Pak a TH the R DEG AR Kistan-Japa HESIS SUB REQUIREM GREE in P
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10 Pakistan's Nuclear Program
10 PAKISTAN’S NUCLEAR PROGRAM Laying the groundwork for impunity C. Christine Fair Contemporary analysts of Pakistan’s nuclear program speciously assert that Pakistan began acquiring a nuclear weapons capability after the 1971 war with India in which Pakistan was vivisected. In this conventional account, India’s 1974 nuclear tests gave Pakistan further impetus for its program.1 In fact, Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, Pakistan’s first popularly elected prime minister, ini- tiated the program in the late 1960s despite considerable opposition from Pakistan’s first military dictator General Ayub Khan (henceforth Ayub). Bhutto presciently began arguing for a nuclear weapons program as early as 1964 when China detonated its nuclear devices at Lop Nor and secured its position as a permanent nuclear weapons state under the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT). Considering China’s test and its defeat of India in the 1962 Sino–Indian war, Bhutto reasoned that India, too, would want to develop a nuclear weapon. He also knew that Pakistan’s civilian nuclear program was far behind India’s, which predated independence in 1947. Notwithstanding these arguments, Ayub opposed acquiring a nuclear weapon both because he believed it would be an expensive misadventure and because he worried that doing so would strain Pakistan’s western alliances, formalized through the Central Treaty Organization (CENTO) and the South-East Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO). Ayub also thought Pakistan would be able to buy a nuclear weapon “off the shelf” from one of its allies if India acquired one first.2 With the army opposition obstructing him, Bhutto was unable to make any significant nuclear headway until 1972, when Pakistan’s army lay in disgrace after losing East Pakistan in its 1971 war with India. -
Comparative Constitutional Law SPRING 2012
Comparative Constitutional Law SPRING 2012 PROFESSOR STEPHEN J. SCHNABLY Office: G472 http://osaka.law.miami.edu/~schnably/courses.html Tel.: 305-284-4817 E-mail: [email protected] SUPPLEMENTARY READINGS: TABLE OF CONTENTS Reference re Secession of Quebec, [1998] 2 S.C.R. 217 .................................................................1 Supreme Court Act, R.S.C., 1985, c. S-26. An Act respecting the Supreme Court of Canada................................................................................................................................11 INS v. Chadha, 462 U.S. 919 (1983) .............................................................................................12 Kenya Timeline..............................................................................................................................20 Laurence Juma, Ethnic Politics and the Constitutional Review Process in Kenya, 9 Tulsa J. Comp. & Int’l L. 471 (2002) ..........................................................................................23 Mary L. Dudziak, Working Toward Democracy: Thurgood Marshall and the Constitution of Kenya, 56 Duke L.J. 721 (2006)....................................................................................26 Laurence Juma, Ethnic Politics and the Constitutional Review Process in Kenya, 9 Tulsa J. Comp. & Int’l L. 471 (2002) .......................................................................................34 Migai Akech, Abuse of Power and Corruption in Kenya: Will the New Constitution Enhance Government -
US Foreign Policy in Pakistan
Claremont Colleges Scholarship @ Claremont CMC Senior Theses CMC Student Scholarship 2015 U.S. Foreign Policy in Pakistan: Bringing Pakistan Into Line with American Counterterrorism Interests Henry E. Appel Claremont McKenna College Recommended Citation Appel, Henry E., "U.S. Foreign Policy in Pakistan: Bringing Pakistan Into Line with American Counterterrorism Interests" (2015). CMC Senior Theses. Paper 1117. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1117 This Open Access Senior Thesis is brought to you by Scholarship@Claremont. It has been accepted for inclusion in this collection by an authorized administrator. For more information, please contact [email protected]. CLAREMONT MCKENNA COLLEGE U.S. FOREIGN POLICY IN PAKISTAN: BRINGING PAKISTAN INTO LINE WITH AMERICAN COUNTERTERRORISM INTERESTS SUBMITTED TO PROFESSOR JENNIFER TAW AND DEAN NICHOLAS WARNER BY HENRY E. APPEL FOR SENIOR THESIS FALL 2014/SPRING 2015 APRIL 27, 2014 TABLE OF CONTENTS Acknowledgements..........................................................................................................5 Abstract............................................................................................................................6 1 – Introduction...............................................................................................................7 Organization..........................................................................................................8 2 – Realism, The Filter Effect and the U.S. Foreign Policy in Pakistan...................12 -
2009 Helping-Pakistan-Defeat-The
© 2009 Institute for Social Policy and Understanding All Rights Reserved No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means without permission in writing from the Institute for Social Policy and Understanding. The Institute for Social Policy and Understanding normally does not take institutional positions on public policy issues. The views presented here do not necessarily reflect the views of the Institute, its staff, or trustees. ABOUT THE AUTHOR H A IDER A LI H USSEIN M ULLICK , ISPU F ELLOW Haider Ali Hussein Mullick is a fellow at the Institute for Social Policy and Understanding (ISPU), a senior fellow at the Joint Special Operations University (JSOU), and conducts research on American foreign policy toward South Asia and the Middle East. During his career, he has focused on American-Pakistani relations and broader issues of security; socio- economics; and the geopolitics of Pakistan, Afghanistan, and South Asia. He is the author of a forthcoming book-length monograph: Pakistan’s Security Paradox: Countering and Fomenting Insurgencies. In addition, Haider has conducted research at the Brookings Institution’s Foreign Policy Studies (U.S.-Pakistan Relations), the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars (Pakistan’s Political Economy and Reviving Failed States), and the Hudson Institute’s Center on Islam, Democracy, and the Future of the Muslim World (Madrassa Education and Links to Islamist Militancy). Haider’s editorials have appeared in Newsweek, The Washington Post, Foreign Policy Magazine, The Nation (Pakistan), The Daily Times, The News International, The Times of India, Indian Express, Gulf News, and Pakistan Link. -
Eractioncouncil.Org
http://www.interactioncouncil.org A UNIVERSAL DECLARATION OF HUMAN RESPONSIBILITIES (Proposed by the InterAction Council)—1 September 1997 Introductory Comment It is time to talk about human responsibilities. Globalization of the world economy is matched by global problems, and global problems demand global solutions on the basis of ideas, values and norms respected by all cultures and societies. Recognition of the equal and inalienable rights of all the people requires a foundation of freedom, justice and peace - but this also demands that rights and responsibilities be given equal importance to establish an ethical base so that all men and women can live peacefully together and fulfil their potential. A better social order both nationally and internationally cannot be achieved by laws, prescriptions and conventions alone, but needs a global ethic. Human aspirations for progress can only be realised by agreed values and standards applying to all people and institutions at all times. Next year will be the 50th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights adopted by the United Nations. The anniversary would be an opportune time to adopt a Universal Declaration of Human Responsibilities, which would complement the Human Rights Declaration and strengthen it and help lead to a better world. The following draft of human responsibilities seeks to bring freedom and responsibility into balance and to promote a move from the freedom of indifference to the freedom of involvement. If one person or government seeks to maximise freedom but does it at the expense of others, a larger number of people will suffer. If human beings maximise their freedom by plundering the natural resources of the earth, then future generations will suffer. -
Pakistan Response Towards Terrorism: a Case Study of Musharraf Regime
PAKISTAN RESPONSE TOWARDS TERRORISM: A CASE STUDY OF MUSHARRAF REGIME By: SHABANA FAYYAZ A thesis Submitted to the University of Birmingham For the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Political Science and International Studies The University of Birmingham May 2010 University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. ABSTRACT The ranging course of terrorism banishing peace and security prospects of today’s Pakistan is seen as a domestic effluent of its own flawed policies, bad governance, and lack of social justice and rule of law in society and widening gulf of trust between the rulers and the ruled. The study focused on policies and performance of the Musharraf government since assuming the mantle of front ranking ally of the United States in its so called ‘war on terror’. The causes of reversal of pre nine-eleven position on Afghanistan and support of its Taliban’s rulers are examined in the light of the geo-strategic compulsions of that crucial time and the structural weakness of military rule that needed external props for legitimacy. The flaws of the response to the terrorist challenges are traced to its total dependence on the hard option to the total neglect of the human factor from which the thesis develops its argument for a holistic approach to security in which the people occupy a central position. -
Choosing Sides and Guiding Policy United States’ and Pakistan’S Wars in Afghanistan
UNIVERSITY OF FLORDA Choosing Sides and Guiding Policy United States’ and Pakistan’s Wars in Afghanistan Azhar Merchant 4/24/2019 Table of Contents I. Introduction… 2 II. Political Settlement of the Mujahedeen War… 7 III. The Emergence of the Taliban and the Lack of U.S. Policy… 27 IV. The George W. Bush Administration… 50 V. Conclusion… 68 1 I. Introduction Forty years of war in Afghanistan has encouraged the most extensive periods of diplomatic and military cooperation between the United States and Pakistan. The communist overthrow of a relatively peaceful Afghan government and the subsequent Soviet invasion in 1979 prompted the United States and Pakistan to cooperate in funding and training Afghan mujahedeen in their struggle against the USSR. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Afghanistan entered a period of civil war throughout the 1990s that nurtured Islamic extremism, foreign intervention, and the rise of the Taliban and Al-Qaeda, ultimately culminating in the devastating attacks against Americans on September 11th. Seventeen years later, the United States continues its war in Afghanistan while its relationship with Pakistan has deteriorated to an all-time low. The mutual fear of Soviet expansionism was the unifying cause for Americans and Pakistanis to work together in the 1980s, yet as the wars in Afghanistan evolved, so did the countries’ respective aims and objectives.1 After the Soviets were successfully pushed out of the region by the mujahedeen, the United States felt it no longer had any reason to stay. The initial policy aim of destabilizing the USSR through prolonged covert conflict in Afghanistan was achieved. -
Pakistans Inter-Services Intelligence
Inhaltsverzeichnis Seite EINFÜHRUNG 1 Pakistans Inter-Services Intelligence 1 DAS ERSTE JAHRZEHNT 8 1.1 Die Gründungsgeschichte 8 1.2 Gründungsvater Generalmajor Walter J. Cawthorne 9 1.3 Die ISI-Führung der ersten Jahre 11 1.4 Strukturelle Konzepte: 1948-1958 11 2 DIE ZEIT DER ERSTEN GENERÄLE: 1958-1971 14 2.1 Der ISI unter Feldmarschall Ayub Khan (1958-1969) 14 2.2 General Yahya Khan (1969-1971) 20 2.3 Veränderungen in der ISI-Leitungs- und Aufgabenstruktur 23 2.4 ISI und CIA - verstärkte Kooperationen 24 2.5 Operationen in Indien: Die 60er und 70er Jahre 3 REGIERUNGSCHEF ZULFIKAR ALI BHUTTO: 1971-1977 28 3.1 Cherat – Kampfschule der Armee 28 3.2 Brennpunkt Balochistan: Die 70er Jahre 29 3.3 Die Geburt des Special Operation Bureau 3.4 Eine fatale Ernennung: Armeechef Zia-ul-Haq 32 3.5 Innenpolitische Verstrickungen 34 3.6 Der Sturz eines Regierungschefs 37 4 ZWISCHENBILANZ VON 30 JAHREN: 1948-1977 40 5 DER ISI UNTER ZIA-UL-HAQ: 1977-1988 5.1 Die ausgehenden 70er Jahre 44 5.2 Weihnachten 1979: Die Afghanistan-Option 46 5.3 Das Afghanistan-Bureau im ISI 49 5.4 Logistik und Korruption 53 5.5 Ingenieur Gulbuddin Hekmatyar 57 5.6 Das Jahr 1987: Abschied von Akhtar Rehman und Yousaf 58 6 TURBULENZEN ENDE DER ACHTZIGER JAHRE 62 6.1 Von Akhtar Rehman zu Hamid Gul 62 6.2 Die Katastrophe im Ojhri-Camp 63 6.3 Ein Flugzeugabsturz mit Folgen: Der Tod von Zia-ul-Haq 65 6.4 Desaster in Afghanistan: Jalalabad 69 7 INNENPOLITISCH SZENARIEN: 1988-1991 73 7.1 Armeechef General Mirza Aslam Beg 73 7.2 Wahlen und Regierungsbildung 76 7.3 Im ISI: Von Hamid -
Japanische Innenpolitik: Schwerpunkte Und Tendenzen
Japanische Innenpolitik: Schwerpunkte und Tendenzen Japanese Domestic Policy 2008/09: Highlights and Tendencies Manfred Pohl Domestic policy in 2008 and the first half of 2009 was once again characterized by traditional as well as recent shortcomings of political culture in Japan. That is why this chapter has to discuss the desperate fight of the Asô government for political survival under the system. The growing rift in the ruling coalition of the Liberal Democratic Party and the New Kōmeitō is described as a clear signal of beginning decline of the half-century of nearly unbroken rule by the LDP. Electoral behavior of Kōmeitō (or rather Sōka gakkai) followers and electoral maneuvering of conservative stalwarts is discussed, as are relations between the LDP and the opposition party with the ministe- rial bureaucracy, which was deeply troubled in 2008 by plans both of the LDP and the DPJ to curb its predominant role. Regional and gubernatorial elections in 2008 are outlined as possible early indicators for the disastrous election defeat of both the LDP and the Kōmeitō. The chapter finally seeks to evaluate the guiding role of the imperial family in Japanese society by reflecting upon the golden anniversary of the marriage of the imperial couple. 1 Überblick Die Jahre 2008 und 2009 dürften in die Geschichte der japanischen Innenpolitik als eine Periode eines unaufhaltsamen Niedergangs der machtgewohnten Libe- 24 Innenpolitik raldemokraten verzeichnet werden. Die größte Regierungspartei LDP (Liberal- Demokratische Partei, Jiyū Minshutō) unterlag in diesem Zeitraum weiter einem inneren Zersetzungsprozess, in dem die traditionellen Herrschaftsstrukturen, die der Partei seit 1955 ein nahezu unangefochtenes Machtmonopol sicherten, zerfielen. -
Revival of Bureaucratic Maneuvering Under the Noda Cabinet : Who Pulled the Strings on Consumption Tax Hike in 2012?
저작자표시-비영리-변경금지 2.0 대한민국 이용자는 아래의 조건을 따르는 경우에 한하여 자유롭게 l 이 저작물을 복제, 배포, 전송, 전시, 공연 및 방송할 수 있습니다. 다음과 같은 조건을 따라야 합니다: 저작자표시. 귀하는 원저작자를 표시하여야 합니다. 비영리. 귀하는 이 저작물을 영리 목적으로 이용할 수 없습니다. 변경금지. 귀하는 이 저작물을 개작, 변형 또는 가공할 수 없습니다. l 귀하는, 이 저작물의 재이용이나 배포의 경우, 이 저작물에 적용된 이용허락조건 을 명확하게 나타내어야 합니다. l 저작권자로부터 별도의 허가를 받으면 이러한 조건들은 적용되지 않습니다. 저작권법에 따른 이용자의 권리는 위의 내용에 의하여 영향을 받지 않습니다. 이것은 이용허락규약(Legal Code)을 이해하기 쉽게 요약한 것입니다. Disclaimer 국제학석사학위논문 Revival of Bureaucratic Maneuvering under the Noda Cabinet : Who Pulled the Strings on Consumption Tax Hike in 2012? 노다 내각 아래 되살아난 관료의 책략 : 2012년 소비세 인상의 배후는 누구였는가? 2016년 8월 서울대학교 국제대학원 국제학과 일본 지역학 이 보 배 Abstract Revival of Bureaucratic Maneuvering under the Noda Cabinet : Who Pulled the Strings on Consumption Tax Hike in 2012? 노다 내각 아래 되살아난 관료의 책략 : 2012년 소비세 인상의 배후는 누구였는가? Name: Bobae Lee Major and department: International Area Studies (Japan), Graduate School of International Studies The Graduate School Seoul National University In 2012, for the first time in fifteen years in Japan, Prime Minister Yoshihiko Noda won the parliamentary approval to raise the country’s sales tax by 10 percent by 2015. Despite the widespread tensions, Noda had stated that he would stake his political life on the success of the policy. Noda’s decision to raise the consumption tax breached the party’s own manifesto and eventually caused the Ozawa-led forty-nine member faction to leave the DPJ in protest. -
INDO-PACIFIC Controversy Over Co-Authored Book by Former Heads of ISI and RAW
INDO-PACIFIC Controversy over Co-authored Book by Former Heads of ISI and RAW OE Watch Commentary: Discussions of Source: Baqir Sajjad Syed. “Army to investigate former ISI chief over claims in book,” the various conflicts and issues between India Dawn, 29 May 2018. https://www.dawn.com/news/1410634 and Pakistan from a regional perspective took The Pakistan Army on Monday set up a ‘court of inquiry’ to investigate former director a new turn in late May with the publication of a book co-authored by retired General Asad general of Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) retired Lt Gen Asad Durrani’s collaboration Durrani, the former head of Pakistan’s Inter- with A.S. Dulat, former chief of Indian spy agency RAW (Research and Analysis Wing), in Services Intelligence (ISI), and A.S. Dulat, the what is being seen as a lightning-rod book project that has stirred heated controversy… former head of India’s Research and Analysis “A formal court of inquiry headed by a serving lieutenant general has been ordered to Wing (RAW). The accompanying excerpted probe the matter in detail. Competent authority has been approached to place the name sources from Pakistan and India discuss the book of Lieutenant General Asad Durrani (retd) on Exit Control List (ECL),” ISPR Director and some of the impact that it has had in both General Maj Gen Asif Ghafoor tweeted…The book The Spy Chronicles: RAW, ISI, and the countries. Illusion of Peace was last week launched in India… The article from Dawn, a widely-read The two former spies have in the book touched upon some of thorny issues that have kept newspaper in Pakistan, reports on the Pakistani Pakistan-India ties strained for decades and at times pushed them to the brink of war. -
Winners and Losers in Japan's Political Economy, and the Ties That Bind Them
Can Japan Disengage? Winners and Losers in Japan's Political Economy, and the Ties That Bind Them Steven K. Vogel Working Paper 111 December 1997 © Copyright 1997, by the author Steven K. Vogel is an Assistant Professor of Government at Harvard University. A revised and updated version of this paper will appear in Social Science Japan Journal. Comments welcome. The author would like to thank Robert Bullock, Mark Elder, and T.J. Pempel for valuable comments; Kenneth Haig for superb research assistance; and the Abe Foundation and the U.S.- Japan Program at Harvard University for financial support. Generous support for this publication has been provided by the Alfred P. Sloan Foundation. - 1 - The Japanese economy is splitting into two--or so it would seem from recent press reports.1 For many years, Japan's world-class manufacturers coexisted in relative harmony with uncompetitive small enterprises, inefficient service industries, and staunchly protected farmers. But as the economy matured, the interests of the two Japans diverged: one sought free trade and the other demanded protection; one thrived on competition and the other survived on regulation. Recent developments only exacerbated the conflict of interest between the two, as the prolonged recession made the system's inefficiencies less tolerable and the appreciation of the yen increased the gap between domestic and world market prices.2 In political terms, however, the two Japans never really parted ways. Consumers pay for protection and regulation through higher prices, fewer choices, and lower financial returns, yet sympathize with the farmers and shopkeepers and workers who might be displaced by liberalization.