Çanakkale Onsekiz Mart Üniversitesi Uluslararasi Balkan Tarihi Ve Kültürü Sempozyumu 6-8 Ekim 2016, Çanakkale Bild
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ÇANAKKALE ONSEKİZ MART ÜNİVERSİTESİ BALKAN VE EGE UYGULAMA VE ARAŞTIRMA MERKEZİ ULUSLARARASI BALKAN TARİHİ VE KÜLTÜRÜ SEMPOZYUMU 6-8 EKİM 2016, ÇANAKKALE BİLDİRİLER CİLT II EDİTÖR AŞKIN KOYUNCU Çanakkale, 2017 WHO ARE BOSNIAN MUSLIMS – LITERARY NARRATIVES ABOUT BOSNIA AND BOSNIAN MUSLIMS IN THE PERIOD OF SOCIALIST YUGOSLAVIA SABINA VELADŽIĆ* INTRODUCTION - THEORETICAL APPROACH In my article, I treat the phenomenon of the nation - the community of the modern era - as a construction fabricated by the cultural *intelligentsia through firmly structured ideological narrative which is mainly being disseminated towards the members of the imagined community by the institutions which were created and maintained by the state.1 What connects the modern community and creates a historical and social entity out of it is a culture, as a complex of symbolically mediated unity within which all can become a symbol that encodes this fellowship.2Production and reproduction, i.e., maintenance of the modern community is enabled by the educational infrastructure that systematically raise members of the national community through ideological-cultural concept embedded in the historical, literary, linguistic narrations which are being presented to the subjects during and primarily through the educational process. In fact, as the cultural theorist and one of the founders of the theory of cultural remembrance, Ian Assman, correctly observes, referring to the French social psychologist Maurice Halbwasch, all the mentioned narratives emerge as cultural achievements, i.e., as social constructions closely related to the practical political aspirations of contemporary times.3 Literature has an important role in creating an imaginary universe of the symbolically mediated unity in a way that in suggestive, concrete and detailed way revives the image of imagined community and its symbolic world.4 In valorization, i.e., canonization of the literature decisive significance has - not only the literary and artistic value of the works, but also - the way in which this particular literary work presents certain community, i.e., geographic region or country. Which means that national literature represent in a certain sense a mirror in which the national-cultural intelligentsia/the literary critics “recognizes” and affirms „suitable“ reflection of the image of the national collective and its culture. Literary critique thus positions literary work within the created system of the collective literature and upgrades it ideologically, turning it occasionally, i.e. its content, into a symbolic figure of the collective culture of remembrance.5 A few facts about the context * Mr. sc., University of Sarajevo, Institute for history, Alipašina 9, 71000 Sarajevo, Bosnia and Herzegovina, email: [email protected] 1 On this see: Gellner Ernest, Nacije i nacionalizam, Politička kultura, Zagreb 1998. 2 This definition of culture I took from: Assman Jan, Kulturno pamćenje, Vrijeme, Zenica 2005, p. 163. 3 Ibid, 55 4 On this see: Anderson Benedikt, Nacija: Zamišljena zajednica, Plato, Beograd 1998. 5 About the theoretical postmodern concept of collective culture of remembrance see: Kuljić Todor, Kultura sjećanjaTeorijska objašnjenja upotrebe prošlosti, Čigoja štampa, Beograd 2006. WHO ARE BOSNIAN MUSLIMS – LITERARY NARRATIVES ABOUT BOSNIA AND ... 343 After the Second World War communist Yugoslavia was established as a centralized state that was supposed to represent a profound shift in terms of equality of the republics and nations in comparison to the pre-war Yugoslavia Kingdom, whose statehood socialist one inherited. In fact, the new order fundamental principle of brotherhood and unity was about to sublimate in itself anticipations of the promised and rightful future. Through ideological discourse of the political elites in Yugoslavia, especially during the sixties and the seventies of the 20th century, at least formally efforts had been made to abandon and to overcome bourgeois xenophobic national myths and prejudices, and mega national encroachment in order to reach harmony and inter-ethnic cultural achievement of all recognized nations within the complex of the Yugoslav socialist community. Socio-political and national-cultural context of the communist Yugoslavia during the sixties of the 20th century was marked by the constitutional restructuring of the state. After breaking relations with Moscow, Yugoslav political leadership created the concept of self-government - supposed to determine the distinctive Yugoslav road to socialism. The outcome was long-term process of constitutional transformation of the country which was to be decentralized and in which the key political, economic, social and cultural entities and subjects had become republics.6 National question once again gained full legitimacy. The affirmation of - until then formally unrecognized - Muslim nation in Bosnia and Herzegovina, as well as the Montenegrin and the Macedonian, as national peripheries, had a role in creating a counterbalance to the dominant national-cultural subjects - Serbs and Croats.7 The formation of supranational communities, such as Yugoslav (or Bosnian) was firmly rejected as a form of denial of particular national identities, i.e., as a way of achieving the supremacy of the dominant and major nation. This conjuncture in the historical development of socialist Yugoslavia had important consequences in the form of ideological restructuring within the field of the national cultures and cultural narratives. Also, the launched process meant the beginning of the collapse of the Serbian cultural intelligentsia dream of creating an integrated social and cultural Yugoslavism which should permanently ensure territorial and social cohesion of the Serbs as the most widespread nation in Yugoslavia.8 Prospects of the Bosnian culture which should’ve strengthen the existence of Bosnia and Herzegovina as a social and political unit, in the early seventies of the 20th century, despite the obstacles, could clearly been seen. What I want to present on the following pages is the image of Bosnia as dark vilayet and the image of the Turkish guilt of Bosnian Muslims in literature - written by the writers from Bosnia to whom this country/region was an obsessive literary theme - and as well in literary criticism that had been created after the Second World war till the 60s of the 20th century in Bosnia. 6 On this see: Sabrina P. Ramet, Nationalism and Federalism in Yugoslavia 1962-1991 (Sec. ed.), Indiana University Press, Bloomington and Indianapolis, 1992; Bilandžić Dušan, Hrvatska moderna povijest, Gol- den marketing, Zagreb 1999. 7 About the Yugoslav peripheries see: Kamberović Husnija, Josip Broz Tito i političko rukovodstvo Bosne i Herce- govine od sredine šezdesetih do sredine sedamdesetih godina XX stoljeća; In: Tito i Bosna i Hercegovina, Regio- nalni naučni skup (Collection of works), Savez društava Tito u Bosni i Hercegovini, Sarajevo 2006, p. 201-223 8 On this see: Dragović Soso Jasna, ‘Spasioci nacije Intelektualna opozicija Srbije i oživljavanje nacionaliz- ma, Fabrika knjiga, Beograd 2004. 344 SABINA VELADŽIĆ But was that literature really Bosnian? And through which ideological perceptions was written? What makes described literary creation, among the rest, relevant and important for scientific study is that it had been proclaimed for Yugoslav literary canon, which meant that the presentation of images of Bosnia and the Muslim collective within it were legitimized through educational system, or in the time of social crisis this literature provided approval for otherwise unacceptable actions of national collective. The dominant ideological concept in the literature, literary criticism and literary-historical narrative in Bosnia in the 1950s and 1960s of the 20th century Although with hesitations, Bosnia and Herzegovina was recognized, by some of the key representatives of the Yugoslav leadership,9 as one of the equal political units of the Federal People’s Republic of Yugoslavia after World War II - however, in reality, this equality, especially at the cultural level, was not implemented. Actually, even though - after World War II, Bosnia and Herzegovina, for the first time, as a result of, at least formally and in a conditional sense, restored medieval statehood - got the institutional and educational infrastructure that could’ve been a support for the foundation and production of certain Bosnian „cultural formation“ and reproduction of some Bosnian community - that did not happen. The main difference between Bosnia and other federal units was that this was not national republic, but multi-ethnic society in which, as a national and cultural entities, with a significant difference in the position and strength, officially existed Serbian and Croatian nation. According to the prevailing ideological concept at the time, Bosnia was one of the four republics - there were as well Serbia, Croatia, and Montenegro - which formed the so-called Serbo-Croatian cultural area where the Serbo-Croatian language had been spoken and the Serbo-Croatian literature had been created. Mentioned nominations of cultural area of language and literature were not reflecting the so called “organic” state but represented the political, ideological, constructed concepts which had to confirm the cultural and political dominance of the two nations. The concept of the so called Serbo-Croatian culture within which, as one could see from the presented nominations, only two dominant of the four potential national- cultural subjectivity