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Techniques & Culture, 48-49 | 2007 L’Initiation Rituelle Javanaise Et Ses Modes De Transmission 2

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Techniques & Culture, 48-49 | 2007 L’Initiation Rituelle Javanaise Et Ses Modes De Transmission 2 Techniques & Culture Revue semestrielle d’anthropologie des techniques 48-49 | 2007 Temps, corps, techniques et esthétique L’initiation rituelle javanaise et ses modes de transmission Opposition entre javanisme et islam Jean-Marc de Grave Édition électronique URL : http://journals.openedition.org/tc/3032 DOI : 10.4000/tc.3032 ISSN : 1952-420X Éditeur Éditions de l’EHESS Édition imprimée Date de publication : 12 décembre 2007 Pagination : 85-124 ISSN : 0248-6016 Référence électronique Jean-Marc de Grave, « L’initiation rituelle javanaise et ses modes de transmission », Techniques & Culture [En ligne], 48-49 | 2007, mis en ligne le 20 juin 2010, consulté le 01 mai 2019. URL : http:// journals.openedition.org/tc/3032 ; DOI : 10.4000/tc.3032 Ce document a été généré automatiquement le 1 mai 2019. Tous droits réservés L’initiation rituelle javanaise et ses modes de transmission 1 L’initiation rituelle javanaise et ses modes de transmission Opposition entre javanisme et islam Jean-Marc de Grave 1 L’initiation rituelle javanaise, malgré l’intérêt socio-anthropologique marqué qu’elle présente, n’a jamais été étudiée auparavant (voir Grave 2001a : 7). John Pemberton (1994) ne parle pas explicitement de l’initiation martiale mais, prenant à contre-pied les monographies préexistantes depuis la période coloniale hollandaise, il montre comment celles-ci ont ignoré, volontairement ou non, certains pans de l’activité rituelle javanaise : ceux qui évoquent l’activité guerrière endogène et certains de ceux qui expriment le caractère à la fois régénérant et sélectif de la nature. Pemberton récupère ainsi la dimension politique incluse, que le colonialisme, l’idéologie nationale indonésienne consécutive et l’idéologie des droits de l’homme —en tant que celle-ci s’élabore dans un environnement sociopolitique, sanitaire et militaire normalisé et comparativement surprotégé— avaient évincée des rituels comme pour désactiver un contenu ressenti menaçant ou déplacé. 2 Cet article a pour but de présenter les pratiques et les références d’un groupe d’initiation rituelle javanaise kanuragan et d’établir une comparaison avec celles d’une école de travail sur la« force vitale » (tenaga dalam) marquée par l’islam. Dans la partie consacrée aux valeurs sociales, j’introduis d’autres exemples d’écoles et de pratiques séculières, catégorisées kanuragan elles aussi, afin de renforcer la comparaison. 3 L’ensemble de ces écoles concerne une part importante des 240 millions d’habitants de l’Indonésie. Elles sont protégées par des personnages très influents liés aux domaines Techniques & Culture, 48-49 | 2007 L’initiation rituelle javanaise et ses modes de transmission 2 rituel, religieux, militaire, politique et économique, fréquemment pratiquants eux- mêmes. L’aspect éducatif et formatif très valorisé de ces écoles et le rôle qu’elles jouent dans l’équilibre social sont inséparables de l’identité culturelle de la société javano- indonésienne. La formation dépasse largement le seul cadre d’un apprentissage de pratiques martiales, elle se présente comme un système de référence que l’on retrouve dans nombre de pays asiatiques. Outre l’activité cérémonielle, ce système concerne aussi les connaissances cosmologiques, les pratiques thérapeutiques, la religion, la philosophie religieuse et, partant, le rapport aux conceptions javanaises de l’autorité. 4 Il s’agit ici de tirer les conclusions qui s’imposent quant à la sélectivité des techniques employées et l’influence des valeurs respectives aux différents groupes en rapport à cette sélectivité : pourquoi tel groupe utilise-t-il telles techniques plutôt que d’autres ? Ainsi, au travers d’une activité, d’une pratique qui plonge aux racines socioculturelles javanaises, c’est aussi la configuration idéologique du système de valeurs d’une nation qui transparaît. In fine, l’article questionne le rapport dialectique qui s’établit entre pratique et représentation. 1 5 L’étymologie du terme kanuragan est certainement liée aux racines sanskrites raga et anuraga qui, dans leurs acceptions en javanais ancien mettent en avant les facultés émotionnelles du désir et de l’amour, alors que dans leurs acceptions en javanais moderne —suite à une évolution propre au contexte javanais—, elles mettent plutôt en avant le « corps physique » (raga), la domination et la force (cf. Grave 2001 : 18-19). 6 L’initiation rituelle kanuragan présente en son fondement deux éléments qui la caractérisent. Le premier est plutôt endogène à la personne et ses constituants. Il est lié aux cycles de vie et plus particulièrement à la naissance. Selon les conceptions javanaises, l’être humain naît avec quatre esprits germains qui l’accompagneront toute son existence (Grave 2001a : chap. III) et plus spécialement un « frère aîné » (kakang) issu de l’« amnios » (kawah) et un « frère cadet » (adhik), encore plus valorisé, issu du « placenta » (ari-ari). La pratique vise à utiliser la force de ces quatre esprits germains. 7 Le second élément —plutôt exogène— consiste en l’acquisition d’aji, lesquels désignent des connaissances qui sont aussi des capacités. À un aji particulier, comme nous allons le voir, s’attache(nt) une ou des caractéristique(s) spécifique(s). Le niveau de base de la pratique s’appelle kaenoman, composé javanais affixé depuis la base enom, « jeune ». Il consiste notamment à acquérir des formes d’invulnérabilité ; à ce niveau existe aussi une forme complémentaire qui a pour objet de se faire investir par un esprit d'animal. Au niveau intermédiaire, il s’agit de lier des contacts amoureux ou de protéger son environnement proche (foyer, travail...). Au niveau supérieur, le niveau kasepuhan —de la base sepuh, « âgé, sage, expérimenté »—, il s’agit de venir en aide aux personnes qui ont des problèmes, soigner les malades notamment, et de perfectionner les techniques de méditation pour augmenter son potentiel d’autorité spirituelle, de s’entraîner à la séparation du corps physique et du corps subtil (ngraga sukma), et de préparer son séjour post mortem dans le cadre des pratiques liées à la compréhension « de l’origine et du devenir de l’être » (sangkan paraning dumadi). 8 L’aji a une existence propre. Il se retransmet de personne à personne ou s’obtient en établissant une relation particulière avec le monde des esprits (alaming dhedhemit). Aji désigne aussi la formule spéciale —le mantra2— par laquelle on acquiert ou on invoque un aji. Dans les deux cas, l’aji est censé être une émanation du monde divin. Techniques & Culture, 48-49 | 2007 L’initiation rituelle javanaise et ses modes de transmission 3 Figure 1. Mbah Budi se prépare à tester l’efficacité de l’aji Windu Kencana chez un élève. 9 Dans l’école Trah Tedjokusuman (TT) ici décrite, l’enseignement a lieu à proximité du palais royal de la ville de Yogyakarta, chez le maître appelé Mbah Budi.3 Celui-ci prescrit à l’élève un type de jeûne spécifique à suivre pour l’acquisition d’un aji particulier. À l’issue de la phase de jeûne, lors d’un rituel d’initiation très élaboré, il baigne l’aspirant avec de l’eau florale consacrée, puis, après lui avoir fait répéter la formule de protection, teste son courage en lui assénant un coup de l’arme vis-à-vis de laquelle l’aji est censé rendre invulnérable. Le maître retransmet alors la formule de protection de cet aji à l’élève, lequel offre en retour un repas rituel —appelé rasulan ou bancakan— au maître, à la famille de celui-ci, et aux autres membres de niveau « aîné ». Le rasulan (du terme d’origine arabe rasul, « prophète ») fait référence à une catégorie de cérémonies communautaires dont l’objet vise à établir une relation avec un ou plusieurs type(s) d’esprits protecteurs donné (s) (Grave 2001a : 88-93). Il est notamment tenu à l’occasion du rituel de « nettoyage de village » (bersih dhusun), effectué lors de la récolte du riz. Il consacre la hiérarchie qui s’établit entre les esprits attachés à la personne, à la maison, au village, au royaume, et le Dieu macrocosmique englobant plutôt lié à la nation. Il consacre aussi les rapports aînés/ cadets, en particulier le rapport parents/enfants, lequel exprime la relation qui s’élabore entre le maître de TT (et son épouse, en quelque façon) et ses élèves. Les différents aji retransmis chez Trah Tedjokusuman sont reportés dans le tableau 1. ajian windu aji wali aji pangèlmunan klunthung kencana aji sejati (« l’aji (de pang- aji keréwaja Forme d’aji wesi (« l’aji (« l’aji des du saint limunan : (« l’aji du store retransmise de huit années [musulman] «l’aji de d’acier ») l’enveloppe dorées ») véritable ») l’invisibilité») d’acier ») Techniques & Culture, 48-49 | 2007 L’initiation rituelle javanaise et ses modes de transmission 4 7 jours et 7 manger 1 nuits, mutih : 1 jour et 1 nuit, 2 jours et 2 nuits, 3 jours et 3 nuits, seule fois par Type de jeûne ni sel ni aucune aucune ingestion aucune ingestion jour à 18h pdt sucre ni ingestion 3 jours viande . Keblat . Keblat . Keblat Papat Papat . Keblat Papat . Keblat Papat Papat Kalima Kalima Kalima Prière de base et Kalima Pancer Kalima Pancer Pancer Pancer Pancer substance médiatrice . encens et résine de . encens et résine de . encens et résine . encens et . encens et benjoin benjoin de benjoin résine de résine de benjoin benjoin Eau cérémonielle eau florale4 eau florale eau florale eau florale eau florale Sang Windu Klunthung Mantra spécifique Wali Sejati Pangèlmunan Sejati Keréwaja Kencana Wesi kriss (arme lance (arme Arme utilisée masse d’arme planche à clous arme tranchante pointue) projetée) bancakan bancakan bancakan bancakan bancakan Repas cérémoniel rasulan rasulan rasulan rasulan rasulan Tableau 1. Les principaux éléments intervenant dans les pratiques de base 10 De façon générale, une période de jeûne doit débuter et s’achever après le coucher du soleil. Durant la période de jeûne, il faut éviter de se mettre en colère et il ne faut pas avoir de relation sexuelle.
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