[ Research Paper] EISSN 2234-0793 PISSN 1225-1151 Journal of the Korean Society of and Vol. 39, No. 1 (2015) p.121~132 http://dx.doi.org/10.5850/JKSCT.2015.39.1.121

White as an Expression of Resistance in Modern

† Bong-Ha Seo Dept. of Stylist, Yong-in Songdam College Received August 29, 2014; Revised September 28, 2014; Accepted October 20, 2014

Abstract All aspects of clothing, including , are a visible form of expression that carries invisible value. The pur- pose of this work is to study the expression of resistance in the Hanbok in modern culture, specifically after the 1980s. have traditionally revered white color and enjoyed wearing white clothes. In Korea, white represents simplicity, asceticism, sadness, resistance against corruption, and the pursuit of innocence. This paper looks at: (i) the universal and traditional values of the color white, (ii) the significance of traditional white Korean clothing, (iii) the resistance characteristics of white in traditional Korean clothes, and (iv) the aesthetic values of white Hanbok. The white Hanbok often connotes resistance when it is worn in modern Korea. It is worn in folk plays, worn by shamans as a shamanist costume, worn by protestors for anti-establi- shment movements, and worn by social activists or progressive politicians. The fact that the white Hanbok has lost its position as an everyday dress in (instead symbolizing resistance when it is worn) is an unusual phenomenon. It shows that the white Hanbok, as a type of costume, is being used as a strong means of expression, following a change in the value of traditional costumes as it take on an expressive function. Key words: Clothes representing resistance, Resistance, Traditional Korean clothing, White clothes, White Hanbok

I. Introduction the origin or generation of meaning. One locates the origin of meaning outside the garment or ensemble, in Clothes serve not only the primary function of pro- some external authority like the designer or the wearer. tecting the wearer from the external environment but The other locates the generation of meaning in the gar- also various other functions according to the time, ment or ensemble itself in textures, , and shapes, place, and circumstances. In an addition, the clothes and the permutations of these colors, shapes, and tex- one wear express the wearer's personal or social be- tures. The situation is complicated by the fact that these liefs, values, fashion sense, and even carry more spe- two kinds of explanations may be found singly (that is, cific messages. Color, which is one of the visual cha- used on their own in a consistent way) or mixed toge- racteristics of clothing, also expresses specific beliefs ther. or values. Barnard (2002, p. 73) wrote: The meaning of clothes and the changes in the mea- There are two kinds of explanation commonly given for ning are determined by many factors, including the † Corresponding author color, which also affects how something is communi- E-mail: [email protected] cated. Even the same piece of clothing with the same This work was supported by the National Research Foun- color has different meanings depending on the times, dation of Korea Grant funded by the Korean Government people's perceptions, the wearer, the viewer, and the (NRF-2012S1A5A2A01019644). designer's intentions. The purpose of this work is to

ⓒ 2015, The Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles. All rights reserved. – 121 – 122 Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles Vol. 39 No. 1, 2015 study what the color white signifies in Hanbok in mo- thetic values of white Hanbok. dern Korea, especially as a symbol of resistance, and study its intrinsic characteristics. II. White in Traditional Clothing Koreans have traditionally enjoyed wearing white clothes and have revered the color white. Many religi- 1. The Symbolic Meaning and Historic Back- ons, including , Hinduism, and Christianity, as ground of White well as different cultures have regarded white as sac- and noble, but this is especially apparent in the Ko- Generally, white is associated with positive attribu- rean culture, which has traditionally regarded white tes, such as innocence, elegance, cleanliness, good- as a symbol of innocence and nobility. As a result, Ko- ness, truth, perfection, and sacredness. On the other reans used to wear white all throughout their lives: hand, it also represents terror, cold, emptiness, defeat, from the moment of their birth until their death. Even and death. White goes well with any color and func- though white clothes were banned during the tions well as a background color to make other colors dynasty, this tradition of wearing white clothes conti- stand out. Kandinsky (1941/2007, p. 39) described whi- th nued until the early 20 century when western clothes te as follows: “It is not a dead silence, but one preg- were introduced in Korea. nant with possibilities. White has the appeal of the no- Traditional clothes have historical values as well as thingness that is before birth, of the world in the ice contemporary characteristics. Traditional white Korean age.” clothes have usually represented self-reflection and White is one of the oldest symbolic colors in his- the pursuit of innocence in addition to as a more gen- tory. In some countries, such as China, Britain, and eral symbol of white, including such aspects as pu- Indonesia, white has sometimes been associated with rity, nobility, integrity, honesty, and simplicity. Even death or other negativities. However, in most cultures though in modern Korea white Hanbok has virtually and religions, white is considered noble and precious. become obsolete and is no longer worn except for the Koreans are widely known to have a tradition of rev- purposes of mourning, we can still sometimes find ering white as stated in many historical documents. instances where it is worn for other purposes. What This stems from their heliolatry and other religions these cases have in common is that they typically in- adopted in Korea, such as Confucianism, Buddhism, volve resistance. It is with respect to this in particular and Taoism, which have many similarities and have that this study examines traditional white clothing in intertwined culturally over the years. Confucianism, modern Korea. which had a significant impact on Korean culture, is Note that in this study, while the term “Hanbok” is about suppressing emotions and personal feelings, and mostly used, when referring to the entirety of histori- Confucian culture emphasizes morals, formality, and cal Korean clothing, the expression “traditional Kor- standards. In Confucianism, color is regarded as a ean clothing” is also used. Many other studies have symbol of desires that need to be suppressed and, ac- investigated the colors of Korean traditional clothing cordingly, white is revered and the use of other primal or the color white used in Korean traditional clothes. colors forbidden (gum-chae-saek, no-color philosophy) However, these studies have focused on either the (Seo, 2007). In addition, Buddhist teaching on void- beauty or the general symbolic meaning of white clo- ness (matter itself is void; voidness itself is matter) thes. This study is unique in that it examines white provided a basis for an aesthetic ground that says, “If Hanbok as an expression of resistance during the mo- you search for beauty, you will not find it. Not sear- dern period, specifically after the 1980s. More speci- ching for beauty is beauty” (Cho, 1999, p. 95). Tao- fically, it reviews the general and traditional values of ism teaches non-doing, which means self-searching the color white; examines white Hanbok; looks at the and unselfishness. Chuang-tzu, one of the prominent meaning of white Hanbok as an expression of resis- religious figures in Taoism, explained non-doing in tance; and finally, discusses the background and aes- this way: “If you stop, you remain still. Stillness means

– 122 – White Hanbok as an Expression of Resistance in Modern Korea 123 emptiness.” Yun (2006, pp. 443−444) later said that ough people did not obey this. After that, in the Jo- “this emptiness equals fullness.” In Buddhism, the pur- seon dynasty, many kings, including King Sejong, im- suit of emptiness and self-control, as well as suppres- posed a ban on white clothes, but the result was the sing emotions or desires, influenced the color of the same: people kept their white clothes. In 1895, when dress. Taoism's focus on nature resulted in a preferen- people were ordered to wear western clothes instead ce for natural colors, and the Confucian philosophy of traditional white clothes, Koreans protested against of gum-chae-saek (no-color), based on self-control it, which is another evidence of Koreans' obsession and askesis, resulted in a preference for white clothes with white clothes (The Academy of Korean Studies, (Seo, 2009). Koreans' perception of colors was influ- 1989b). Choi (1946, p. 47), a sociologist and poet, enced by such traditional ideas as “come empty, return wrote: empty,” which emphasizes self-control and emptiness. Korean people's respect for white clothes is a very old As a result, Koreans have favored natural colors, tradition. Koreans have been wearing white clothes known as so-saek (color without artificial modifica- since thousands of years ago, from the dynas- tion or “natural white”). Influenced by these religions, ties. In ancient times, Koreans worshiped the sun and Koreans sought natural beauty as it is found in nature, considered themselves the descendants of God, the sun. without artificial colors or human manipulation, and They thought white symbolized the of the sun and revered white. so considered this color sacred. They wore white clo- Traditionally, Koreans considered so-saek as white thes to show their pride as the descendants of God. because it is close to no color-that is, it is the color of Later, this became a tradition. cotton or hemp cloth without any artificial coloring. In the modern world, this color is close to off-white R. V. Laguerie, a French reporter for L'Illustration, th or beige. Therefore, white in traditional Korean cloth- visited Korea in the 19 century and wrote in his ing varies from pure white to bright ivory or beige, book『La Coree (1898)』that “everyone walked slo- sometimes with a hint of . In this study, we also wly and heavily, all in white” (as cited in The Acad- consider so-saek white to be in line with the tradi- emy of Korean Studies, 1989b, p. 416). Oppert (1932/ tional Korean coloring scheme. 1959, pp. 118−119), a German businessman, also wrote in his book, Ein verschlossenes Land, Reisen nach 2. The Meaning of White in Korean Traditio- Corea, that “everyone male and female are in all white nal Clothing fabric.” He noted that “while the majority of people wore clothes made of cotton grown in Korea, the most Koreans traditionally have been known as the “white- widely used fabric is the coarsely woven hemp cloth.” clad folk” because they revered white and liked to wear Other books by westerners who visited Korea in the th white clothes. Koreans' esteem for white clothes is late 19 century, which focus on the color of Korean recorded in many historical documents, including the clothes, explain the tradition of wearing white clothes chapter of in the Book of Wei, from the Re- in more detail. Lee (1941) explained first that the no- cords of the Three Kingdoms, which was compiled in color tradition in the Joseon culture was meant to “su- the third century China. As seen from these historical ppress any show of emotions” and that “under King documents, wearing white clothes was a very old cu- Sejong, the color of clothing was used to show the stom, starting in Samhan and the Proto-Three King- wearer's social status. Scholars were banned from we- doms of Korea (from before Christ to 7 AD). This tra- aring and commoners were not allowed to wear dition continued through the dynasty (918- colored clothing.” Finally, “during the Joseon dynasty, 1392AD) and the Joseon dynasty (1392-1910). At ti- frugality was considered a virtue and there were times mes in Korean history, white clothes were banned. One when coloring was banned to suppress extravagance th example was in the late 13 century when King Chung or luxuries. When dark coloring was needed, light co- Yeol in the Goryeo dynasty banned white clothes, alth- loring was used. When light coloring was needed,

– 123 – 124 Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles Vol. 39 No. 1, 2015 white was used to comply with the ban.” Yu (1934, p. 3), a Korean linguist, also gave reasons for Koreans' love of white clothes in his article, not- ing first:

In Tungusic culture, white symbolized the sky. People wore white clothes and offered white sacrifices during their sky worship rituals. The officiant, as well as all attendees, were dressed in white in these sacred rituals, the color that was considered auspicious. Why is it that only Koreans kept this tradition of wearing white clo- thes to the extent that white clothes became a symbol of Korean people? I believe it is due to Koreans peo- ple's religiousness and faithfulness. This resulted in their love of white, which became the nation's tradition.

Some scholars have argued that Koreans wore white clothes because of poverty, lack of cloth , or be- cause they were in continuous national mourning. Yu Fig. 1. A shaman during jae-suk-gori (a shamanis- (1934) directly contradicts this view by claiming that tic ritual for invoking wellness and longevity Koreans' love of white clothes stems from their long- for one's offspring), 19C. From Nan-gok. (2005). p. 33. standing devotion to religion and their tradition of honoring innocence. The religions that influenced Ko- reans for a long period, such as Buddhism, Taoism, funerals. Even though white represented commoners and Confucianism, also affected Koreans' love for the most, it was also worn by the upper classes, who white. Based on these influences, Koreans related white wore white along with colored clothes, according to to innocence-perhaps because white clothes represen- Ying-Yang and the Five Elements (Fig. 2). However, ted nature and non-artificiality-and nobility (Seo & commoners almost always wore whites, from the Kim, 2008). moment they were born until they died (Lee, 1998). Koreans' love for white clothes may also be found , a of a Korean wrestling match from in shamans' clothing. In , which is an illus- the late Joseon dynasty and known for its simplistic tration from a book showing different types of sha- style and well-structured depiction of commoners' li- th manistic rituals from the 19 century, the shaman is ves, shows everyone in the painting dressed in white. wearing a white long-sleeved Buddhist robe, symbo- , a photograph from the early 1900s, shows lizing cleanliness and uprightness, with a white coni- that most people in the crowd are dressed in white. cal hat (Hwang, 1985). In Korea, shamans and other While the upper class wore white clothing by choice religious figures often wear white ceremonial robes, as their everyday wear or scholarly robes, common- which have much the same meanings as when white ers were allowed to wear only white owing to their is worn by the general population: absoluteness, sac- class or because of a ban on luxuries. In this sense, redness, and purity; or for mourning clothes, grief and then, white clothing represented the commoners. sadness. White attire could be seen in the seung-mu Koreans' tradition of wearing white clothing, as (Buddhist dance) or in the religious robes worn by mentioned before, stems from their preference and clerics of Taoism or in Confucian rituals. In sum, white reverence for white, the symbolic meanings of white- was universally used in all Korean religions. such as cleanliness and innocence-and the Confucian As explained earlier, white clothes were worn by philosophy that considered colors to be lowly. How- religious figures or monks during religious rituals or ever, the basis for this culture of wearing white was

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Fig. 4. A crowd in whites in front of Dae-An Gate, Fig. 2. , Chae Yong-Shin, 1911. Deoksu Palace in the 1890s. From Yi. (2003). p. 531. From The City History Compilation Committee of Seoul. (2002). p. 252.

day life. They argued that Koreans wore white cloth- ing because the government forced them or because Koreans could not afford clothing dyes. These claims were made by Japanese scholars, as well as some Koreans who sided with them, in order to belittle Ko- reans and to claim the Japanese people's superiority during the Japanese colonial era. Some people make those arguments even to this day. However, counter arguments to these claims include the fact that Kore- ans wore white clothes since the ancient times, which refutes the claim that they wore white to show grief over losing their country to or because of con- tinuous national mourning. Koreans also had advan- ced techniques, which disputes the claim that a lack of dyes was the reason they wore white clothes. Fig. 3. (Korean wrestling), Kim Hong- do, 18C. III. Traditional White Clothing From National Museum of Korea. (1992). p. 28. as a Symbol of Resistance distorted somewhat and changed under the Japanese 1. Resistance Expressed in Korean Traditional imperialism. The Japanese claimed that Koreans wore White Clothing white to show their sadness about losing their coun- try or that Koreans wore funeral clothes in their every- Tylor (1871, p. 1), an anthropologist, defined cul-

– 125 – 126 Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles Vol. 39 No. 1, 2015 ture as follows: “Culture or civilization, taken in its sses in various circumstances symbolized integrity, wide ethnographic sense is that complex whole which purity, and honesty. However, ironically, white cloth- includes knowledge, belief, art, morals, law, custom, ing in Korea also symbolizes resistance. The『History and any other capabilities and habits acquired by man of Goryeo (Goryeo-sa)』portrays Lee Ja-Gyum as wea- as a member of society.” Kroeber and Kluckhohn ring white clothes when he surrenders to Chuk Jun- (1952, p. 357) observed that “culture consists of pat- Gyung's army. In the Goryeo and the Joseon dynas- terns, explicit and implicit, of behavior acquired and ties, when there was corruption, loyal scholars put on transmitted by symbols, constituting the distinctive white clothes instead of their working clothes during achievements of human groups, including their embo- their protests to symbolize their resistance against diments in artifacts.” Clothing, an explicit form of cul- corruption and injustice. An poem says, ture, symbolizes an implicit philosophy. In a counter- “Oh white herons, do not go near crows,” using culture, members wear distinct clothes to express their white as a symbol of honor, principles, and justice ideas or thoughts visually, and such clothes have exi- (Kim, 2001). When scholars were accused of wrong- sted in all ages and cultures. One example is subcul- doing, they wore white to show their innocence. In ture fashion, including the hippie look, punk look, and wearing white like commoners, they showed that they mods look, all of which represented resistance against were willing to give up their power (or social status) the older generation, materialism, or wars (Kim, 2013). to claim their innocence. Gelder and Thornton (1997) stated that “social gro- During the Japanese occupation of Korea, as already ups labeled as subcultures have often been perceived noted, the Japanese assigned a political interpretation as lower down the social ladder due to social differ- to Koreans' wearing white; thus, in an attempt to an- ences of class, race, ethnicity and age.” Mainstream nihilate the Korean spirit, the Japanese banned white culture, by definition, is accepted by the majority, and clothes (Yu, 1934). In return, the Koreans wore white it affects the mainstream social and cultural trends. clothes more than ever, to show their resistance against Subcultures needs to be understood in broad terms: Japanese imperialism, and in this way, the meaning they represent subversion of the mainstream, culture of white clothing underwent a certain change. White that is rejected by the dominant ideology, and a new clothing united all Koreans into one nation, regard- and different culture from the dominant culture (Heb- less of their class or occupation, symbolizing Kore- dige, 1979/1998). Subcultures, which are perceived as ans' anti-Japan movement. , which shows an lower down the social ladder, express resistance aga- anti-Japan protest during the Korean Independence inst the mainstream in various forms. One visible form Movement in front of Seoul City Hall on March 1, of this expression is clothing. Carter (1967, p. 803) 1919, portrays a Korean crowd of non-resisting dem- explained clothing as a kind of a signal: onstrators. Although some people are wearing dark school or western clothes, most of them are The nature of our apparel is very complex. Clothes are in white. so many things at once. Our social shells, the system of signals with which we broadcast our intentions, are 2. Implications of White Hanbok in Modern often the projections of our fantasy selves… Clothes are Korea our weapons, our challenges, our visible insults.

Clothing as self-expression is an effective means to In modern Korea, people wear Hanbok, traditional convey signals because it is very visible. Thus, resis- Korean clothing, only on certain limited occasions. tance groups tend to signal their messages aggres- Modern Hanbok is colorful, in contrast to the tradi- sively via clothing. tional white Hanbok. The colors show the influence As already noted earlier, Koreans perceived white of western clothing as well as a change in Korean as a bright and pure color free from corruption and society from a hierarchical to a free society where pollution; thus, the white clothes worn by various cla- people could choose what they wanted to wear. As a

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Fig. 5. Thousands of enthusiastic Koreans (including women and girls) shouting “Mansei” with hands in the air outside the palace in Seoul. From Provisional Government in Shanghai. (1919). p. 4. result, the colorful Hanbok that was allowed only for folk plays. Folk plays originally started as a part of the upper classes or on special occasions, such as festivals, but as the government became more cen- weddings or holidays, is now a core part of traditional tralized and the conflict between the governing class clothing (Ha, 1989). White Hanbok is rarely worn in and those governed deepened, these folk plays devel- Korea except for funerals, and thus it is almost ex- oped characteristics of resistance. Despite the devel- tinct in the every life of Koreans. opment in meaning, folk plays can still be seen in In addition, when white Hanbok is worn, in most traditional ceremonies, regional festivals, and univer- cases it is to show resistance. Wearing white Hanbok sity festivals. Most participants in these plays are dre- as a symbol of resistance is based on the symbolic ssed in white because these plays still have elements meanings of white already discussed, such as inno- of resistance against authorities, in addition to telling cence, nobility, determination, and sadness. Wearing the stories of ordinary people's lives and their sad- white Hanbok is thus an active expression of resis- ness. tance against corruption and injustice. It is an attempt The Hahoe Byulshingut Talnori (mask dance) from to communicate specific views via the color of the the Andong region shown in makes fun of the clothes. In this paper, several instances of wearing hierarchical relationship between the governing class, white Hanbok as a symbol of resistance are examined, the yang-ban, and the governed class, the sang-min, including the following: when attending Korean tra- by exposing the yang-ban's fatuity. In the perform- ditional folk plays that were enjoyed by the common- ances, the sang-min class resolves its suppressed fee- ers in the past, during the shamanistic ritual of gut, in lings and discontentment, which, in turn, reduces con- social or political protests, and when worn by social flicts between the classes and the need for resistance activists or liberal politicians. against the governing class. The white clothing as a White Hanbok is worn in Korean traditional folk representation of both the lives of the ordinary people plays because in the past, folk plays were enjoyed by and their resistance against the establishment is present commoners, and the plays are performed by groups, in traditional Korean folk plays in various forms ac- not by individuals. Each village or region has its own cording to the region, including the madangnori (tra-

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People adopt religious rituals as their strategies because such rituals meet their organizational needs, provide legitimacy, and offer mechanisms to achieve solidarity without consensus. Moreover, rituals can inspire people to take political action by fostering a particular cogni- tive worldview.

One notable characteristic of shamanistic rituals in anti-establishment movements is that shamans always wear white mubok, contrary to traditional mubok in various colors. This is done to emphasize determination, earnestness, and willingness to fight against injustice Fig. 6. Hahoe Byulshingut Talnori. and evil. Lee Ae-Ju, the traditional Korean dancer sho- Photographed by the author. (February 21, 2010). wn in , for example, is performing a requiem gut to repose the souls of the dead in a funeral held at ditional Korean outdoor performance), gamyun-guk Yonsei University for Lee -Yul, a student killed (masked play), in-hyung-guk (puppet play), during a protest for democracy. (traditional Korean narrative song), namsa-dang-nori Yet another notable example of wearing white Han- (travelling theater), and gut-nori (shamanistic play). bok to express resistance is in protests. “In protests by Korean shamanism is rooted deeply in Koreans' students after the 1980s, in particular, the demonstra- lives as their traditional religion. The shamans, called tions had the format of memorial rituals and the pro- mudang, perform religious rituals, known as gut, and testors taken in by the police symbolized sacrificial their clothing is called mubok. The kinds of mubok, of offerings” (Kan, 1998, p. 158). Student activists also which there are many, vary according to mudang, the started wearing white Hanbok as part of the cultural goal of the gut, and the regions. They include the navy movement designed to keep Korean culture and its jangun-chima (skirt); red hogu-chima (skirt); the gu- gun-bok (overcoat), which is black with red sleeves; the nam-cholik, a top with long, wide sleeves, which is navy with white sleeves; bulsa (Buddhist clo- thing); the wonsam of five colors (ceremonial cloth- ing worn by women); white chima-jegori (skirt and jacket); and white durumagi (traditional Korean over- coat) (The Academy of Korean Studies, 1989a). The mubok is mainly limited to five colors: white, black, red, blue, and . However, many muboks have a combination of more than two colors. Among these colors, white is considered a clean color that keeps the bad spirits away. It also expresses earnestness and willingness to overcome sadness. These shamanistic rituals in modern Korea still play critical roles in anti- establishment movements. In the 1980s, shamanistic rituals became a tradition in the strong anti-establish- ment movements of that time. Kertzer (1983, p. 56) explains the reason for performing shamanistic ritu- Fig. 7. Requiem gut dance by Lee Ae-ju. als in anti-establishment movement: From Kim and Shin. (2006). p. 254.

– 128 – White Hanbok as an Expression of Resistance in Modern Korea 129 independence. In student protests, the leaders wore Hanbok as a symbol of their charisma and to express their desire to keep Korean ethnicity and its culture” (Kan, 1998, p. 159). Since the resistance value of white Hanbok was emphasized in the nationalist mind-set symbolizing peace and justice, it has been worn more often during protests, as shown in . This figure shows that white Hanbok is worn by pallbearers to represent the desire for democracy and the resistance against the public authorities. This memorial service led to the June Democracy Movement, a nation-wide movem- ent to secure a democratic constitution. Fig. 9. Kang Gigap, a former member of the National Cultures of all types are mechanisms produced, Assembly. packaged, and adopted by their members. Culture, From Kim. (2008). http://jrstar.tistory.com/ here, does not mean cults and customs, but the struc- tures of meaning via which people give shape to their 1980s, some liberal activists or politicians today wear experience; and politics is not considered to be coups white Hanbok. Baek Giwan, an activist and politi- and constitutions but one of the principal arenas in cian; Kang Gigap, a former member of the National which such structures publicly unfold (Geertz, 1973). Assembly; and professor Kim Yong-Oak are some of Therefore, clothing that culturally represents resista- the prominent figures who often wear a white duru- nce needs to be understood in a political context. Si- magi (the traditional Korean overcoat). They are all milar to the protestors who wore white Hanbok in the deeply involved in resistance movements and, in that sense, their white durumagi can be understood in a political context. shows Kang Gigap critici- zing government policies during a candle-lit protest, his white Hanbok representing resoluteness and resis- tance against the establishment, while simultaneously expressing Korean ethnicity and identity and being used to provoke the public. It is important to note that, as it has become harder to find white Hanbok worn in the daily life in modern Korea (even at funerals, where people wear western black suits rather than traditional white Hanbok), it has become more strongly identified than ever with resistance of all types.

IV. The Aesthetic Value of White Hanbok as a Symbol of Resistance in Modern Korea

Although the white Hanbok worn in these various Fig. 8. Memorial service for Park Jong-chul, a stu- cultural settings has a common theme of resistance, dent protestor tortured and killed during an interrogation, March 3, 1989. there are subtle differences in the aesthetic values of From Kim and Shin. (2006). p. 165. each. Heller (2000/2002), a German writer, has poin-

– 129 – 130 Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles Vol. 39 No. 1, 2015 ted out the universal characteristics of white, which, thes, white clothes that flutter in the wind. Throughout though there is a certain unity about them, cover a lar- Korea's long history, the one color that has persisted in ge range of values: firstly, white is colorless, which the nation is white…. White implies resistance against represents sadness; secondly, white symbolizes sacri- everything - but, at the same time, it means accepting fice and innocence because it is not stained by dark- everything. It is the color of fate, the color of inno- ness; thirdly, white symbolizes cleanliness on the sur- cence, and the color of grief. face and purity deep down. Based on these character- istics defined by Heller, one can conclude that white Although Korean traditional white clothing was as a symbol for innocence, purity, and sadness is uni- worn by scholars, upper class, and religious figures as versal. well, it was mainly worn by commoners in their every- Choi and Kim (2005) divided the images of white day life. White, in this regard, represented the suppre- clothing into four categories: elegance, sublimity, as- ssed class. This, combined with the color's universal ceticism, and avant-garde. These four categories are symbols, innocence and sadness, white Hanbok imp- general characteristics not only of white clothing but lied sorrow (han), grief, and despair. In the end, the also of all clothes, including western clothing. White symbolic meaning of resistance in white Hanbok was Hanbok has the characteristics of the first three cate- derived from the color's universal symbols, such as gories: elegance, sublimity, and asceticism. Koreans innocence, honesty, truth, peace, and sacredness, and have always adored white clothing; even the upper its Korean traditional values, such as simplicity, asce- class, who were permitted to wear colored clothing, ticism, sadness, death, sorrow, grief, and despair. enjoyed wearing white because it was considered the most beautiful and elegant of all colors. The white clo- V. Conclusions thing worn by shamans or the white clothing worn at funerals represents sublime beauty. Scholars wore whi- Koreans have been called “the white-clad folk” be- te clothes to display integrity while commoners wore cause of their esteem for white and because they often them to display simplicity and honesty, in which asce- wore white clothes. Although colorful clothes were ticism is manifested. The fourth category, avantgarde, available and dyeing techniques were remarkable in was not apparent in white Hanbok in the past, but it is Korea, the tradition of favoring white clothes remained has appeared strongly in white Hanbok of modern Ko- strong throughout Korea's history. White was consi- rea. Its visual impact is stronger than before because dered a bright and pure color that was free from cor- of its rarity in modern culture, which means that it now ruption and pollution. It symbolized integrity, inno- carries the messages of sadness and resoluteness even cence, and honesty. Under the Japanese occupation more strongly. when white clothing was banned, Koreans wore white White clothing is also a unique way for Koreans to clothing to show their resistance against the Japanese express their emotions, including sorrow (han), grief, imperialism. th and despair. Kim (1977, pp. 164−165), a Korean liter- In the late 19 century when western culture was ature scholar, noted that the Korean people's sorrow introduced into Korea, the clothes became western- was expressed in white clothing, while at the same ized. Now, 100 years later, Hanbok is no longer worn time shedding some light on its connection to both in the everyday life of Koreans. It is worn only on resistance and sorrow: holidays or weddings; even then, the Hanbok worn on these occasions is very colorful, and white Hanbok Arirang is a passive resistance, a wish that the love seems extinct in modern Korea. Thus, white Hanbok who is leaving you would not make it past two miles can be seen today in only a few instances: first, it is due to weariness. It is a resistance by the weak, who ac- worn by the participants of traditional Korean folk cept the circumstances…. Both the person saying good- plays which comfort commoners' sorrows and satirize bye and the person leaving probably wore white clo- the upper class; second, it is worn by shamans during

– 130 – White Hanbok as an Expression of Resistance in Modern Korea 131 gut or shamanistic rituals as part of antigovernment came to symbolize resistance during the Japanese oc- movements; third, it is is worn by protestors; and fin- cupation, and this particular image has only been stre- ally, it is worn by social activists or liberal politici- ngthened as the universal values of white-innocence, ans. The common theme in these four instances is purity, nobility, sadness-and the traditional Korean va- resistance. lues-simplicity, asceticism, innocence, sadness, sorrow, A traditional Korean folk play, as the culture of grief-have all been subsumed into the resistance sym- commoners, is a means to express pain and sorrow of bolism of the white Hanbok. The white Hanbok, which the participants of the play through its content contai- symbolizes resistance, borrows from many different ning resistance against existing social norms. In such values associated with the color white. The expres- folk plays, white Hanbok is an element that maxi- sive function of clothing has changed the value of the mizes dramatic effects. With the fact that white Han- Korean traditional clothing - the white Hanbok. bok has been worn by Koreans for the purposes of mourning for a long time, and when it is worn in sha- References manistic rituals, it has the effect of maximizing sor- row and eagerness. Especially, white Hanbook in a Barnard, M. (2002). Fashion as communication (2nd ed.). shamanistic ritual whose theme is resistance against London & New York: Routledge. the government creates a heroic feeling and enhances Carter, A. (1967). Notes for a theory of sixties style. New Society, 14, 866−867. the mood of resistance. Furthermore, white Hanbok Cho, Y. (1999). An exploration of Korean aesthetic beauty. worn by protestors and social activists or progressive Seoul: Youlhwadang. politicians are also used as a device to promote the Choi, J., & Kim, M. J. (2005). 복식에 표현된 흰색의 이미 mood of resistance and eagerness. 지 [The images of white color expressed in contempo- Although white Hanbok has been worn by many rary fashion]. Proceedings of the Korean Society of Costume, Spring Conference, Korea, 71. different classes of people in many different situa- Choi, N. (1946). Questions and answers on the Joseon dyn- tions including their daily life, it is a strange phenom- asty (Joseon sang-sik mun-dab). Seoul: Dongmyungsa. enon that white Hanbok is worn by people as a sym- Geertz, C. (1973). The interpretation of cultures: Selected bol of resistance even in the modern society where it essays. New York, NY: Basic Books. is no longer worn and has all but disappeared from Gelder, K., & Thornton, S. (1997). The subcultures reader. London, New York: Routledge. the everyday life of Koreans. This is borrowing from Ha, Y. D. (1989). Korean traditional color and color psy- the image associated with the color white, such as re- chic. Seoul: Myoungji. soluteness and sadness, according to the ordinary sym- Hebdige, D. (1998). Subculture: The meaning of style (D. Y. bolism of white, or according to the distinct Korean Lee, Trans.). Seoul: Hyunsil Culture Stidies. (Original characteristics. Wearing white Hanbok as a means of work published 1979) Heller, E. (2002). 색의 유혹: 재미있는 13가지 색깔 이야기 resistance in a situation in which it has lost all mean- [The lure of color: Thirteen amusing color stories]. (Y. ing as ordinary wear, and in which colorful Hanbok H. Lee, Trans.). Seoul: Yedam. (Original work published is worn instead, emphasizes the desperate emotion of 2000) the willingness to give up one's vested rights; also, it Hwang, R. (1985). 전라도 씻김굿 [Ssitgim-gut in Jeolla-do]. is trying to utilize the attention-grabbing nature of Seoul: Youlhwadang. Kan, M. (1998). A study on the anti-fashion expressed in white Hanbok. Ultimately, wearing white Hanbok is the Korean student movement. Journal of the Korean used as a powerful means of communication. Society of Costume, 41, 153−168. With the advent of industrialization and globaliza- Kandinsky, W. (2007). The art of spiritual harmony (M. T. tion, Koreans' has changed significantly in Sadleir, Trans.). New York, NY: Cosimo. (Original work the last 100 years. Nonetheless, individuals and groups published 1914) Kertzer, D. I. (1983). The role of ritual in political change. In everywhere throughout history have used clothing to M. J. Aronoff (Ed.), Culture and political change (pp. convey signals, and particularly as a gesture of resis- 53−74). New Brunswick: Transaction Books. tance. As demonstrated in this article, white Hanbok Kim, D. W. (1977). Arirang and white clothes. Seoul: Gae-

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