CHAPTER10
/ The Age of Emigrations: French Emigres and Global Entanglements of Political
Friedemann Pestel
In the year 1800, Charles Saladin-Egerton, a patnc1an from Geneva, whom the revolution of 1794 had driven out of his native city, reflected in London on the large-scale consequences of the revolutions in Europe and the Atlantic world from the perspective of migration:
That a Polish refugee in Paris, an American loyalist in London or a French royalist emigre in St Petersburg cannot consent to consider as legal the gov ernments that, by only the force of arms, by the progressive rise of a small faction, or by the wish of the majority of their compatriots, succeeded to those under which they had lived, this is conceivable; it is the effect of a more or less blind, but often honourable sentiment.1
What makes Saladin's statement interesting is that he reflected on exile as a result of a 'participatory observation' in the very centre of a connected history of political migration. Living in the 'capital of the emigration' ,2 he
All translations are my own.
Albert-Ludwigs-U niversitat Freiburg, Freiburg, Germany e-mail: [email protected]
©The Author(s) 2019 205 L. Philip, J. Reboul (eds.), French Emigrants in Revolutionised Europe, War, Culture and Society, 1750-1850, https://doi.org/10.1007 /978-3-030-27435-1_10 206 F. PESTEL 10 THE AGE OF EMIGRATIONS' FRENCH EMIGRf:S AND GLOBAL. 207 was part of a large transnational community of migrants of different out how the renewed experience of exile raised questions of national gins, social profiles, and political orientations, who had left behind belonging, and it addresses the issue of solidarity and material support. revolutionary hotspots of the late eighteenth century: the United In the second part of the chapter, I focus on the political agency emi France, Saint-Domingue, Geneva, or Poland. 3 French emigres were by gres gained by drawing on and referring to other experiences of political the largest group of political migrants in the Age of Revolutions. rnass migration. How and where did French emigres interact with other wherever they went-to all parts of Europe, the Caribbean and exiles? Which interests and motives did French emigres, Caribbean plant America, and as far as India or Australia-they met not only fellow ers, American loyalists, Genevan patricians, or the Order of Malta share? from France but also other political migrants. Around 1800, several To what extent did collaboration and competition among migrants rein dred thousand exiles dislocated by revolution and war were const:antl\1'' force their political relevance and mobilise support from the host societies? on the move. As the case of French planters from the Caribbean highlights, distinc In one of the rare comparative studies on this topic, Maya Ja"c•w .. ,u~' tions between royalists and republicans, metropolitan and colonial exiles looking at American loyalists and French emigres, has emphasised how became blurry. Transatlantic migration relied on older patterns of mobil entangled experiences of expulsion and uprooting 'made an age of ity,6 but expulsion and destitution sometimes turned into a double experi tions into an age of refugees' .4 Enquiring into these migratory enco ence: French aristocrats could leave the metropole or save their fortunes in in a more systematic way, this chapter develops Jasanoff's category of the Caribbean only to lose their colonial properties in the Antillean slave Age of Refugees further into an Age of Emigrations. I argue that insurrections. In reverse, French absentee planters not returning to the inhabitants of the Atlantic world and beyond experienced the 11. 11111c~n; metropole found their names put on the emigre lists. effects of revolution through the arrival of exiles and found that In the most extreme case, emigration could take place without mobility tion, exile, and mobility of different times, places, and speeds · at all. As the third part demonstrates, this holds true for French expatriates one of the most important things French emigres learned outside such as diplomats, merchants, or travellers, who were living outside France. was that they were not alone. Connecting with other exiles increased Simply staying where they were-for instance, in the Ottoman Empire political agency, encounters with and references to previous mtgr
This imperial dimension of the loyalist model became particularly rele political analyst of a similar socio-political background, who had made his vant with the British evacuation of Saint-Domingue in 1798. After career in France as editor of the Mercure de France. Mallet du Pan's parts of the colonial planters had counted on British support against Genevan citizenship did not prevent him from being put on the French the slave insurrectionists and the French republican army, the Bn emigre list and finally being perpetually banned from Geneva after the retreat left them with even fewer options to maintain their properties.46 French.a.nnex~tion in 1798.53 Reluctantly, the Mallet du Pan family joined those who resettled within the British Caribbean and Canada, the British the pohncal d1aspora of the Age of Emigrations. When the family retreated government lobbied by planter representatives offered compensation as it to Britain, his son wrote: had done for American loyalists before.47 On a similar promise, a group French royalists headed by the Comte de Puisaye passed from Britain to I would rather direct my terrestrial machine to any part of the earth than Canada in order to prepare another resettlement also involving witness the ruin and misfortune of my fatherland: I would rather never hear from western France. The shared Anglo-French expectation was that the the word 'Geneva' than witnessing its fall and regarding the men who have emigres would strengthen the British position at the border to the sa~rificed it! I will_m~ve back day by day, from shack to shack up to the poles American Republic.48 In the newly forming province of Upper Canada, Wlth the crowd of extles, I will see the ground collapse behind me the more I move forward, and I will end my days with the last of the Romans. 54 loyalist Richard Cartwright welcomed them as a 'valuable accession to . higher and anti democratic society' .49 In the Genevan circles in London, former political divisions played a Material compensation played no significant role in the relations less significant role than in the French emigre community. Old dissensions between French emigres and political exiles from Geneva. The fact that had become largely irrelevant once Geneva's independence was lost to an some of them were of Huguenot origin points, in reverse, to long-term ever-expanding French Republic. Against their common enemy, Genevan migratory legacies. Their collaboration, mainly in London, strongly emigres and French constitutional monarchists became likely allies. ss on personal networks, joint publications, and political lobbying helped by Some of them already knew each other from Paris. In return, Geneva had influential contacts to the British government. Boundaries between these served as an early refuge for French emigres before both groups were two Francophone groups were permeable as the political trajectories expelled together.56 French royalists, however, remained much more on Geneva's political elites in the late eighteenth century were highly frag· their guard towards the Francophone Protestant 'foreigners' _57 For them, mented and often included a stay in France as well. Genevan emigres remained Rousseau's disciples counting rather as the The revolutions of 1768, 1782, 1792, and 1794, with the French initial instigators of the Revolution than as companions in exile. annexation in 1798 as political nadir, had already driven many Genevan Against such reproaches of subversion and anti -monarchism Genevans politicians to France or the British Isles. The aforementioned Charles insisted on the shared opposition to revolution and experience,of destitu Saladin-Egerton had opposed the anti-patrician revolution in 1782, then ~ion and deprivation. From his temporary refuge in Berne, Mallet du Pan served as a representative of the restored aristocratic government before mformed Saladin-Egerton, already in Britain, about the migratory conse being sentenced to death in absentia by the egalitarian revolution quences of the Genevan revolution of1794: 'Many fled and a big number 1794.50 Many of the representantsas Etienne Claviere or Etienne Dumont, will still flee into this canton; the exiles will choose the same residence after their setback in 1782, passed to France and later joined the ranks where one will not miss to bother them until the moment when they will the Girondins. Soon suspected of 'counterrevolution', some of them be all expelled like the French emigres [ ... ]. One has to look after those ended their lives in prison or under the guillotine, others luckily escaped who will remain without resources, and I see only England that can into exile. 51 assist them. ' 58 Fran<,:ois d'Ivernois passed his banishment from Geneva in the 1780s in . When it came to distinguish themselves from the masses of political Ireland, making a short political comeback in his native city in the m1grants all competing for resources and influence, however, the Genevans 1790s before emigrating to Britain.52 In London he met his rmw_hnu,~aentt could more easily refer to their alleged impartiality than their French fel- and former opponent Jacques Mallet du Pan, a renowned journalist 216 F. PESTEL 10 THE AGE OF EMIGRATIONS: FRENCH EMIGRES AND GLOBAL... 217 low exiles. In order to recommend himself as a political correspondent to would stay in the colony. Given their destitute situation in Europe, the Prussian minister Karl August von Hardenberg, Mallet du Pan opted Malouet intended to establish them on plantations in the eastern part of to play the Genevan rather than French card: 'No personal viewpoint, no the island that Spain had ceded to the French Republic in 1795. Though political engagement, no passions will impact my accounts. I am not it was finally abandoned, this scheme demonstrates how the emigres were French, I am a born Republican, I merited the injuries of all extreme par not only a military, political, and humanitarian figure in Europe, but also ties; but thirty years of experience under a popular government did not promoted slavery and imperial expansion and defended the colonial sys promise me, from the first powers of revolution, to see their utility. ' 59 tem in the Caribbean. The sheer number of French emigres and refugees from Saint A few years later, given the tightened situation around the British evac Domingue led R. Darrell Meadows to speak of the 'first truly modern uation of Saint-Domingue, the London planters looked for alternatives international crisis of exile' .60 Besides the quantitative importance of tens that would guarantee their properties. Support was offered from an unex of thousands of people crossing the revolutionary Atlantic in both direc pected source when a representative of the Order of Malta approached tions and the geographical scope of this migration stretching down to Malouet. Facing expulsion on its part due to the French expansion into Australia, it is striking to observe that many French Atlantic emigres were the Mediterranean, the Order considered accompanying the emigres to 'double' emigres: planters from Saint-Domingue not returning to France Saint-Domingue and serving as a permanent colonial guard to French after losing their colonial properties risked being on metropolitan emigre royalist slaveholders. Malouet welcomed the proposal that promised to lists; absentee planters leaving revolutionary France for their properties in conform interests: 'It would also suit us to be governed by a military and the Caribbean were driven out a second time by the slave insurrections.61 religious order whose politics and morals dismiss none of our colonial These two groups also came closest to each other in London, the 'capital institutions. ' 65 This peculiar combination of exile, chivalry, Christianity, of the emigration' inasmuch as the centre of the British Empire. colonialism, and slavery highlights again the urgency of the colonial ques As Robert Griffiths, David Geggus, and others have shown, the British tion for the French emigration, both Caribbean and metropolitan, and government became the main target for French planter lobbyism.62 These involved other political migrants looking for a new existence. Given the initiatives culminated in the decision of the London refugee planters from crumbling first coalition against the French Republic, the colonial periph Saint-Domingue to transfer their colonies, by self-assumed authority, ery provided an imaginary space of opportunity that promised to be an under British protection in order to encourage a British military interven alternative to a by-and-large revolutionised Europe where even Britain as tion while deliberately leaving open the future status of the colonies. France's staunchest opponent had difficulty bearing the humanitarian Among the representatives the Saint-Domingue planters nominated with emigre burden. the British government was Pierre Victor Malouet who, besides his colo As the Maltese project, and other attempts, remained chimerical, the nial background, had also been one of the heads of the anglophile monar British evacuation of Saint-Domingue shifted the correlation of forces in chiens group at the beginning of the Revolution.63 Acting at the interface the Caribbean to the disadvantage of the anglophile settlers in the colony between continental and colonial emigres, it is hardly surprising that and the London refugee planters. At this point, however, the British gov Malouet tried to bring the interests of these overlapping communi ernment referred to recent exile experiences. Based on the American loyal ties together. ist model, it considered granting land to the emigres in the British Atlantic. Given the setbacks and immense costs of the British military expedition Taking together these interrelations between French emigres, American to Saint-Domingue as well as the uncertain outlooks for military emigre loyalists, Genevan exiles, Saint-Domingue refugees, and the Order of units in the service of the European powers, Malouet, together with the Malta, it is manifest that their collaboration took different forms and also Marquis de Bouille, in the mid-1790s, developed a scheme of bringing had different impacts. Yet, collaboration represented a strategy for coun emigre troops to Saint-Domingue.64 The project was original insofar as tering marginalisation and turning victimhood into political lobbyism Malouet presumed that, once the slave insurrections were suppressed and which, over the 1790s, would continue to promote exiles as relevant fig the French republican army driven out of Saint-Domingue, the emigres ures in European and colonial politics. 218 F. PESTEL 10 THE AGE OF EMIGRATIONS: FRENCH EMIGRES AND GLOBAL.. 219
3 EMIGRES, CONVICTS, OR EXPATRIATES? STATUS 'scum of Britain', that is, British convicts. Yet, as the convicts were oflittle CONFUSIONS BEYOND THE REVOLUTIONARY ATLANTIC interest for stigmatising the emigres, they did not play a key role in a first and foremost French scenario. By consequence, Australia appeared as Scholarship on emigre presence beyond the revolutionary Atlantic is still France's decadent other rather than as part of the British Empire. This scarce. Yet, the strong ties between the emigres and the British Empire Manichean symmetry between the Revolution and the emigration trans merit further exploration, for example of mobility towards India or lated into an opposition of the two hemispheres. Australia's new emigre Australia. Only shortly before the outbreak of the French Revolution, the capital So dome emerged as an anti-Paris, Artois proclaimed his govern London government had sent the first convicts to Botany Bay. The con ment as 'the model, the envy of the southern hemisphere, whereas the finement of criminals at the 'end of the universe'66 subsequently nourished government of France will shatter the northern hemisphere.'69 a negative emigre image as deportation provided, at least in theory, a form Were such schemes fully fictitious and Francocentric, or was there a of definitely getting rid of the emigres and their European connections: it social reality behind the assumed links between French emigres and British 67 promised to be 'the last chapter of a great revolution'. convicts? Though evidence is scarce, the case of the Breton noble Huon In November 1792, the Theatre des Amis de la Patrie in Paris staged a de Kerilliau supports the latter assumption. Arriving with the New South comedy entitled Les emigres aux terres australes. The piece depicts a party Wales Corps in Australia in 1794, he married a French-born girl who had of emigres deported by the National Guard to an 'uncultivated country' been arrested in Britain for theft and then been deported?0 without British presence but populated by indigenous sauvages. Opposing From a republican point of view, Australia's geographical remoteness their natural virtues against the corruption of the Ancien Regime's former could be presented as largely disconnected from the 'northern', that is, elites, the native Australians finally 'convict' the emigres to be governed by Atlantic, hemisphere depicted as theatre of revolution and war. With the a French sans-culotte. Australia served here as a projection screen for emigres going to the antipode, they would virtually disappear as a political unveiling the corruption and decadence of the French aristocracy and military force or ideological opponent, or, in a more optimistic scenario, clergy against the social balance of the state of nature the natives lived in. they opened up a horizon of possibility for revolutionary politics as well. At the same time, the piece presented a paradox that revolutionary politics At the end of Les emigres aux terres australes, the sans-culotte emigre of exclusion and emigre legislation were not able to solve: it was simply leader sings his variant of the Marseillaise ending with the line: 'French, not possible to deport the emigres who, by their very status, were already may our arms liberate the universe!m out of the country and had detracted themselves from revolutionary State Not all exiles had to leave revolutionary France in order to be listed as power. All that the revolutionaries could actually do was to nullifY their emigres. Emigration also became a problem for pre-revolutionary French civic status, confiscate their properties, and persecute family members. In expatriates who did not return to their homeland or demonstrate their that sense, the imaginary of deportation provided an ideal of a political, allegiance to the new regime. This was the case for some French students social, and geographical separation of the Old and the New France that at the University of Gottingen or the French ambassador to Switzerland, was blurred by the reality of migration, not least by the emigres' ties with who, after resigning from his post, became an emigre by staying where he other migrants of the Age of Emigrations. was. 72 As Pascal Firges has shown, the most remarkable theatre of this An anonymous French brochure published in London in 1799 put the emigration without mobility was the Ottoman Empire.73 When news of emigres in Australia in a more real scenario. It presented a mock call by the the downfall of the monarchy reached Constantinople, a number of expa Comte d'Artois proclaimed 'king ofBotany Bay' under the auspices of the triate merchants and diplomats, starting with Ambassador Marie Gabriel British government. He invited 'all the runaways and outlaws of France, de Choiseul-Gouffier, resigned from French service; similar defections princes and valets, traitors and bandits, princesses and daughters of joy, took place in Smyrna, Aleppo, and Salonika. In order to safeguard their ignorant and venal judges, bawdy and impious priests' to follow him to property, these expatriates sought the protection of a non-French consul 68 Australia, 'asylum made for them'. Criminalising the emigres, the clearly ate or embassy. The more these other European powers were on poor pro-republican text presented them as the French counterpart of the terms with revolutionary France, the more willing they were to help the 220 F. PESTEL 10 THE AGE OF EMIGRATIONS: FRENCH fiMIGRES AND GLOBAL.. 221 expatriates. As a result, revolutionary merchants, diplomats, and emissaries victims, counterrevolutionaries, or reactionaries. It also complements the lived next door to their emigre counterparts so that the line dividing important corpus of studies on single territories of exile as emigres often French republicans from emigres became blurry. French authorities hardly passed through several territories, connected with different host societies, managed to interrupt connections between the different groups, for and competed or forged ties with exiles from other revolutionary hotspots. example, when republicans stood in the service of emigres. Securing their To a large extent, these encounters were situational if not contingent positions in Constantinople, however, did not prevent these immobile ratl1er than intentional and long-lasting. emigres from losing their properties in France. Merchants were also cut What distinguishes French emigres and other exiles of the 1790s from off from their French business relations so that the number of commercial earlier religious and political migrations is the final return in their home establishments in the Levant dropped considerably. land. The permanent anticipation of this return accounts for the obvious Russian protection was particularly popular as it allowed easy passage limits of integration into the host societies though such expectations still into the territories of a staunch opponent of the French Republic for those resonate in parts of the historiography. This shift from exile as an irrevers expatriates who feared the proximity or new arrival of republican compa ible migration to exile as a temporary phenomenon marked an integral triots.74 Another move from the Ottoman Empire towards Russia came as part of emigre agency: together with their hosts, they by and large believed a result of Bonaparte's expedition to Egypt. Rather than fearing the prox that they were not to become new Huguenots or Jacobites. Even settle imity of the revolutionary army, the emigres had to face imprisonment ment projects for Saint-Domingue or Canada were first and foremost stra that the Sultan imposed on all French in his territories. From Russia, the tegic and only emerged in response to the humanitarian challenge the former dragoman and French legation chancellor in Constantinople, emigres presented to their host societies over time. In reverse, as the J oseph Fonton, then urged the liberation of these French prisoners. Australian case demonstrates, such scenarios served the political imaginar ies of French republicans and their sympathisers who hoped for a perma nent exclusion of their political enemies by confining them to distant 4 CoNCLUSION AND OuTLOOK: THE AGE world regions. Yet, the radicalism of such considerations is at the same OF EMIGRATIONS AND FRANCE's SLECLE DES EXILES time evocative for their improbability. The connections between French emigres, descendants of former exiles, The temporary character of exile, the hybrid status of many emigres, and other uprooted migrants highlight the size, scope, and impact of who had metropolitan as well as colonial backgrounds or had already been political migration in the Age of Emigrations. French emigres were the expatriates at the beginning of the Revolution, and their mobility impacted largest and widest-spread group in a diaspora of several hundreds of thou the long-term transformation of political exile in the nineteenth century. sands of people in the revolutionary Atlantic world and beyond. Mutual Sylvie Aprile has demonstrated that the emigres were the first political references and cooperation in this diaspora helped articulate political generation of an entire siecle des exiles triggered by France's regime interests, compensating material deprivation, organising relocation against changes. A number of emigres even accumulated several periods of exile the backdrop of the revolutionary wars, and counterbalancing the experi over their lives, which makes it difficult to clearly distinguish between dis ence of marginalisation. tinct successions of political migrants. To take only the case of the royal As different and politically complex encounters with hesitating family: Charles X emigrated no less than three times spending altogether Huguenot descendants or autonomist colonial planters, political claims more than 30 years in exile; his successor Louis-Philippe hardly fared better. related to Jacobitism or American loyalism, or assimilations of high-rank In terms of status, other hybrid trajectories invite for further broaden emigres and British convicts were: they shift our attention from the French ing conceptions of exile experiences in post-revolutionary France: Rene foyer of revolution to its repercussions, appropriations, and interactions at Martin Pillet, an officer captured by the Prussian army in 1792, led the a global scale. By emphasising their agency, such a focus provides an alter· itinerant life of an emigre before becoming an American citizen in 1796. native to seeing emigres primarily as 'absentees' from the Revolution, as As such, a passport for France allowed him uninhibited travels between Hamburg, the Netherlands, and Paris until he was arrested but amnestied 10 THE AGE OF EMIGRATIONS: FRENCH EMIGRES AND GLOBAL .. 223 222 F. PESTEL after Brumaire. Reintegrated into the Napoleonic army, Pillet served in These cases make clear that the Age of Emigrations not only marked Guadeloupe and Portugal, where he was taken prisoner again, this time by political mobility and cooperation among exil~s, but also. resonated. in the British, only to be released at the Restoration. During his six years of post-revolutionary France. It shaped a post-migratory sooety of which internment, Pillet might have asked himself whether he could have avoided experiences of political exile were an integral part. this fate had he not returned from emigration and 'successfully' reinte 5 grated into the post-revolutionary order? Heraclius de Polignac had lived NoTES only his first three years in France before 'emigrating' to Russia where he ent~red the Czarist army at the age of eight. Almost twenty years later, l. Saladin-Egerton, Coup d'reil, 7. havmg fought all the major battles against Napoleon in Russian service, he 2. Carpenter, "London". returned to his native land in Russian uniform-as an officer of the occu 3. On these connections Polasky, Revolutions without Borders. 4. Jasanoff, "Revolutionary Exiles," 38. For a further development of pation army taking command of Avesnes/6 Jasanoff's framework see J ansen, "Flucht und Exil". Whereas these emigres returned without fully leaving behind their exile 5. For a novel perspective on this under-researched dimension of the emigra- experiences, later migrants would meet that minority of emigres who had tion see Kelly Summers' chapter in this volume. stayed in their exile. Bonapartists, disillusioned with the Restoration mon 6. Meadows, "Engineering Exile". archy's peculiar attempts at national 'reconciliation', settled in Alabama 7. Aprile, Le siecle des exilt!s. where they encountered emigres from both the French and Haitian 8. Greer, The Incidence ofthe Emigration; for a nuanced discussion Pestel and Revolutions. 77 Therefore, the interaction between subsequent groups of Wink! er, "Provisorische Integration," I 45-46. both French and non-French migrants remained a persistent feature of 9. Lachenicht, Hugenotten in Europa und Nordamerika; Ruymbeke, political exile also in the nineteenth century. "Refugies Or Emigres?"; Jainchill, "1685 and the French Revolution," Finally, the interwoven emigrations in the Age of Revolutions touched 57-58. on the question of restitution. The reintegration of the Huguenots by the 10. Ibid., 69-70; Banks, "The Huguenot Diaspora". 11. Furstenberg, When the United States; Lachance, "The 1809 Immigration," revolutionary assemblies or the American loyalist model for land grants to 118; Schmidt, '"Franzosisches Emigranten Volck in Hamburg'," 106; French emigres highlight that the solution of property right issues was an Arnault, Souvenirs, 384-85; see Reboul, French Emigration to Great integral part for the redefinition of citizenship and political loyalty. In the Britain, 95. long term, the massive property transfers triggered by the French and 12. Trophime Gerard de Lally-Tollendal to Charles Eugene Gabriel de La Haitian Revolutions became heavy burdens for post-revolutionary pacifi Croix de Castries, London, 10 March 1793, Archives Nationales, cation and reconciliation. Given the entanglements between metropolitan Pierrefitte-sur-Seine (AN), 306 AP/1722, Nr. 6. and colonial destitution and emigration, it is hardly surprising that the two 13. Fran~ois, "Du patriote prussien," 229; Ranee, "L'emigration nobiliaire indemnification settlements for France and Haiti took place one shortly franc,:aise," 15. after the other in 1825.78 To a certain extent, returned emigres were set 14. "Wie waren manchmahl Emigranten zu brauchen?," Salzburger tling their own affairs then: Lally-Tollendal, the Jacobite descendant and Inteltigenzblatt, 15 April1797, 235; see also ~nee, "Memoires de nobles naturalised British subject, now Ministre d)Etat and Pair de France, was emigres," 206-7; Middell, "Refugies und Emigres," 12-13; Fuhrich indemnified twice: 1815 as a 'Briton' and 1825 as an emigre. He defended Grubert, "'Refltgirte' und 'Emigrirte' ," 111. 15. Middell, "Hugenotten in Leipzig". not only the planter interests in the debates about the recognition of 16. Fuhrich-Grubert, '"Refltgirte' und 'Emigrirte"'; see also Viviane Rosen Haitian independence in the Chamber of Peers but also presided over a Priest, "Berlin's Huguenots," 195-98; Bohm, "Hugenottische section of the emigre indemnification commission. The son of Pierre Netzwerke". Victor Malouet, the representative of the exile planters from Saint 17. Fuhrich-Grubert, "'Refugirte' und 'Emigrirte'," 117; Rene-Marc Pille, Domingue in London in the 1790s, served as a member of the Saint "Chamisso und die Berliner Hugenotten". Domingue liquidation and indemnification committee.79 224 F. PESTEL 10 THE AGE OF EMIGRATIONS: FRENCH EMIGRf:S AND GLOBAL... 225
18. Fuhrich-Grubert, '"Refi.tgirte' und 'Emigrirte'," 115. 45. Shaw, Britannia)s Embrace, 24. 19. Dampmartin, Memoires, 183; see also Ranee, "L'emigration nobiliaire 46. Geggus, Slavery, War and Revolution. fi·anpise," 14-15. 47. Jasanoft~ "Revolutionary Exiles," 51-52; Pestel, Kosmopoliten wider 20. Chaussinand-Nogaret, "Une elite insulaire"; Genet-Rouffiac, Le grand Willen, 293. exil; Clarke de Dromantin, Les refugies jacobites. 48. Hutt, Chouannerie and Counter-revolution, 555. 21. See also Jasanoff, "Revolutionary Exiles," 51. 49. Quoted from ibid., 567. 22. John Macpherson to George Augustus Frederick, Prince of Wales, Mainz, 50. Delvaux, "Saladin [-Egerton]". 27 September 1790, in George IV, Correspondence, vol. 2, 98. 51. Whatmore, "Etienne Dumont"; idem, Against War and Empire. 23. Archives des Affaires etrangeres, La Courneuve, M.D. Angleterre, vol. 72, 52. Karmin, Sir Francis d)Ivernois. fol. 45-46. 53. Burrows, French Exile; Pestel, Kosmopoliten wider Willen. 24. Jean Louis to Jacques Mallet du Pan, London, 3 March 1797, in 54. Jean Louis Mallet du Pan to Jean Picot, Freiburg im Breisgau, 2l December Ma!ouet,Memoires, vol. 2, 496-98. 1797, Bibliotheque de Geneve, Ms. fr. 7676, fol. 17'. 25. Mackenzie Stuart, "French Emigres in Edinburgh". 55. Ivernois, Reflexions sur la guerre, 119-20. 26. Pestel, Kosmopoliten wider Willen, 110-ll. 56. Engeli and Marin, "Les emigres a Geneve". 27. Horace Walpole to Mary Berry, Strawberry Hill, 1 May 1794, in 57. Guer, Reponse, 16; see also Paris pendant l'annee 1800, no. 195, 15 Wa!pole,Correspondence, vol. 12, 98. January 1800, 136. 28. Huet de Froberville [?], Replique, 72. 58. Mallet du Pan to Charles Antoine Saladin-Egerton, Berne, 2 August 1794, 29. See Reboul, French Emigration to Great Britain, 204. in "Lettres de Mallet-du Pan", 337-38. 30. Memorandum by Frans:ois Dominique de Reynaud de Montlosier, spring 59. Mallet du Pan to Karl August von Hardenberg, Berne, 1 February 1795, 1794, The National Archives, Kew (TNA), F.O. 26/25. BCOMP#6. 31. Philip Manse!, "The Influence of the Later Stuarts," l. 60. Meadows, "Engineering Exile," 67. 32. See e.g. Carrel, Histoire de la Contre-Revolution enAngleterre. 61. On the Saint-Domingue refugees see Brasseaux and Conrad, eds., The 33. Lally-Tollendal to Mallet du Pan, London, 10 January 1796, Balliol Road to Louisiana; Dessens, From Saint-Domingue to New Orleans; White, College, Oxford (BCO), Mallet Family Papers (MP) #33. Encountering Revolution; Ferrer, Freedom)s Mirror; on the 'double' emi 34. Mallet du Pan to John Trevor, s.l., 8 September 1795, TNA F.O. 67/18; gres Pestel, Kosmopoliten wider Willen, 255-57. see also Lally-Tollendal to Castries, London, 8 September 1795, AN 306 62. Geggus, Slavery) War and Revolution; Robert Griffiths, Le centre perdu, AP/1722, no. 10 and Rodrigo de Souza Coutinho (Portuguese ambassa 197-227; Wagner, England und die franwsische Gegenrevolution, 230-50; dor in Turin) to Mallet du Pan, Turin, 27 February 1796, BCO MP #14. Pestel, Kosmopoliten wider Willen, 265-98. 35. Bertaud, Les royalistes et Napo!Con, 51-69; see also Serna, "1799". 63. Griffiths, Le centre perdu; Pestel, Kosmopoliten wider Willen; see also 36. Pierre Frans:ois Balthazar de Sainte-Aldegonde to Mallet du Pan, Bremen, Patrick Harris' chapter in this volume. 26 November 1799, BCO MP #29. 64. Malouet to Henry Dundas, London, 18 July 1794, TNA W.O. l/60, fol. 37. Lentz, "Vers le pouvoir hereditaire"; Kerautret, "Napoleon et la quatrieme 416-17; Malouet,Observations on the Treaty of Peace between France dynastie". and Spain, August 1795, TNA W.O. 1/63, fol. 243-54; idem, A Plan for 38. Manse!, "The Influence," 3. establishing the Emigrants inS.' Domingo, 19 August 1795, TNA W.O. 39. Chateaubriand, "Les quatre Stuarts," 106. 1/63, fol. 309-28. 40. Walsh, Melanges, 389. 65. Malouet to Charles de Thuisy, London, 6 December 1797, TNA W.O. 41. Jasanoft~ "Revolutionary Exiles," 54. 1/67, fol. 744; see also Thuisy to William Wyndham Grenville, Baron 42. Waresquiel, Talleyrand, 179-80; on the Aliens Act see Carpenter, Refugees Grenville, London, 8 January 1798, TNA F.O. 27/5 3. Thuisy had already of the French Revolution, 36-39 and Shaw, Britannia)s Embrace, 29. approached the War Office in 1795 for support of the Order; see also 43. Talleyrand-Perigord, Memoires, 207; cf. Furstenberg, When the United Gregory, Malta, 63-64. States, 141. 66. Gamas, Les emigres aux terres australes, 4. 44. Jasanoff, "Revolutionary Exiles," 54; Carpenter, Refugees of the French 67. Ibid. Revolution, 44-48, Shaw, Britannia)s Embrace, 31-35. 226 F. PESTEL 10 THE AGE OF EMIGRATIONS: FRENCH EMIGRES AND GLOBAL... 227
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