ritual is different. Looking into all the sources of religion, the supreme and the final crisis of life is death; one has to live in the shadow of death, knowing one day that everyone has to apart from their loved ones (Malinowski, 1948).

According to Kiong and Schiller (1993), expressed that the rituals related to death are culturally bounded, the death ceremony of a person is based on the community or a religion he is born with, as the ritual varies from community to community having different modes of practice. Tibetan Buddhism is divided into various sects like Nyingma,

Kargyu, Gelug, and Drukpas, of which the Bhutia of Sikkim fall under the Kargyu and

Nyingma sects. Since all the sects fall under the same umbrella of Tibetan Buddhism there are most of the similarities are to be seen but the differences can also be observed in their ritual practices according to their sects.

Among the all rituals, death ritual is considered as a very important because it is believed that the death is the process of rebirth which Hopkins (1972), discussed in a detailed view on a living and death. The ritual conducted during death rites is most expensive because it goes till 49th days. While performing this ceremony one has to sell land and his movable and immovable properties to finish this ceremony with meaningful rituals. It has also encounter during olden days especially in village areas some of the

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people have become landless. Due to their low economic status they are forced to sell their land. Practice of butchering of animals was very common, if someone dies in a family, then a family member of the house has to give gyow 67. The feast should be given in a name of deceased person, it is believed, that after the death of a person, the deceased will not suffer after their death and hunger. For such practices, the older people above

80yrs will rear pigs and ox’s, for the convenience of his family’s member at the time of death. The practice of keeping cattle for the purpose of funreals was common till few years back especially in the Bhutia village of west Sikkim. Lately, the monasteries along with the members in a community are bringing some reforms while observing the death ceremony, which they have succeeded in the band of using meat and alcohol at the time of funerals.

After the death of a person the Bhutia people follow some rituals; when a person dies in a family, the body of the person is not moved or touched until the main monk arrives because it is believed that any contact with the body will oust the soul from the body and taken away by the demons. There are different rituals to be performed from the death to the time of cremation as per the guidance given by the monks.

Pho

To perform this ritual the monk has to attain the title of Champo by completing three years of meditation and has to perform pho on him, by putting a (Chakosa) thin broomstick into the crown of the head, if the stick passes through the skin then the monk

67Gyow:feasts given to people of community by family member. 111

has achieved Pho. To learn the teaching of Pho, the monk should take guidance from the senior monk who is expert in Pho, and learn the mantras written in Pho pecha. Some of the family will invite the Rinpoches or Tulkus for the sem pho which is done only by the reincarnated monks.

Within the first hour of death, the male member from a family first go to their respective monastery to inform the death of a person and the monk in the monastery will blow a conch shell so that the villagers could know about the death news. Relatives and member from village will gather for the help of the bereaved family. After the arrival of the learned monk especially Dorjee lopen or champos who can officiate this job will do the pho (taking out the soul from the body), during this ritual the family member are not allowed to stay near the body and it should perform in a quiet place. They should leave the body and the monk alone in the room where the body is lying.

Sur

The step to be performed after the death of a person is Sur. When the pho is completed the Sur will be prepared for the spirit of the deceased, which is the medium of giving food to the spirits. The Sur is done during the lunch, breakfast and dinnertime, it is consists of butter, Tsamba powder of rice, barley, wheat, tealeaves, are put in a fire and sprinkle water called as Chap for purification. The process of Sur will continue till 49th day as it is believed that the deceased will be reborn only after 49th day, the smoke coming out from the Sur act as food and water for the deceased’s soul.

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Chi

The other step is to look for horoscope of the dead person which is termed as chi, looked by the village chipa lama or chipo (astrologer) who is mastered in looking horoscope of a dead person, if incase there is no such monk in the village then the family member of a dead person will go the monastery. For this step the monk requires the exact day, time of death, age of a person, birth year and birth symbol, by looking into this the monk will decide the perfect date and time for cremation. The body is then kept till the date given by the monk.

After pho the body is put into a square coffin and moved into the prayer room.

Once the body is put into the coffin the monks will allow the family members, relatives and friends to come to pay respect by offering khada. The khada which is offer during the time of death is plain white in color. The monks also offer food, tea, fruits etc in the same plate and cup which is used by the deceased person before his death which is kept nearby his body. One butter lamp and one glass of water kept near the body.

The further rituals involves with the number of monks depending on the family’s economic condition. Minimum five to six monks should be involved, the head lama who usually presides over the rituals, he holds the dorjee and bell in other hand while other junior monks take care of other instrument like gyaling, radung, nah, rhem etc. The monk use the Tibetan book of death Bhardo thugdol starts from day one of the death, one of the monk is entrusted to this work. The reading is done after the monks completing their ritual for a day, the importance of this book is believed that the soul of the deceased will remain empty and lost in wilderness and the soul doesn’t know its actual status.

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Therefore reading this book will guide the soul and show them the correct way and follow correct path. The important figure is 108 chemi butter lamps which are lit continuously; it is believed that the light will show the correct path to the deceased and mani is also done and the family member, relatives and friends are also supposed to join.

This ritual process will continues till the time of cremation, along with these rituals the family member should burn sur without fail and continue as long s they can, some does till 49th day and some for year.

Cremation

At the end body is disposed of by burning, on the day of cremation, the body is taken outside the house as per the date and the time fixed by the monk. Before the body is taken out for cremation, the yanku will also starts side by side, as it is believed that when a person dies they take good fortunes along with them, so to retain such good fortunes this ritual has to be done. When the body is taken outside, the family members, relatives and friends will gather around and pray for the peaceful soul of the deceased person and offer khadas. The head monk will give direction towards the place of cremation called as thotay, if the monastery is on the way then it is compulsory to make a three round and offer some tea and snacks which is kept in front of coffin, it is the symbol of honoring for deceased person. The person who offers tea, will be given some amount of money which is also a tradition in Bhutia family. Villagers, relatives, friends and the family members will follow the procession led by the monks. In front of procession si-bow thanka is always there, it is believed that it will chase away all the evil along the way. The coffin is

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placed in a pyre which is kept in a square form called as shingthri, and then the head monk chants and gives fire to the pyre.

After cremation, every week puja will take place in a house and by relatives in different monastery as per their wish for the deceased. The death ritual is very expensive affair often times, I heard from my grandparents that people selling their land to complete proper ritual as lakhs of money is spend on religious activities. During such times the relatives also share the same responsibility by performing rituals, light numbers of butter lamps and pay kuyon68 to monks. On the 49th day, 108 prayers flags are hoisted and monks will assemble again and perform the 49th day death ceremony. Thereafter the ritual continues annually or can discontinue after the third year.

Post cremation

After three days of cremation, the family members along with few monks go back to the cremation ground and collect the bones and an ash remains. When collecting the remains of the deceased it is very important to match the person’s horoscope who is suppose to lead first and age symbol should comes next on the seventh number of the twelve symbol of the Buddhist calendar. After collecting they directly go to the nearby river and turn it into powder and mix with soil and make tshacha,69the remains are not allowed to take it inside the home it is put it in the box and kept in some safe place. When all the rituals are done the family member will take the remains to the Ganga River for

68Kuyon: means alms given by the family to monks for their service. 69Tshacha: effigies made by monks for rituals. 115

immersion. On the same night the another ritual will take place, it is the most important ritual to chase away the soul who has come to retrieve the deceased soul.

Different forms of deaths

As mentioned earlier, the Bhutias of Sikkim practice the process of cremation.

Being a Buddhist monks plays an important role from beginning of life of a person to his/her death. The rituals process are seen similar to other Buddhist communities like

Lepcha, Tibetan, Drukpas etc. The using of butter lamps are very essential which symbolize light to show path of deceased person. The process are similar, there are few differences in funerary practice, which is differentiate by the forms of death, and the status of a deceased person.

Death of a highly attained monks

The highly attained monks or a lamas are Rinpoche, who are blessed to reincarnate their former life. They are often described as the "Living Buddha" when such highly attained monks passed away, the rituals like pho, chi, sur etc are not required as these monks have already attained the knowledge of living and dying. If ordinary person dies, it is mandatory to perform all the rituals directed by the monks which the soul of dead person need to be guided to reach their final destination. Whereas, when a highly attained monks dies, their soul doesn't need to be guided or required any kind of instruction, they can do it on their own. The only thing which his followers should take

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care of is his belongings which he will be needing after attaining rebirth. The consultation from other highly attain monk is necessary to initiate the rituals properly.

Death of an old person

The death of a old person is consider as the natural death, it is a matter of fact that if a person is born, they will have to die one day which is the law of nature, such death are consider as more natural, with any negative results. The rituals are performed as per the chi mentioned by the monks and performed simultaneously. Since they are elder one in the family their rituals are performed with more respects.

Death of a Children

When a child dies in a family, the rituals are conducted as similar as other age.

The only difference we noticed is the body is not cremated, the body is put in a box and kept in a cave where wild animals can't reach or the body is buried. The body is cremated with a certain age 8 years for boys and 9 years for girls. It has come to my knowledge that new born who were born with physical deformities, especially those who were lame were culturally interpreted to resemble the body of snake. The funeral rites for these new born were observed differently than those children who were considered normal. The bodies were cut into two halves before ritually buried in the earth.

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Untimely accidental death

The process of conducting pho is similar for any kind of death be it untimely death or death caused by accident. If a person dies committing suicide then the first step will be pho. The difference for such death rituals can be noticed in the duration of the puja and its long extended rituals. It is believed that if a person dies committing suicide then he/she cannot attained nirvana, they have to suffer in their next life which they have to pay their depth by dying exactly at the same age. To guide the soul who died with such incident is a tough job, as their soul need to be guided properly if the soul is not guided properly then it is believed that the soul might create problem to the family or village.

In case of accident, the rituals is similar the difference is seen in the extended time and rituals. The Buddhist beliefs that when a person dies the guiding of soul becomes very tough but in some case when they don't find the body, they perform the rituals by the name and with their cloths and their belonging.

Role of Associations, Villagers and Relatives

The role of association seem very crucial in any kind of function be it marriage or funerals or birth ceremony. In Sikkim, every village or a colony has its own associations which help each other during the time of need within their areas. Such associations are formed within village level or colony level they named it as samaj formed with different rules and regulations which are bound to follow the rules and regulations. In the time of need it is compulsory for at least one member of the family to provide his or her service to the family.

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In the time of death rites, they help the family of the deceased by providing their services, they visit the family on everyday basis till the funeral gets over, they help the deceased's family by giving certain amount of money, butter, oil, dalda, milk for the help during rituals has a reciprocal relation. Denjongpa (2006), states that, in region of Sikkim, the system of reciprocity is evident among all the communities, as the donation they receive during funerals are meant for help, which in time one has to reciprocate. Therefore, in short the system of monetary help and other necessary goods are the way to maintain a reciprocal relation within society.

In Tashiding, the village near the main monastery the association name kalzang welfare during a death ritual the member of the association come to help the family by distributing work among themselves. Women folks usually gets busy in preparing butter lamps, young girls helps in distributing tea for the guests and visitors. The male members help with guiding visitors and look after the guests, the male folks usually gets involved in heavy work while the women folks gets involved in kitchen work. In Gangtok

"Yargay Association" from Metro point Tadong the Association is divided into different units and each units visits the house of a needy family, they maintain the register which is deal by the president of association and keep the record of each and every house.

Change in a death rituals

Discussing on the death rituals, it is necessary to note down the rituals that has been practiced by our forefathers. In every community it has become the culture to make young generation aware of such rituals. The culture which has changed or changing or

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which is in the verge of change with the flow of time. In terms of changes observed in a death rituals of Bhutia community, the first and foremost which every individual is observing is in the food culture. Food plays an important part as it believed that if a food is served properly to the visitors in the name of a deceased person. The bereaved family and the relatives make sure that they should provide all the necessary food items.

While looking into the traditional death rituals, serving of food, meat and local homemade alcohol was very important, the one who come to visit the funeral are served meat and alcohol. Such practices are introduced by our community's forefather looking into the demands purposed by religion and its rituals which lasted till the end of the year

2009. I was told by Mandal Ajo, that rearing of pigs and ox's for the funeral was a part of tradition, when a person is above 80 years they will rear pig and ox for their own funeral so that their family does not have to face any hurdles during funerals. When someone dies in a family, the animal kept for such purpose are slaughtered and the meat is divided into a equal pieces by the person who is assigned for the task and the meat is distributed among the villagers. Such practices were common in the differents parts of Bhutia village, I remember the practice of meat distribution during my childhood days when we used to go to the funeral house with our grandparents. Today, this practice are not seen in any Bhutia family, the using of meat during funerals are totally banned by monastery, the community no longer use meat and alcohol for funeral. Although, during my fieldwork days, it has came to my notice that some areas are not restricted to use eggs, in Sumin village in east Sikkim got permission from local monastery to use eggs. Most parts of

Sikkim rather go for vegetarian food, they believe that using of alcohol and meat are not convenient as it is meant for festive occasions and great ceremony.

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The main reason for banning of meat and alcohol is due to their religion, Bhutia community, being a Buddhists they believe that it is not fair to take life of innocent animals, whose suffering might affect the departed soul and reborn as the most insignificant creature. The funeral process is very long with never ending long rituals, the monks are especially assigned with the task of praying and chanting for which they are supposed to stay in the house of a deceased person. Today, the monks visit early in the morning and go back to their home at night, only few monks stay back for covering the rest of the ritual for night and guiding the departed soul through their Buddhistic chantings.

When the cremation is done, traditionally monks used to go back to monastery for the process of cleansing or purification. When the purification is done they will come back to house for remaining rituals, one or two monks are assigned to stay at the house of the deceased person till 49th day. Now a day's monks return after the of cremation is done.

Reason for Change

The main reason for the process of change is due to the death rituals being very expensive and lengthy process. To provide the miscellaneous items used during funeral rites itself is an expensive affair and for some family it is very difficult to manage money which a reason for change in some rituals. With the rapid modernization and developmental process and due to lack of time to conduct rituals, the past generations failed to pass on the knowledge that they have acquired to their younger ones. The

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another reason is because of the miscarriages of traditional rituals are seemed absent which is surly going to create problems in coming future.

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CHAPTER-V

CULTURAL BOUNDARIES AND PERCEPTOINS OF OTHER COMMUNITIES

You guys came from Tibet and took our Land......

The given statement is not a new phrase invented for Bhutia, it is something, which probably every Bhutia person has to face in their day to day life. I always have prolonged discussions with my friends, teasing and provoking with the same statement again and again is often aggravating and at the same time it will put you into situation and looking for a reasonable answer to reply. However, it has been tolerated and end the conversation by a simple blank smile and sometime with an unending argument, on the other hand, one could wonder, what should be done to make them change their thoughts for Bhutia? Is it because of History? or Is it because of Bhutia being a ruling class back in early days? Many questions where there when I decided to work on my own community, same time, I had apprehension of not being able to argue but simultaneously, I decided to study the perception of other communities towards Bhutia community. Therefore, this chapter particularly looks into the aspects of connections between the different communities settled in a particular area. I started finding the relationship by understanding through community perspective by taking different communities into consideration and asking their views towards Bhutia community, such communities are

Lepcha, Limbu, Bahun, Chettri, Gurung, Tamang and Pradhan.

The history talks about the Bhutia origin from Tibet, their migration to Sikkim and their settlement in Sikkim for centuries. Their origins is compiled together from the oral history and surviving written documents relate the behavior of Lepcha during then

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were the peace lover, happy with their nature and simple livelihood. They friendly accepted the Bhutia community and started living in the same kingdom by separating different land boundaries. It is a known fact, that Bhutia have been living in Sikkim for a long time along with the other communities like Lepcha, Limbu and Nepali communities,

Sharing a friendly entities with each other. During my fieldwork, I was informed by the

Bhutia elders about their friendship stories, and their strong belief in the system of social rites which is known as thoku for Bhutia and metari saino for Nepali, it is the relationship through friendship. Therefore, I think this could be a reason for the word Bhutia pronounced in different ways according to their accent. Bhotay for male, Bhotani for female, one can also denote such terms as native words used by other community's people which is sometime not liked by the Bhutia.

In this chapter, I tried to emphasis more on the perceptions of different ethnic communities with each other. Gaining some understanding of the relation between the different communities in regard with the village settlement, religious influence, agricultural patterns made it somehow possible. I was thus observing jointly on the cultural aspects of communities within the village and their different ways of following rituals in different occasions and different participants from other community.

The main cultural boundary which I was trying to analyze is the relation between the Lepcha and Bhutia who are united by their understanding of Buddhism, which is the only knowledge by which their daily rituals could interpreted. However, not only the case of Buddhism, but the blood brotherhood treaty signed between the Lepcha priest Thekong

Tek and Khye Bumsa of Tibetan origin is also the one main reason for the historical alliance between the two communities which goes hand in hand, irrespective of having

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distinctive distinct cultures and languages. Elsewhere, Individuals are perceived and officiated on their social positioning and social categories, particularly through caste hierarchy they belong to.

If the relationship between the different community in the village composition was initiated through their village association, the individual relationship was based through their caste? One of the very frequent question asked to any new face is about his or her caste and their Jaat (Jati). Through the category of his or her Jaat, religion, etc one can predicts the lifestyle, occupation and diet of a person can be easily learned. Sometime how a person behaved towards other person is some extend depends on the category he belong to. It is the same case in every village when they encounter any visitor, the first question was asked is about one's caste to know the information in order to get a hint of a visitor. I too had to face the same situation in my field areas, on my first day of field at

Dzongu, I was accompanied by Mr. Dawa Lhendup Lepcha and Mr. Nima Tshering

Lepcha PhD scholars from Botany Department of Sikkim University. The villagers were curious to know about me, they started talking to me in Lepcha language, as they thought

I am Lepcha. The villagers got more curious when I couldn't answer the question asked by Mrs. Chungden Lepcha 97 years old Nukung (grandmother) aray tuh goh (who is she?). Later my friends explained them on my behalf that I belonged to a Bhutia family from Simick Lingzey Khamdong, and my purpose of visiting Dzongu is for my research studies. Looking at my shy face after a hours of interrogation Nukung and her two neighbor present at her house started laughing and said, 'After all, Bhutia!' my friends joined them in the laughter, it was not easy for an outsider to understand the inner conversation and reason for their laugh which is later my friends informed: "Bhutia girls

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are very expensive to marry because of the system of bride price", thus, it has became a part of their conversation when they discuss about marriage and encourage to marry into their own community and when a Bhutia girls visit there place.

During the time of Tshewang performed by the Gyalchap Rinpoche for the long life and the wellbeing of the humankind at New Ralong Palchen Choling Monastery. I noticed many Nepali people who came to be a part of ceremony and also taking part in the rituals of offerings in monastery. It appear that over a past years, it has been noticed that Nepali participation has grown up in Buddhist rituals. When discussing a matter with one of the school teacher Mr. Hari Adhakari from Khamdong, a very familiar face which we have been observing in monasteries, he has read almost all the books on Buddhism and has more knowledge on Buddhism then a Bhutia person. He often used to go for

Nyungnay70, if somebody is interested to learn about Buddhism then he could be a good catch. At Namchi Alay monastery, I was surprised to see few Nepali monks expert in mask dance. Later, I came to know from their teacher that they have been travelling to other respective monasteries to teach the techniques of mask dance for monks. This seems to be creating a true and a strong bond between the communities generally having a considerable relationship which has developed through such institution. Though, sometime communities might indulge in cold war on different ground. However, the communities leaders are always cautious enough to avoid such terms and avoid being physically involved in such actions. Prior to this tension between communities, the one of the major issue for this reason was based on the land ownership. Bhutia being a dominant

70Nyungnay: is the fasting which completes without food, water and without uttering a sing word for three days. 126

caste in Sikkim enjoy a hierarchical system based on the ownership of land. The land they provided to the needy one, who in return provide the source of agriculture in Sikkim.

However, knowing one's social category was not only an excuse for anyone to describe their relationship, sometime such outflow might create an exaggeration between different communities. While on the other hand, to be more objective the appreciation given by the individual for the other group is more essential. I came across individuals who pointed out to me about the maintenance of relationship through different grounds.

Moreover, such relationship are based on the different aspects in the society where every individual plays a vital role in carrying out together and appeared to be more involved with other group.

Festivals

In Sikkim different communities observe different festivals. They celebrate their festivals in a grand manner and do not hesitate to share with the people belonging to other communities. The community celebrate their own festivals, which centers on important aspects of their community and their religion or culture which is marked as a state holiday. Communities from different ethnic backgrounds has their own festivals which are mostly associated with harvest, thanksgiving, food, religion, folklore, agriculture etc.

Such significant events are marked as holiday in Sikkim. As Sikkim has different culture, every community in Sikkim respects each and every culture, take part whole heartedly throughout the year. Among the Bhutia community of Sikkim, they celebrate lossong, the harvesting festival, the local deities were worshipped by offering their

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harvested crops. The festival usually starts with the end of the hectic period of sowing and transplanting of paddy. In the village of Simick Lingzey the festival starts with the

Kayged 71dance in the monastery where people from different communities residing in the village will assemble. They bring little amount of paddy which they produce from their land and the sum of money which is fixed by the monastery for the villagers to conduct an annual religious affair for the wellbeing of people in the village. Religious commemoration and thanksgiving for a good crops harvest are mixed in the events that take place in the monastery.

Lossong is one of the Bhutia's grand festival, which falls on the 10th month of every year generally in the month of December, according to the Tibetan calendar. Losar is also one of the important Bhutia's festival, usually falls on February which is the

"Tibetan new year". During such festivals the family invites their neighbor for decent meal to share in the name of festival, which has a reciprocal relation that has been practiced since ages.

Among the Hindu community there are castes like Bahun, Chettri whose religion does not allow them to eat or drink in the house of the lower caste and communities including Bhutia, Lepcha, Limboo who are recognized as tribal group in Sikkim. Due to consumption of beef and alcohol, the community like Bahun and Chettri restricts themselves which is against their religion. Such immutable tradition are now followed by only few elderly people, the system has gone down in past years, now the people do not hesitate to eat in any house of the village. During earlier days the separateness of castes

71Kagyed: it is an annual festival, where the dance is performed is monks, it symbolizes destruction of evil forces, every individual pray for peace and prosperity. 128

and their structural distance was maintained with the ideas of purity and pollution. Taking such ideas into consideration, the Bhutia community started taking care of certain things to maintain inconvenience between the communities in the village.

I want to stress the example of village in Simick Lingzey which is compossed of mixed communities. The Bhutia not only maintain a friendly relationship with other

Hindu community, instead they started sending their children to local temple to take

Balvikash class which is taught by Hindu priest, they equally take part in contributing the same amount of money for hosting any kind of events in temples.

The effort carried out was not only from the Bhutia, but also, the other Hindu communities trying to emphasize smooth social relation among the different communities especially the village is composed with mixed communities. Today, one can see the

Hindu boys taking up monastic education with their parent's support. Some take it willingly, than the some are suggested by their parents. While discussing on such cases, one of the family whose third son is a highly attain monk now, I was informed by his parents that he was indulged in faulty company and to keep him away from such company, he was put into monastic education by taking the approval from the Rinpoche.

Today, the Hindu community visits the monastery as well as Rinpoche on a regular basis to discuss the wellbeing of their family, when a baby is born, marriage and for the consultation of rituals to be performed regularly.

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Affirm relationship through Social rites

As discussed earlier, there was a numerous other means to balance a healthy relationship between the different communities which is widely recognized relationship between individuals, families and lineages. One of the important custom which is instructed by our ancestors is through friendship, Thoku for male and Thoum for female most commonly used term is Meeteri Saino by Nepali and Thokuthoksay by Bhutia. It is one of an oldest and ancient method which is practice by our ancestor in their early days, though the system is no longer practiced in today's contemporary world but, we can encounter the people indulge in relationship. This entity is not similar like the normal friendship such as having a pleasant interactions and giving each other fruits and vegetables, it is quite different in every way where the individual involve in this friendship are treated as brothers and sisters.

Needless to say, such friendship occurred between different communities, which occur across the lines of caste which is indeed a value for the villagers including both men and women. "We are related through Meteri Saino" I heard this expression several times ever since my childhood and I could not help recalling the statement of an elderly astrologer Mr. Surya Baktha Subedi, in his mid 80s who had told me that he and my grandfather are Thoku. Relationship is still maintained even after the death of my grandfather, we address his children as Azang and Amchung, he always insists his children to continue a same relationship and never forgets to be a part of any occasion between two families. He further added, "we were very good friends and our friendship is not meaningless we have got into this bond by conducting a proper ritual", such friendship are not akin like friendly bound we know today.

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However, ancestors have always find a possible way to maintain a healthy relationship, before stepping into such friendship, there are numerous rituals to be followed. People get into this bond not only to maintain a healthy relationship but to avoid enmity, I knew the story of my father's elder brother's friendship with a Gurung man. My grandfather once told me that it was an outstanding example, through friendship which had brought them together . During their school days the two were impossible to handle and often gets into fight which was creating the problems in both the families. He further added " with the new bound of friendship now they are indeed a good friend".

Besides friendship, there are numerous rituals to be followed by the both families.

According to my father's elder brother who has been into this bond, I thought he will be the best person to know about the ritual. I was told that both the families has to take consent from their respective priest for a suitable date for a performing of a ritual and the priest from both the side has to be present along with the village elders as a witness. On that particular day, the two person are not allowed face each other before ritual, a white cloths is placed between the two person to hide them. When the white cloth is removed the person conducting the ritual has to direct them to bow each other for three times from all the directions and exchange gifts, tangible goods particularly, intangible goods are not included in the custom. One of the elder who is more expert in the custom will convey the importance of the ritual and the steps to be followed then after. It is evident from any social institution, the system of gift giving and reciprocity has been an important part in anthropology, Among the Bhutia community of Sikkim, the concept of gift exchange is the value or the moral attached with a positive consequences, and has a

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similar idea as Mauss (1967,1923), in his work the gift, he deals with the social implication of gift exchange.

While, between two person there should not be any kind of blood relationship, the children are not allowed to engage in marriage as they will be considers as cousins. There were also other expressions of belief behind this friendship, so it is very important to take consultation from the ritual specialist. The two persons have to be a part of each other families in time of any social occasion, in the time of death they it will be mandatory for them to follow all the rituals.

Agricultural Balancing

Certain agricultural ideas exchanged among the communities to understanding the day to day activities of the people in the villages is the one of the skilled required for the agriculture. Every community have a traditional way of farming which are mutually dependent and in fact played a vital role of traditional occupation for generating economy. The pattern of agriculture is seem to be similar with the adjustment of the local environment yet some of the villagers believed that there used to be different ways of agricultural patterns practiced by different communities.

There was an unanimous opinion in my native village that different communities are expert in at least growing different crops through their traditional system. The important crops grown in the village are paddy, vegetables, onion, chillies, ginger, corn, millet etc which are the commercial crops grown widely in the village. Selling of their crops in the local markets is important activity in the village by most of the people even if

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some of them are involved in governmental job. Seasonal crops are rotated so that the natural soil content is conserved, organic manure as usually preferred rather than modern fertilizers. The villagers have their own understanding of soil, seeds and the pests, ants, other insects and animals which destroy their crops, however, the practice of agriculture could not be complete without caring for bullocks.

It is the significant belief coming from some of the village elders that, agricultural practice which they are following today has been learned from different communities. I found it rather skeptical and difficult to believe, perhaps villagers are only trying to exaggerate but they have a distinctive reason for it. During earlier days the good quality of seeds were found only in the house of Hindu community, as the applying of cow dung on the walls and the floors are very sacred and pure which also keep the harmful insects away. The other significant reason I was told by villagers that the good qualities of chillies are grown by the Bhutia and Lepcha because the use chicken manure which is very good for the growth of chillies. On the hand, keeping of chicken as domestic animals in the house of Hindu communities are not allowed by the religion.

Such contradiction is very difficult to believe in present scenario which is no longer paid attention by the villagers as they follow a same pattern of agriculture looking into the quality of soil. They either partly or completely depend on agriculture playing a different roles of landowner, sharecropper and labourer. Therefore, the quality of social relationship they maintain today is by the principle of reciprocity of labour which is basic to rural social life. Chama, Parma is the term used for the exchange of labour and it is a common practice in the village during the time of paddy cultivation when the need for

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agricultural labour is in the peak. One of the member in the family has to be always on the move to return, as the villagers believe that it is the one of the easiest way of farming.

Food Commensality

Food is one of the important elements of culture which carries its own identity,

“Identities are understood in terms of how they are defined by others” (Arora, 2007: 197).

However, the person is also recognized from the food they eat, different communities have a spectrum of conceptions that come to play when defining individual. For most of the Bhutia of Sikkim are non vegetarian, they prefer meat rather than vegetables and also they are dependent on seasonal fruits and vegetables.

Food is the way to unite communities from different cultures and generations.

Looking into the context of Sikkim an individual is recognized from the food they eat, and every community has its own traditional food which has its own traditional value within the society. As mentioned earlier, the identity of food can drive an individual to get a glimpse of other community without even going anywhere. It connects the cultural heritage and ethnicity and find the connection between the communities through food.

One of the crucial tradition in the Sikkim is, during the festivals of any communities it is always about exchange of food. In rural and urban areas, it has been their routine, Bhutia during Lossong and Losar72, share their food with Nepalis, similarly during Dasai and Diwali they follow the same pattern. This system did not start globally

72losar: is a Tibetan word which translate as "new year", it is a popular and significant festival celebrate by the people of Sikkim. The losar is also called as the Bhutia new year. 134

rather it starts regionally, which is valued by the communities, thus it symbolized the close relation between neighbors who are from different community.

Presently, the exchange of food has converted into the adaptation, the Bhutia preferences over Selroti, for any occasion has made the Bhutia women very expert with the ingredients and flavors. Similarly the preference of Zero and Khabzee by Nepali is one of the example that appeared to be much strong for maintaining a balanced social relation among different communities.

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CHAPTER-VI

CULTURAL REVIVALISM

Culture is defined in many ways, it is the arts and other human intellectual achievement, it is also termed as the individual ideas, customs social behavior of a particular society. One of the most covering definitions of the culture is state by Edward

Tylor, the British anthropologist, he defined culture as is "that complex whole which includes knowledge, belief, art, morals, law, custom and any other capabilities and habits acquired by man as a member of society" (Tylor, 1871:1). Tylor was the first anthropologist to establish the word in English Language with its anthropological meaning, most of the anthropologist relied on his definition of culture for a very long time. Kroeber and Kluckhohn (1952), reflects that culture is a heart of anthropology, it is borrowed from German "kultur" which means "higher values of enlightenment of society". Culture is not inherited it is rather transmitted, it is a way of life of a group of people which could be taught and orally pass on to generation to generation.

Culture is seen as the knowledge shared by a particular community which is constantly changing and evolving, the concept of the culture looks very simple on one hand while it can be very complex on the other end. While discussing the concept of cultural change Doshi and Jain (2009-[2001]:145), states that "culture is a way of life of a people while society is organized, interacting, and aggregate of individuals who follow a given way of life". In other from one can say that the society is composed of people and the way they behave is culture, as society consists of different social, economic and political organizations. Thus, these organizations provide social continuity to our society, and it is maintained by enculturation which is a process of adaptation. Due to the contact

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with different factors which leads to change and further converts into cultural change.

The constant pressure from the different agents of developmental like environment security, education and employment opportunity etc constantly forcing an individual to cope up with the changing aspects within society. Thus change is impossible to avoid and it is an absolute factor which every society has to face and with everything changing around, it is an important to maintain the continuity of a culture by preserving its cultural practices and rituals. It is no doubt that the culture is changing but the cultural continuity resists change with the diversification of a new arrival of culture with the constant civilization, modernization, globalization etc. True enough, there is always a remains of old traits along with the existence of the new one, thus on the other round, one has to understand the consequences of how the past can affect the present in the process of change and continuity. In contrast to this argument Dosi and Jain (2009), argues that, cultural traits change with the passage of time but it never totally decay with its existence, therefore cultural processes and changes go hand and hand.

No doubt, that the cultural processes take place when one generation handover its culture to next generation, the culture we obtain today is through the medium of processes. In other way, it is said that the change is inescapable. Since tradition , culture, customs etc have undergone many changes for the process of revive in the present world.

One of the common statement we give today is the occurrence of changes in Indian culture which still maintains its continuity. However the Bhutia community is constantly trying to maintain a balance with the changing society, often time we come across that the community member trying to bring back their lost identity. Because the community

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have realized that it is the only way to keep their cultural identity alive and run for generations and generations.

It is a matter of fact that the culture is constantly changing on one hand and evolving on other, hence the change is impossible to avoid, as many cultures have undergone changes which further shape into a new form of culture. Revival of culture is an universal phenomenon, every time we encounter the process of cultural revivalism around us, the community are trying to bring back their original or the lost identity or dying culture in function.

Since, past few years we can see that the cultural revivalism taking place among the Bhutia of Sikkim, the process of reviving their culture has occurred with the establishment of the different associations in Sikkim, among which the Karab yargey

73and the Siblac74 is the most functioning one which look after the rights and the overall development of the Bhutia community of Sikkim. Apart from these associations there are other functioning associations in every part of Sikkim from rural to urban areas actively taking part in the matter related to its community.

The chapter share about the rising importance of culture and its original identity in a life of a Bhutia community in Sikkim and the role of present generation acting out its culture and identity. Although the community is still rich in its cultural heritage but the importance of original and vanishing culture has been realized by a community member.

With support of different associations the Bhutia community are trying its best to join its

73Karab Yargey: it is the association formed by Bhutia community to promote language and cultural identity of Bhutia. 74Siblac: it is the Sikkim Bhutia Lepcha Appex committe, it focused on the rights and interest of the Bhutia and Lepcha community of Sikkim. 138

missing links, the links which can be revive through various cultural practices like language, food habits, songs and dance, costumes, rites of passage etc.

Locating Bhutia Cultural Identity

The researcher often poses a challenge while studying the history of Bhutia community on their proper origin, due to the limited archives, books etc. For a long period, the Bhutia community had been known as the ruling class in then Sikkim, now the community poses a tribal status in the state of Sikkim. Tracing their origin and the history available from sources the anthropologists and ethnographers have constructed stories of their religion, ritual, food habits, dressing patterns in order to know the community in more detail.

Cultural revivalism is the one of the burning topic which the researcher are interested to persue for their studies. While undergoing into the details of cultural revivalism among the Bhutia community in Sikkim, it is the concerned Bhutia leaders who have pinned down to forge for a age old identity which is slowly radiating. To avoid such circumstances in a community, the different associations with the help of researchers and active youths are reforming and revising their past, present, their self and their age old cultural belief.

Rituals and Religion

The Bhutia community in Sikkim worship Buddhist deities such as Gautama Buddha, commonly known by the name Sangay which means 'englightnment', Guru Rinpoche,

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Charedzee, Dolma and other forms of gods and goddess. Apart from this, they worship their own deities Khimay lha75 to look after their house and their land. The way to worship such deities is by offering them the first harvest they produce from their land.

The community set up a very rich and involved in religion, unlike hindu community, they are allowed to eat beef and pork by their religion like many other ethnic groups in

Sikkim. Bhutia community is very strict while dealing with the religion, they celebrates each and every religious functions according to the dates followed from the Buddhist calendar. The Bhutia women make sure to visit their nearby Manilhakhang following the dates mentioned in the calendar for offering prayers. They believe that civilization is based upon more scientific and technological advances and religious part is for self growth. However the male participation of male member and young generation for such functions are seen less in numbers but with the passage of time the number is increasing.

The Bhutia community in Sikkim produced a mixed religious traits of both Buddhism and animism borrowed from Lepcha.

With the process of development and westernization the community tends to ignore the age old practices and rituals of Buddhism. Some of the family have converted into Christianity for their own benefits, by completely leaving their original religion.

Along with it, the Bhutia community practice the ritual of Pholha the worship of ancestor one of the important rituals for the community celebrated through the first offerings from their harvest. In the recent phase of overloaded schedule the community in some parts are looking into simple way of customary action for such rituals, which tends to ignore the original practice of their ancestor. To overcome such issues among the community, the

75Khimay Lha: deities of a house, which is worshiped to look after the wellbeing in a house. 140

leaders are conducting regular meetings in all the areas and every remote parts of Sikkim urging people to trace back to their original rituals and also encouraging present generation to witness the ritual activities and make them aware of their age old practices.

In some parts of Sikkim the practice was completely disappear, my own native place Simick Lingzey east Sikkim. The practice of pholha seems to be disappeared for past few years within our Lingzerpa clan, present generation were not aware of this practice. When visiting my father's maternal cousins I came to know about the practice of pholha, on asking my mother, I was told that the practice was there before but after the demise of Mandang ajo, who was also a Phow and famous ritual specialist of his time.

The reason for being neglected is because of not having another expert to officiate this rituals. Later, when our elders felt the importance, they urge for the practice of pholha.

However late Simar ajo managed to collect some old chanting of Phola rituals from his personal archive and distributed among all Lingzerpa families. Similarly, Gyurmay Ajo took in charge as ritual specialist for Pholha. He officiate the rituals in such a way that he make sure to engage everyone especially the younger ones, he tries all possible way to make us aware of the rituals. Presently, Pholha is conducting every year in the month of

December after harvest, hence the practice is revived over few decades.

Traditional Wear

Revival of traditional wear constitute a very important component of revival of

Bhutia's culture. The traditional attire for both the male and female have created a profound impact in the revival process. kho for both male and female, the kho worn by

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male is called Po-kho and the dress worn by female is called mo-kho. Traditionally, women wear loose sleeved blouse honju and underneath they wear kho held at waist by a long piece of belt like cloth called kera, use of pangden (apron) by women is indicative of the marital status of women, unmarried women are not allowed to wear Pangden and along with it, they wear Tibetan kinga shamboo as their cap. Male folk usually wears double high necked shirt (wanthas) with kho and wear chinese thuri shampo as cap. The original traditional dress became virtually extinct, as the people find more confined with the western wear which is more convenient and cheaper as compared to traditional one.

As the fabric is more expensive for the traditional dress and to stitch these dresses is another problem which is more expensive. However, the community feel more concerned towards their attire and with the growing demands of fabric has increased the traditional shops in Gangtok city with more affordable fabric. I visited the Shingying village in west

Sikkim, it is also a site of newly discovered religious place Dorjee Pharm Nay. I am being told by village old ladies in Manilhakang that before people were more confined to their traditional dress to showcase their identity. The male members also used to wear earrings called as allong and wear ribbon as they used to keep their hair long during early days,which is now present generation are interested to know about the reason behind its disappearance that has compelled the community have revive their proper traditional attire. The cloths should reflects the activity of an individual and it is designed for different occasions, for instance during funeral the community avoid wearing colorful

Khochen iteams, whereas same cloths are wore during weddings, which is the indication to pay respect for different social domains.

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With growing number of shops in Sikkim has made it easier for young generation who are taking further their identity by wearing it to their workplace and for important occasions. The women are often called as the identity bearer and carrying their identity further by wearing traditional dresses. For women the dress is more convenient and easy to wear every day, despite all these efforts the dress are modified (designer kho) such modified dresses are used for functions in schools and colleges. The women of all ages started wearing designer kho which the community leaders didn't like the idea with the modified ones which is degrading the traditional.

With the new scheme brought up by the government for showcasing their cultural identity, the Bhutia community along with other communities in Sikkim taking part to showcase their cultural identity to recognized who they really are? Due to such functions the wearing of traditional dresses has become new trend with the communities, today we get to see a young generations from any community proudly wearing their traditional dress for all important occasion, to represents their identity.

Oral Narratives

The legends, stories, myths too plays an important role in the community's people, every communities has its own story of their origin and ancestor. For example, the

Lepcha of Sikkim have the story of Kanchenzonga in their life and the Bhutia too have the story of their ancestor Khay-Bum-Sa and the reason behind getting this title. All these stories and legends plays an important role in our life, as we grew up listening to these stories told by our grandparents. With the passage of time, the rapid advancement and change in the lifestyle of people, all those stories has been replaced by new technology

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which are forcing our old stories to be vanished. Those grandparent's bedtime stories has been replaced by the fairytales stories from the books which is easily available in the market.

I often observe my younger cousins, not aware of our origin and ancestor, as it has became like a fashion in today's society that children should focus only on their schools, tuitions, dance class, music class, swimming class, etc. When there is a free time they are either busy collecting points in video gaming or watching television. It is obvious to find a gap between a generations, that is why the process of revival of historical myths and legends should include in revival process. The first step which the community felt important is they started creating serious impact through the significance of the revival of Lossong festival, which has now became an image of the cultural heritage and identity for Bhutia community. It is the only occasion where every individual comes under single roof and celebrate in grand manner at community level.

Different traditional cuisine, traditional alcohol are served and the community elders make sure to teach younger generation to offer food to their local deities before they eat anything and narrates the story behind such traditions. The Bhutia community believed, if they offer anything before they consume then they are always guard and protected by their local deities. The festival lasts for two to three days, it doesn't have fixed date, celebration usually takes place during the month of December or January according to the almanac calendar of Sikkim after three to four days of celebrations at their home.

The festival is celebrated in every parts of Sikkim, which includes different types of traditional events, like food stalls, sports, cultural events etc. The main reason for organizing such events is to keep our younger generation aware of our culture which I

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have noticed while attending a Lossong festival of Kalzang Welfare Association of

Tashiding. They celebrate in a grand manner after Tshay Sum which is the third day of lossong, the association declare the date of event after the third day of lossong celebration. On the first day of lossong Tshay chik, they avoid going far and avoid visiting neighbors houses, nor they exchange any tangible goods with other as it is believed that, if they remain in their house on the first day of lossong then their good luck and charms will remain inside their house. While on the second day Tshay nyee, they visits their relatives and families with the lossong Khay76. From the third day they get busy with the preparation of lossong festival in their main ground. At the festival, one can witness various traditional activities, such as; Lagda (dart), Hang jing (pillow fight),

Geydur (weight lifting), Thagtheng (tough of war), Thi Phyog Shey (chair game). The participation of younger generation are seen higher in number, which is the another indication of their concern towards age old tradition which is in the verge of extinction..

It is due to the active involvement of associations that the community started realizing the importance of their myths and legends. They started taking active involvement in collecting old stories from the elders, and Mr. Lopen Pema Rinzing is one of the main pioneer, he told his next project is to collect stories from village elders and turning it into a book for the Bhutia students of Sikkim. Mandal ajo my land lord from

Pelling, is his one of the informants for his upcoming project, he has narrated more than

18 stories for his new upcoming projects.

76lossong khay:it is the share of festival, count as gifts which includes meat (chicken,pork), rice, alcohol. This gifts are usually given by the married woman to their family and relatives. 145

Language and Scripts

The most important and essential component to add in the revival process is the

Bhutia language or Lhokay, the language along with the scripts is essential to put further in the agenda of the process of revivalism. I visited most of the Bhutia village for my ethnographic fieldwork, The villagers speak Bhutia language with their families, neighbors and relatives. The Bhutia speaker among the children category are seen very less in number. They don't have knowledge of their own language and scripts. In some parts of Sikkim, the Bhutia language and scripts seems virtually extinct among the children. When I was in Sumin village, the villagers speak Bhutia language with each other but most of the private school going children have no knowledge of their own scripts. They could either read nor write Bhutia language, the children going into private school are deprived of learning language and scripts, however, the students from government school are not facing the problems. Since, they are somehow getting opportunity to be in touched with the language and scripts through the medium of schools.

The Bhutia leaders, with the help of state government have been trying to revive their language and scripts by taking the help from the scholars, monks and Bhutia teachers. They are focusing more on retrieving old books from different sources, old manuscripts, religious books, some of them even donated their old books and manuscripts of their ancestors. The different sources collected from our leaders, initiated in the year1970 which was the turning point in the development of Bhutia language from

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Bhutia dialect. To pin point, I was given a written note by Shri Yeshe Rinzing Bhutia

TBO/Bhutia Language section HRDD Gangtok, he stated, to develop one own culture, language, traditions, and customs the discussion was taken place on the development of

Bhutia language. Padmashree Norden Tshering Bhutia then Tibetan translator of State

Legislative Assembly took an initiative to develop a Bhutia script. Before the Tibetan or

Chuke was taught in school, later he realized that it was not being able to represent our thought, ideas and expressions, they decided to adopt Thumi Samboda's script and based on it the Bhutia language was developed after a series of considerate discussion with the support of many other pioneers from Bhutia community.

The created newspaper, calendar, books and booklets on history, language, grammar etc. The main objective for taking such steps is to inspire community's people especially the young generation to opt for Bhutia language in school and colleges and the language to preserve the cultural heritage of their community. With the establishment of the informal schools in Sikkim, started giving an opportunity to young children to learn

Bhutia language and scripts. Today, most of the younger generation are looking for the means where they get an opportunity to learn and know about their own language. With the opening of many Bhutia learning and speaking coaching institute in Sikkim, the participation of younger generation are always in higher number. During every winter vacation, they actively take initiative in learning and speaking Bhutia language.

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Song, Dance and Music

Song, dance and music are the important intangible heritage of Bhutia community, like many other communities, the Bhutia community has also taken initiative in preserving and promoting their cultural heritage. While discussing about song, dance and music it is not only the leaders but the member belonging to all the categories are taking initiative in reviving the following process. There are cultural associations where different groups are formed by the member who take in charge of different jobs, some group are meant for songs, some are for dance while some are for music. In Gangtok the community have a Bhutia house Makhim comprising members with different age groups, the leaders guide the young member who are already taking part in different cultural events by representing Bhutia community globally. In several localities, the different groups have been formed comprising the women group, the group of boys and girls, the group of musical bands who perform during different occasions. In recent times, with the improvement in the audio video facilities the different audio-visual DVDs are being produced representing the ethnic emblem of the community. The younger member of the community now a day's producing many music video albums, focusing on traditional and religious songs, songs representing cultural heritage, marriage ritual, love story and the agriculture practices such a sowing and reaping the harvest. The initiative taken by the community is indeed appreciating as the community has its owns importance of dance, song and music for different occasions which keep the younger generation getting in touch with the their identity. The major achievement the community received when the first ever movie Byakay was released in Bajra Cinema house of Sikkim. While talking

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about the revivalism in community the afford was taken by Mr. Thupden Palzng Bhutia,

Assistant Professor of Gyalsing college who started with the forming of the group called

Denzong ki Lhokey in facebook, instagram, watsapp by adding Bhutia members and discuss on the different issues related to the authentic identity. He also started encouraging young generation to take part in traditional dress photo shoot competition, singing competition etc. He formed a group with the help of social media where he started including different experts in the field of religion, language, tradition and culture, dance, songs etc. Every day different discussions on the chosen topic will be discussed in details, which not only helped younger generation to learn about the different domains of identity, it will also make the younger generation aware of different forms of traditional knowledge and they are connected with eachother through this group. He was felicitated many times for his great action for the community. The efforts are creating interests among the younger generation to learn the traditional skills which is supporting to preserve the authentic culture of the community.

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CHAPTER-VII

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONs

Identity determine a position of individual in the society they live and it is very complex in nature. Individuals have multiple identities like national, ethnic, regional, sub-regional. The notion of identity is very significant for individuals to adapt into a different environments of socio-cultural, religious, economic, political etc. Therefore, the concept of community identity is multilayered, it require a thorough understanding from a consensual approach.

The complexity in analyzing these challenging aspects gave of much debate in anthropological discourses. Studies on Community’s identity, with reference to traditional tribal community in India have been made by different scholars. Most of the research studies on Schedule tribes have highlighted their culture, developmental issues and other related aspects. There are very limited studies on Bhutia community in Sikkim.

The new discourse on “identity” is gaining moment in anthropological research studies, particularly the communities in Sikkim experiencing social transformation in the present times. Thus, it is obvious to understand on how Bhutia community in Sikkim has still retained continuity with the past while are areas in which Bhutia community is experiencing several changes in social Institutions.

The research goal was to identify various factors influence the identity formation process. The goal to some extent was partially achieved, but the research study has limitations in attaining a concrete explanation as the nature of identity experiences, due to the complexity of interactions between various social groups in this region.

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The agentsand process of modernization like the rapid transport and communication, urbanization, formal education have created new awareness among the people including the Bhutias. The Bhutia community has taken advantage of the agents’ modernization to spread modern education to advance their community on modern basis.

Bhutia community, the exposure of such agents of modernization has several ramifications at various levels which leads to either of construction of new identities and cultural changes.

The process of Globalization is helping individuals to be more technologically advanced and have knowledge of the different things, but sometime such process is altering in many segments leading to cultural loss and traditions, and many changes have been occurred due to such processes. Until recently, ethnicity and cultural revivalism led for the fulfillment in the political, economical and social field. Due to increase in the polarization of other communities, political and other social organizations were formed to protect the identity of the communities. The identity of the community is well preserved both socially and politically.

This ethnographic study of Bhutia, is an attempt to understand the concept of

Bhutia identity and the emerging significance of culturein Sikkim society. The research study is an ethnographic endeavor to unravel the individual community members

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experiences about their community, on how other groups perceive them. This has facilitated to explore the notions of Bhutia community members cultural status as they experience themselves and perceived by other social groups. Hence, the research study, has been done to know more on the changes taking place in various social institutions which has challenged the concept of identity within the Bhutia community.

The present research study, is the examination of identity construction has been done among the Bhutia of different geographical locations, being living in the different villages and exposed to different forms of culture from other communities, the research study highlights the similarities and cultural changes currently practicing by the Bhutia community members all over Sikkim. The Bhutia community, are currently negotiating the process of transition, at this scenario, an attempt is being made by the members to search for new symbol to connect the past history with present traditions. This evident as the Bhutia community's practice in showcasing their territorial religious symbols and religious identity.

The notion of identity is widely discussed in anthropological enquiry, as it is theorized in a fragmented, multiple and fluid manner. Thus, the identity denotes the social dimension of human existence. Through the passage of time, Bhutia community have undergone many changes and transformation within the society. The mingling of different ethnic groups within the Bhutia community has created a huge social transformation within the Bhutia community, once a ruling, elite community is now recognized as a Schedule Tribe. The cultural traits of other ethnic minor communities grouped in the 'Bhutia' generic term has been defined in terms of their similarities of culture, origin and religion which possess shares commonality with the Bhutia.

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The different rituals practiced like the birth rites, marriage and the death rites are the most important in the social institutions of the Bhutia community. These are the institution where, the changes in culture is observed and understood the reason for such transformation within the community. Research in a different Bhutia villages of Sikkim, the idea of social transformation within the community is grasped which is varied from one village to the other. There are significant noticeable changes with regard to the rituals performed in the important ceremonies like birth rites, marriage, death rites, educational process and economic activities. In the earlier days, groups among Bhutia community had unique identities, however, with the passage of time, these subtle differences among them have dwarfed leading to a more common identity.

The study encompasses the social and the cultural differences among the Bhutia community, one of the strongest notion is that cultural boundaries between the different communities. The cultural boundaries between ethnic communities can be seen as the major turning point for Bhutia community to reiterate their traditional knowledge, ethos and their land. The important boundary when it comes to differentiate with the other community is the cultural symbols like food, religion, dress, language and everyday practices. With the passage of time, the cultural symbols are amalgamated with the other cultures of various region and transform into a new form. The later reorganization on cultural importance has made an awareness among the Bhutia community to revive their earlier cultural legacy.

This research has focused on the growing significance of culture of the

Bhutia community of Sikkim. The community have been undergoing a process revivalism in an attempt to establish continuity with a suitable historic past through their

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tradition. They are engaged in exploring the dynamics of culture towards locating their ethnic roots towards reconfiguring their social destination. The search for the roots and identity through the prism of culture includes the search for both tangible and intangible heritage. People’s imagination touches upon geographical boundaries, language, script, history, religion, ritual, music, song, dance and festival.

While, there are changes witnessed over the years within the Bhutia community, the core identity of Bhutia community with Buddhistic religious affiliations is intact on a large scale. The role and duties of religious and ritual specialists like monks, and the spiritual Gurus like the Rinpoche are highly revered by the Bhutia community and still follow the Tulku system for the highest monastic order. The remnants of Buddhist religious symbolism is intact.

Bhutia community is responsible in formation of a centralized Governance in

Sikkim region in the form of Chogyals during 1642 AD. When the indigenous ethnic communities have their own polity. In the present times, the Bhutia community members have expressed that the democratic form of Governance from an Theocratic/Aristocratic governance system has transformed Sikkim as egalitarian and peaceful region.

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Glossary

Chante: Traditional wooden table

Thee: Chair

Lopen: Sir

Phogya: Husband

Gye: Clan

Tashi: Good fortune

Rabnae; Rituals for good fortune

Paksing: Bamboo

Nachay: Forest

Torma: Effigy

Phum: Girl

Chum: Rice

Chama: Substitute

Khim: House

Phow: Male Shaman

Kho: Bhutia traditional attire

Gonpa: Monastery 162

Chang: Local alcohol

Ajyoyap: grandfather

Makhim: Main house

Yab: Lord

Chopa: Monk

Phuchhem: pregnant

Dhip: impure

Champo: highly attain monks

Thotay: Cremation ground

Chemi: Butter lamp

Thoku: Friend

Nukung: grandmother

Lha: Deities

Pholha: Male Deities

Shya: Meat

Minaka: member of same clan

Neysol: worship of territorial deities

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Collecting data from village elders

Interacting with one of the oldest member of Phodong, N.Sikkim 164

Old Bhutia Tradidional House

Basement of the traditional Bhutia house

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Traditional Bhutia House at Simick Lingzey

Bhutia House at Singyang

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Bhutia traditional attire of male and female

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Bhutia women at Lossong festival.

Bhutia women and their daily household work

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Traditional Bhutia Wedding

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A funeral procession

At the time of Cremation

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Bhutia Traditional food Khabzee, zero

Chadung Basu Chang, Millet beer

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A Pillow Fight game at Tashiding lossong festival

Dance performance in Lossong Festival

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A man participating in traditional Dart game

At the time of Lossong Festival

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Traditional symbol for wellcoming of guests during wedding

Pottery of the forgotten days

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Pangtoed Cham during Pang lhabsol at Pemayangtshe

Kanchenjonga a mountain deity

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Mandal Ajo

Phodong Ajo

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Preparation of Rimroo

Amulets hung at the main door to ward off evils

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Manil Lhakhang at Pelling

Pemayangtshe Monastry

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A Bhutia gentleman at the wedding Reception

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Tshewang at Ralang Monastry

A grand meeting at Phodong Monastry

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Monks of Phodong Monastry

Little monk having lunch

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Prayer flags (Lungta)

Phodong Ana

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