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French Emigres and Global Entanglements of Political CHAPTER10 / The Age of Emigrations: French Emigres and Global Entanglements of Political Friedemann Pestel In the year 1800, Charles Saladin-Egerton, a patnc1an from Geneva, whom the revolution of 1794 had driven out of his native city, reflected in London on the large-scale consequences of the revolutions in Europe and the Atlantic world from the perspective of migration: That a Polish refugee in Paris, an American loyalist in London or a French royalist emigre in St Petersburg cannot consent to consider as legal the gov­ ernments that, by only the force of arms, by the progressive rise of a small faction, or by the wish of the majority of their compatriots, succeeded to those under which they had lived, this is conceivable; it is the effect of a more or less blind, but often honourable sentiment.1 What makes Saladin's statement interesting is that he reflected on exile as a result of a 'participatory observation' in the very centre of a connected history of political migration. Living in the 'capital of the emigration' ,2 he All translations are my own. Albert-Ludwigs-U niversitat Freiburg, Freiburg, Germany e-mail: [email protected] ©The Author(s) 2019 205 L. Philip, J. Reboul (eds.), French Emigrants in Revolutionised Europe, War, Culture and Society, 1750-1850, https://doi.org/10.1007 /978-3-030-27435-1_10 206 F. PESTEL 10 THE AGE OF EMIGRATIONS' FRENCH EMIGRf:S AND GLOBAL. 207 was part of a large transnational community of migrants of different out how the renewed experience of exile raised questions of national gins, social profiles, and political orientations, who had left behind belonging, and it addresses the issue of solidarity and material support. revolutionary hotspots of the late eighteenth century: the United In the second part of the chapter, I focus on the political agency emi­ France, Saint-Domingue, Geneva, or Poland. 3 French emigres were by gres gained by drawing on and referring to other experiences of political the largest group of political migrants in the Age of Revolutions. rnass migration. How and where did French emigres interact with other wherever they went-to all parts of Europe, the Caribbean and exiles? Which interests and motives did French emigres, Caribbean plant­ America, and as far as India or Australia-they met not only fellow ers, American loyalists, Genevan patricians, or the Order of Malta share? from France but also other political migrants. Around 1800, several To what extent did collaboration and competition among migrants rein­ dred thousand exiles dislocated by revolution and war were const:antl\1'' force their political relevance and mobilise support from the host societies? on the move. As the case of French planters from the Caribbean highlights, distinc­ In one of the rare comparative studies on this topic, Maya Ja"c•w .. ,u~' tions between royalists and republicans, metropolitan and colonial exiles looking at American loyalists and French emigres, has emphasised how became blurry. Transatlantic migration relied on older patterns of mobil­ entangled experiences of expulsion and uprooting 'made an age of ity,6 but expulsion and destitution sometimes turned into a double experi­ tions into an age of refugees' .4 Enquiring into these migratory enco ence: French aristocrats could leave the metropole or save their fortunes in in a more systematic way, this chapter develops Jasanoff's category of the Caribbean only to lose their colonial properties in the Antillean slave Age of Refugees further into an Age of Emigrations. I argue that insurrections. In reverse, French absentee planters not returning to the inhabitants of the Atlantic world and beyond experienced the 11. 11111c~n; metropole found their names put on the emigre lists. effects of revolution through the arrival of exiles and found that In the most extreme case, emigration could take place without mobility tion, exile, and mobility of different times, places, and speeds · at all. As the third part demonstrates, this holds true for French expatriates one of the most important things French emigres learned outside such as diplomats, merchants, or travellers, who were living outside France. was that they were not alone. Connecting with other exiles increased Simply staying where they were-for instance, in the Ottoman Empire­ political agency, encounters with and references to previous mtgr<mt:s turned them into emigres facing challenges similar to those of their com­ promised solidarity, and added historical legitimacy to their claims. patriots who had made an often narrow escape from their revolutionary Earlier experiences of both religious and political migration hii">u,u,.;.u~e; homeland. In the case of Australia, however, where actual emigre presence how the temporal horizons of political exile shifted after 1789. was marginal, French publications imagined the emigres as deportees emigres and other exiles from revolution left their homelands with assimilated to the status of British convicts in Botany Bay. This criminalisa­ expectation of a temporarily limited refuge, but many of them d'-lltdli'V tion served to radically underline their definite exclusion from French and returned, at the latest after the downfall ofNapoleon, in most cases European society. under the Consulate.5 The first part of this chapter, therefore, shows In the conclusion, I provide an outlook on how the migratory connec­ the strong expectation of return and cooperation-and its final suc:ce:ss--,' tions in the Age of Emigrations resonated in nineteenth-century French distinguishes the emigres from their Huguenot and Jacobite political exile as the emigres of the Revolution represented only the first century predecessors. Despite the temporal distance, these generation of an entire siecle des exiles? overlapped in the 1790s. When French emigres went into Protestant ritories in Europe and North America, they came into contact l LEGACIES OF MIGRATION: FRENCH EMIGRES, Huguenot descendants. In their own ranks, they counted members oflrish and Scottish Jacobite families whose ancestors had HUGUENOTS, AND ]ACOBITES the British Isles after the Glorious Revolution. Through references to A century before the emigres, another group of subjects of the French vious migrants and personal networks, this chapter provides insights king, similar in size and geographically widespread, had left France. The the ambivalences of these migratory entanglements over time. It Huguenots' profile, however, differed from the emigres in at least three 208 F. PESTEL 10 THE AGE OF EMIGRATIONS: FRENCH EMIGR.f:s AND GLOBAL... 209 points: first, as Protestants, they not only had a different religious -·~,.. ~''"'" Besides such numerous, yet scattered references, a broader enquiry into nation, but also social composition. Whereas the Huguenot refugies the reactions of Huguenot communities towards the influx of emigres is by and large commoners, more than 40 per cent of the emigres came much needed from the perspective of integration. Existing scholarship on the privileged classes, and their proportion grew probably even higher the German territories provides an ambivalent panorama. When the topic more distant they moved from France. 8 Second, Huguenots only l?ained attention in the wake of Franco-German cultural transfer studies, in Protestant territories; besides England, the Protestant German Etienne Fran~ois and others have emphasised the cautious, if not hostile, and Swiss cantons, or the Dutch Republic, they also went to reactions of Huguenot descendants. Rather than showing solidarity America, Suriname, or South Mrica. For the emigres, including the among 'French' people, as the emigres had hoped, Huguenots seemed to this religious landscape no longer played a decisive role, which also fear stigmatisation as 'French' that put at stake their status between inte­ that emigres would inevitably meet Huguenot descendants in Prr~1-P·Ofo'lc"' gration into their German host territories and their special religious, fiscal, territories.9 and judicial privileges. 13 Moreover, destitute emigres appeared as potential Third, the Huguenots were banned from returning to France rivals in professions related to French language, culture, and education. out the eighteenth century though this situation changed precisely at This view echoes stereotypical comparisons between the two groups time when the emigres left. After Louis XVI's toleration edict of 1787, made by German contemporaries that opposed the allegedly spoilt, deca­ legislative assemblies, between 1790 and 1792, passed a series of dent, deprived, and idle emigres to the non-privileged, virtuous, mon­ restoring confiscated property to expelled Huguenots and finally o-r·:.nr."'"'' eyed, and industrious Huguenots. More than religious or political them full citizen rights in new Republic. 10 It is one of the ironies of reservations, such statements largely reflected a humanitarian challenge: revolutionaries' understanding of citizenship and their amon· 'aH~nc:e 'hundreds of thousands of adult people of both sexes, without culture or towards exile that they legally rehabilitated the alleged victims industry-people who are not able to work because they have learnt noth­ monarchical-catholic tyranny, while at the same time, seizing then,.,,..... ,.,_ ing' ,14 wrote a popular newspaper in an exaggerated tone. The irony here ties of the emigres and declaring them as 'civilly dead'. consists in the fact that this eulogy on the laborious Huguenots appeared The manifold encounters between emigres and Huguenot desct~nc1artts
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