The Etruscan Thalassocracy:
Exploring Maritime Motifs and Dionysian Imagery in Etruscan Tomb Painting
and on Imported Greek Pottery
Jesse B. Duncan
Undergraduate Honors Thesis Department of Art History University of Colorado | Boulder
Date of Defense April 1st, 2020
Thesis Advisor Dr. Diane Conlin | Classics
Committee Members Dr. Robert Nauman | Honors Chair | Art History Dr. Fernando Loffredo | Art History Dr. Elspeth Dusinberre | Classics
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Dedicated
To
Professor Elspeth Dusinberre with my deepest gratitude to push me to commence this academic journey without your compassion this thesis would have never came to fruition
Professor Diane Conlin with my utmost admiration and gratitude for supporting me along this extensive and engaging project I thank you
My sweetest sunflower Jezzlynn Rae may your light shine on continuing to spread happiness and joy especially during troubling times
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Abstract
The Etruscans were an ancient Mediterranean culture who were and still are remembered as a thalassocracy, a dominant maritime force. However, their visual identity as represented in their art did not emphasize their naval dominance through traditional nautical imagery. A survey of Etruscan art reveals that the only surviving depiction of ship is from an Etruscan tomb, the Tomb of the Ship, and leads to the central question of this thesis: why are there so few images of ships in the art of a culture known for its thalassocracy? After an analysis of the Homeric myth of the Etruscan pirates capturing
Dionysus, as well as Greek-made pottery found in Etruria along with Etruscan tomb frescos, several motifs related to both marine life and activities occur alongside repetitive
Dionysian imagery. In this thesis, I suggest that Dionysian imagery related to the
Homeric myth of Dionysius and the Etruscan pirates may have served as a potential visual signifier of the infamous Etruscan thalassocracy.
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Table of Contents
LIST OF FIGURES ...... 4
THE ETRUSCAN THALASSOCRACY: AN INTRODUCTION ...... 13
THE ETRUSCAN THALASSOCRACY: THE EVIDENCE ...... 16
ANCIENT SOURCES ...... 16
ETRUSCAN NAVAL ART AND ARTIFACTS: TOMB OF THE SHIP ...... 26
ETRUSCAN NAVAL ART AND ARTIFACTS: SHIPWRECKS ...... 29
THE ETRUSCAN THALASSOCRACY: A DIONYSIAN RELATIONSHIP ...... 32
DIONYSUS ...... 32
GREEK POTTERY ...... 35
ETRUSCAN TOMBS ...... 46
THE ETRUSCAN THALASSOCRACY: THE CONCLUSION ...... 59
FIGURES ...... 63
BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 118
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List of Figures
Figure 1. Map of Etruria with indication of expansion and cities (2001) Image Source: Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike 4.0 International license.
Figure 2. Map of Europe with indication of the directions of the traffic of Etruscan and Greek products (2019) Image Source: Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike 4.0 International license.
Figure 3. Tomb of the Ship, rear wall, with corners and ceiling (5th c. BCE/tomb/Tarquinia, Italy) Image Source: Moretti Mario, Tarquinia: La Tomba della Nave (Lerici, 1961), 60-61 (fig. 25).
Figure 4. Tomb of the Ship, rear wall, with pediment (5th c. BCE/tomb/Tarquinia, Italy) Image Source: Stephan Steingräber, Etruscan Painting: Catalogue Raisonné of Etruscan Wall Paintings, trans. David Ridgway and Francesca R. Ridgway (New York: Johnson Reprint Corporation, 1986), Color Plate 118.
Figure 5. Tomb of the Ship, left wall (5th c. BCE/tomb/Tarquinia, Italy) Image Source: Moretti Mario, Tarquinia: La Tomba della Nave (Lerici, 1961), 42-43 (fig. 12).
Figure 6. Tomb of the Ship, left wall, right detail (5th c. BCE/tomb/Tarquinia, Italy) Image Source: Stephan Steingräber, Etruscan Painting: Catalogue Raisonné of Etruscan Wall Paintings, trans. David Ridgway and Francesca R. Ridgway (New York: Johnson Reprint Corporation, 1986), Color Plate 119.
Figure 7. Tomb of the Ship left wall drawing (5th c. BCE/tomb/Tarquinia, Italy) Image Source: Moretti Mario, Tarquinia: La Tomba della Nave (Lerici, 1961), 42-43, (fig. 13).
Figure 8. Tomb of the Ship, left wall, detail of ship (5th c. BCE/tomb/Tarquinia, Italy) Image Source: Stephan Steingräber, Etruscan Painting: Catalogue Raisonné of Etruscan Wall Paintings, trans. David Ridgway and Francesca R. Ridgway (New York: Johnson Reprint Corporation, 1986), Color Plate 120.
Figure 9. Tomb of the Ship, left wall, ship overlay (5th c. BCE/tomb/Tarquinia, Italy) Image Source: Moretti Mario, Tarquinia: La Tomba della Nave (Lerici, 1961), 50-51, (fig. 19).
Figure 10. Tomb of the Ship, right wall drawing (5th c. BCE/tomb/Tarquinia, Italy) Image Source: Moretti Mario, Tarquinia: La Tomba della Nave (Lerici, 1961), 48-49, (fig. 17).
Figure 11. Tomb of the Ship, right wall (5th c. BCE/tomb/Tarquinia, Italy) Image Source: Moretti Mario, Tarquinia: La Tomba della Nave (Lerici, 1961), 48-49, (fig. 16).
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Figure 12. Group of heavy bucchero pots (550-530 BCE/bucchero/Chiusi, Italy) Image Source: Archaeological Museum of Bologna, http://www.museibologna.it/archeologicoen/percorsi/66287/id/75358/oggetto/75372/
Figure 13. Underwater submersible machine in the process of preserving an Etruscan amphora at Grand Ribaud F site (2006/Photo/DRASSM) Image Source: Frédéric Bassemayousse/DRASSM Fund, https://archeologie.culture.fr/archeo-sous- marine/fr/grand-ribaud-f-hyeres-var
Figure 14. Recreation of the Grand Ribaud F ship, loaded with Etruscan amphora (2006/Photo/DRASSM) Image Source: Luc Long/DRASSM, https://archeologie.culture.fr/archeo-sous-marine/fr/grand-ribaud-f-hyeres-var
Figure 15. Exekias/ Dionysus Cup, tondo (inside) detail (575-525 BCE/attic-ceramic/ Vulci, Italy) Image Source: Beazley Archive, https://www.beazley.ox.ac.uk/XDB/ASP/browse.asp?tableName=qryData&newwindow=tr ue&id={90E58738-4638-4190-82C9-C5A0E3CB1A93}
Figure 16. Exekias/ Dionysus Cup, foot and signature detail (575-525 BCE/attic- ceramic/ Vulci, Italy) Image Source: Beazley Archive, https://www.beazley.ox.ac.uk/XDB/ASP/browse.asp?tableName=qryData&newwindow=tr ue&id={90E58738-4638-4190-82C9-C5A0E3CB1A93}
Figure 17. Exekias/ Dionysus Cup, side eye detail (575-525 BCE/attic-ceramic/ Vulci, Italy) Image Source: Beazley Archive, https://www.beazley.ox.ac.uk/XDB/ASP/browse.asp?tableName=qryData&newwindow=tr ue&id={90E58738-4638-4190-82C9-C5A0E3CB1A93}
Figure 18. Exekias/ Dionysus Cup, bottom view (575-525 BCE/attic-ceramic/ Vulci, Italy) Image Source: Beazley Archive, https://www.beazley.ox.ac.uk/XDB/ASP/browse.asp?tableName=qryData&newwindow=tr ue&id={90E58738-4638-4190-82C9-C5A0E3CB1A93}
Figure 19. Exekias/ Dionysus Cup, under handle detail of Patroclus (575-525 BCE/attic-ceramic/ Vulci, Italy) Image Source: Beazley Archive, https://www.beazley.ox.ac.uk/XDB/ASP/browse.asp?tableName=qryData&newwindow=tr ue&id={90E58738-4638-4190-82C9-C5A0E3CB1A93}
Figure 20. Exekias/ Dionysus Cup, under handle detail of Achilles (575-525 BCE/attic-ceramic/ Vulci, Italy) Image Source: Beazley Archive, https://www.beazley.ox.ac.uk/XDB/ASP/browse.asp?tableName=qryData&newwindow=tr ue&id={90E58738-4638-4190-82C9-C5A0E3CB1A93}
Figure 21. Vase 4824, bottom view (525-475 BCE /attic-ceramic/Vulci, Italy) Image Source: Beazley Archive, https://www.beazley.ox.ac.uk/XDB/ASP/browse.asp?tableName=qryData&newwindow=tr ue&id={080A4218-1969-4887-AF1B-29C62EA5F39D}
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Figure 22. Vase 4824, damaged side B (525-475 BCE /attic-ceramic/Vulci, Italy) Image Source: Beazley Archive, https://www.beazley.ox.ac.uk/XDB/ASP/browse.asp?tableName=qryData&newwindow=tr ue&id={080A4218-1969-4887-AF1B-29C62EA5F39D}
Figure 23. Vase 4824, side A (525-475 BCE /attic-ceramic/Vulci, Italy) Image Source: Beazley Archive, https://www.beazley.ox.ac.uk/XDB/ASP/browse.asp?tableName=qryData&newwindow=tr ue&id={080A4218-1969-4887-AF1B-29C62EA5F39D}
Figure 24. Vase 4824, detail of side A (525-475 BCE /attic-ceramic/Vulci, Italy) Image Source: Beazley Archive, https://www.beazley.ox.ac.uk/XDB/ASP/browse.asp?tableName=qryData&newwindow=tr ue&id={080A4218-1969-4887-AF1B-29C62EA5F39D}
Figure 25. Vase 4824, bottom view (525-475 BCE /attic-ceramic/Vulci, Italy) Image Source: Beazley Archive, https://www.beazley.ox.ac.uk/XDB/ASP/browse.asp?tableName=qryData&newwindow=tr ue&id={080A4218-1969-4887-AF1B-29C62EA5F39D}
Figure 26. Vase 4824, detail of tondo (reconstructed) (525-475 BCE /attic-ceramic/Vulci, Italy) Image Source: Beazley Archive, https://www.beazley.ox.ac.uk/XDB/ASP/browse.asp?tableName=qryData&newwindow=tr ue&id={080A4218-1969-4887-AF1B-29C62EA5F39D}
Figure 27. Vase 4824, detail of tondo (525-475 BCE /attic-ceramic/Vulci, Italy) Image Source: Beazley Archive, https://www.beazley.ox.ac.uk/XDB/ASP/browse.asp?tableName=qryData&newwindow=tr ue&id={080A4218-1969-4887-AF1B-29C62EA5F39D}
Figure 28. Vase 9031520, side with Corinthian helmet warrior (550-500 BCE/attic- ceramic/Vulci, Italy) Image Source: Beazley Archive, https://www.beazley.ox.ac.uk/XDB/ASP/browse.asp?tableName=qryData&newwindow=tr ue&id={545B0A05-CE86-4041-A262-E41AE2E63FFC}
Figure 29. Vase 9031520, bottom view (550-500 BCE/attic-ceramic/Vulci, Italy) Image Source: Beazley Archive, https://www.beazley.ox.ac.uk/XDB/ASP/browse.asp?tableName=qryData&newwindow=tr ue&id={545B0A05-CE86-4041-A262-E41AE2E63FFC}
Figure 30. Vase 9031520, side with Corinthian helmet warrior detail (550-500 BCE/attic-ceramic/Vulci, Italy) Image Source: Beazley Archive, https://www.beazley.ox.ac.uk/XDB/ASP/browse.asp?tableName=qryData&newwindow=tr ue&id={545B0A05-CE86-4041-A262-E41AE2E63FFC}
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Figure 31. Vase 9031520, side with Corinthian helmet warrior shield detail (550-500 BCE/attic-ceramic/Vulci, Italy) Image Source: Beazley Archive, https://www.beazley.ox.ac.uk/XDB/ASP/browse.asp?tableName=qryData&newwindow=tr ue&id={545B0A05-CE86-4041-A262-E41AE2E63FFC}
Figure 32. Vase 9031520, side with dolphin shield warrior (550-500 BCE/attic- ceramic/Vulci, Italy) Image Source: Beazley Archive, https://www.beazley.ox.ac.uk/XDB/ASP/browse.asp?tableName=qryData&newwindow=tr ue&id={545B0A05-CE86-4041-A262-E41AE2E63FFC}
Figure 33. Vase 9031520, under hand detail of grapes and vines (550-500 BCE/attic- ceramic/Vulci, Italy) Image Source: Beazley Archive, https://www.beazley.ox.ac.uk/XDB/ASP/browse.asp?tableName=qryData&newwindow=tr ue&id={545B0A05-CE86-4041-A262-E41AE2E63FFC}
Figure 34. Vase 9031520, tondo detail (550-500 BCE/attic-ceramic/Vulci, Italy) Image Source: Beazley Archive, https://www.beazley.ox.ac.uk/XDB/ASP/browse.asp?tableName=qryData&newwindow=tr ue&id={545B0A05-CE86-4041-A262-E41AE2E63FFC}
Figure 35. Vase 768, side of cup, Dionysus and satyrs (525-475 BCE/attic- ceramic/Vulci, Italy) Image Source: Beazley Archive, https://www.beazley.ox.ac.uk/XDB/ASP/browse.asp?tableName=qryData&newwindow=tr ue&id={0AC6BE0F-0421-428C-8031-8189065F8C32}
Figure 36. Vase 768, side of cup, detail with hip (bottom) design (525-475 BCE/attic- ceramic/Vulci, Italy) Image Source: Beazley Archive, https://www.beazley.ox.ac.uk/XDB/ASP/browse.asp?tableName=qryData&newwindow=tr ue&id={0AC6BE0F-0421-428C-8031-8189065F8C32}
Figure 37. Vase 768, under handles detail of dolphin (525-475 BCE/attic- ceramic/Vulci, Italy) Image Source: Beazley Archive, https://www.beazley.ox.ac.uk/XDB/ASP/browse.asp?tableName=qryData&newwindow=tr ue&id={0AC6BE0F-0421-428C-8031-8189065F8C32}
Figure 38. Vase 768, tondo detail (525-475 BCE/attic-ceramic/Vulci, Italy) Image Source: Beazley Archive, https://www.beazley.ox.ac.uk/XDB/ASP/browse.asp?tableName=qryData&newwindow=tr ue&id={0AC6BE0F-0421-428C-8031-8189065F8C32}
Figure 39. Vase 505, side of cup, sphinx and palmette band (600-550 BCE /attic- ceramic/Vulci, Italy) Image Source: Beazley Archive, https://www.beazley.ox.ac.uk/XDB/ASP/browse.asp?tableName=qryData&newwindow=tr ue&id={45FE397E-F21B-4C9A-B706-2C5C8ACCBF84}
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Figure 40. Vase 505, side of cup, with detail of foot (600-550 BCE /attic-ceramic/Vulci, Italy) Image Source: Beazley Archive, https://www.beazley.ox.ac.uk/XDB/ASP/browse.asp?tableName=qryData&newwindow=tr ue&id={45FE397E-F21B-4C9A-B706-2C5C8ACCBF84}
Figure 41. Vase 505, top view (600-550 BCE /attic-ceramic/Vulci, Italy) Image Source: Beazley Archive, https://www.beazley.ox.ac.uk/XDB/ASP/browse.asp?tableName=qryData&newwindow=tr ue&id={45FE397E-F21B-4C9A-B706-2C5C8ACCBF84}
Figure 42. Vase 505, tondo detail (600-550 BCE /attic-ceramic/Vulci, Italy) Image Source: Beazley Archive, https://www.beazley.ox.ac.uk/XDB/ASP/browse.asp?tableName=qryData&newwindow=tr ue&id={45FE397E-F21B-4C9A-B706-2C5C8ACCBF84}
Figure 43. Tomb of the Baron (Tomba del Barone), rear wall, ritual scene (500 BCE /tomb fresco/ Tarquinia, Italy) Image Source: Stephan Steingräber, Etruscan Painting: Catalogue Raisonné of Etruscan Wall Paintings, trans. David Ridgway and Francesca R. Ridgway (New York: Johnson Reprint Corporation, 1986), Color Plate 27.
Figure 44. Tomb of the Baron (Tomba del Barone), rear wall, detail of male figure holding cup with youth flute player (500 BCE /tomb fresco/ Tarquinia, Italy) Image Source: Stephan Steingräber, Etruscan Painting: Catalogue Raisonné of Etruscan Wall Paintings, trans. David Ridgway and Francesca R. Ridgway (New York: Johnson Reprint Corporation, 1986), Color Plate 28
Figure 45. Tomb of the Baron (Tomba del Barone), rear wall, detail of female figure with raised hands (500 BCE /tomb fresco/ Tarquinia, Italy) Image Source: Stephan Steingräber, Etruscan Painting: Catalogue Raisonné of Etruscan Wall Paintings, trans. David Ridgway and Francesca R. Ridgway (New York: Johnson Reprint Corporation, 1986), Color Plate 30.
Figure 46. Tomb of the Baron (Tomba del Barone), right wall, two male figures with horses (500 BCE /tomb fresco/ Tarquinia, Italy) Image Source: Stephan Steingräber, Etruscan Painting: Catalogue Raisonné of Etruscan Wall Paintings, trans. David Ridgway and Francesca R. Ridgway (New York: Johnson Reprint Corporation, 1986), Color Plate 34.
Figure 47. Tomb of the Baron (Tomba del Barone), right wall, two male figures with horses and female figure in middle (500 BCE /tomb fresco/ Tarquinia, Italy) Image Source: Stephan Steingräber, Etruscan Painting: Catalogue Raisonné of Etruscan Wall Paintings, trans. David Ridgway and Francesca R. Ridgway (New York: Johnson Reprint Corporation, 1986), Color Plate 33.
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Figure 48. Tomb of Hunting and Fishing (Tomba della Caccia e Pesca), rear wall with corners and ceiling (510 BCE /tomb fresco/ Tarquinia, Italy) Image Source: Stephan Steingräber, Etruscan Painting: Catalogue Raisonné of Etruscan Wall Paintings, trans. David Ridgway and Francesca R. Ridgway (New York: Johnson Reprint Corporation, 1986), Color Plate 41.
Figure 49. Tomb of Hunting and Fishing (Tomba della Caccia e Pesca), outer chamber looking into inner chamber (510 BCE /tomb fresco/ Tarquinia, Italy) Image Source: Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike 4.0 International license.
Figure 50. Tomb of Hunting and Fishing (Tomba della Caccia e Pesca), inner chamber detail of colored bands, garland, and birds in seascape (510 BCE /tomb fresco/ Tarquinia, Italy) Image Source: Stephan Steingräber, Etruscan Painting: Catalogue Raisonné of Etruscan Wall Paintings, trans. David Ridgway and Francesca R. Ridgway (New York: Johnson Reprint Corporation, 1986), Color Plate 49.
Figure 51. Tomb of Hunting and Fishing (Tomba della Caccia e Pesca), inner chamber pediment, above doorway to inner chamber, returning from hunt scene (510 BCE /tomb fresco/ Tarquinia, Italy) Image Source: Stephan Steingräber, Etruscan Painting: Catalogue Raisonné of Etruscan Wall Paintings, trans. David Ridgway and Francesca R. Ridgway (New York: Johnson Reprint Corporation, 1986), Color Plate 50.
Figure 52. Tomb of Hunting and Fishing (Tomba della Caccia e Pesca), detail of outer chamber wall, Dionysian ritual dancers (510 BCE /tomb fresco/ Tarquinia, Italy) Image Source: Stephan Steingräber, Etruscan Painting: Catalogue Raisonné of Etruscan Wall Paintings, trans. David Ridgway and Francesca R. Ridgway (New York: Johnson Reprint Corporation, 1986), Color Plate 51.
Figure 53. Tomb of Hunting and Fishing (Tomba della Caccia e Pesca), painting of inner chamber, left wall, seascape with diving youths and rowboat (510 BCE /tomb fresco/ Tarquinia, Italy) Image Source: Monumenti Inediti 12, 1884-1885, pl. 13 via M. H. Swindler, Ancient Painting, New Haven, 1929, fig. 396; courtesy Yale University Press.
Figure 54. Tomb of Hunting and Fishing (Tomba della Caccia e Pesca), inner chamber, left wall, detail of youth divers (510 BCE /tomb fresco/ Tarquinia, Italy) Image Source: Stephan Steingräber, Etruscan Painting: Catalogue Raisonné of Etruscan Wall Paintings, trans. David Ridgway and Francesca R. Ridgway (New York: Johnson Reprint Corporation, 1986), Color Plate 47.
Figure 55. Tomb of Hunting and Fishing (Tomba della Caccia e Pesca), painting of inner chamber, left wall, detail of rowboat (510 BCE /tomb fresco/ Tarquinia, Italy) Image Source: Monumenti Inediti 12, 1884-1885, pl. 13 via M. H. Swindler, Ancient Painting, New Haven, 1929, fig. 396; courtesy Yale University Press.
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Figure 56. Tomb of Hunting and Fishing (Tomba della Caccia e Pesca), inner chamber, rear wall, detail of fishermen in boat (510 BCE /tomb fresco/ Tarquinia, Italy) Image Source: Stephan Steingräber, Etruscan Painting: Catalogue Raisonné of Etruscan Wall Paintings, trans. David Ridgway and Francesca R. Ridgway (New York: Johnson Reprint Corporation, 1986), Color Plate 42.
Figure 57. Tomb of Hunting and Fishing (Tomba della Caccia e Pesca), inner chamber, rear wall, detail of fowler with sling (510 BCE /tomb fresco/ Tarquinia, Italy) Image Source: Stephan Steingräber, Etruscan Painting: Catalogue Raisonné of Etruscan Wall Paintings, trans. David Ridgway and Francesca R. Ridgway (New York: Johnson Reprint Corporation, 1986), Color Plate 44.
Figure 58. Tomb of Hunting and Fishing (Tomba della Caccia e Pesca), inner chamber, right wall, seascape with spearman (510 BCE /tomb fresco/ Tarquinia, Italy) Image Source: Stephan Steingräber, Etruscan Painting: Catalogue Raisonné of Etruscan Wall Paintings, trans. David Ridgway and Francesca R. Ridgway (New York: Johnson Reprint Corporation, 1986), Color Plate 52
Figure 59. Tomb of Hunting and Fishing (Tomba della Caccia e Pesca), inner chamber, right wall, detail of spearman (510 BCE /tomb fresco/ Tarquinia, Italy) Image Source: Stephan Steingräber, Etruscan Painting: Catalogue Raisonné of Etruscan Wall Paintings, trans. David Ridgway and Francesca R. Ridgway (New York: Johnson Reprint Corporation, 1986), Color Plate 48.
Figure 60. Tomb of Hunting and Fishing (Tomba della Caccia e Pesca), inner rear wall, detail of pediment, Dionysian banquet scene (510 BCE /tomb fresco/ Tarquinia, Italy) Image Source: Stephan Steingräber, Etruscan Painting: Catalogue Raisonné of Etruscan Wall Paintings, trans. David Ridgway and Francesca R. Ridgway (New York: Johnson Reprint Corporation, 1986), Color Plate 41.
Figure 61. Tomb of Hunting and Fishing (Tomba della Caccia e Pesca), inner rear wall, detail of couple in pediment scene (510 BCE /tomb fresco/ Tarquinia, Italy) Image Source: Stephan Steingräber, Etruscan Painting: Catalogue Raisonné of Etruscan Wall Paintings, trans. David Ridgway and Francesca R. Ridgway (New York: Johnson Reprint Corporation, 1986), Color Plate 45.
Figure 62. Tomb of the Triclinium (Tomba del Triclinio), rear wall, Dionysian banquet scene (470 BCE /tomb fresco/ Tarquinia, Italy) Image Source: Stephan Steingräber, Etruscan Painting: Catalogue Raisonné of Etruscan Wall Paintings, trans. David Ridgway and Francesca R. Ridgway (New York: Johnson Reprint Corporation, 1986), Color Plate 166.
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Figure 63. Tomb of the Triclinium (Tomba del Triclinio), rear wall, Dionysian banquet scene, detail of ivy and grape pattern (470 BCE /tomb fresco/ Tarquinia, Italy) Image Source: Stephan Steingräber, Etruscan Painting: Catalogue Raisonné of Etruscan Wall Paintings, trans. David Ridgway and Francesca R. Ridgway (New York: Johnson Reprint Corporation, 1986), Color Plate 167.
Figure 64. Tomb of the Triclinium (Tomba del Triclinio), right wall, detail of wave pattern (470 BCE /tomb fresco/ Tarquinia, Italy) Image Source: Stephan Steingräber, Etruscan Painting: Catalogue Raisonné of Etruscan Wall Paintings, trans. David Ridgway and Francesca R. Ridgway (New York: Johnson Reprint Corporation, 1986), Color Plate 168.
Figure 65. Tomb of the Triclinium (Tomba del Triclinio), right wall, detail Dionysian ritual dancers (470 BCE /tomb fresco/ Tarquinia, Italy) Image Source: Stephan Steingräber, Etruscan Painting: Catalogue Raisonné of Etruscan Wall Paintings, trans. David Ridgway and Francesca R. Ridgway (New York: Johnson Reprint Corporation, 1986), Color Plate 171.
Figure 66. Tomb of the Triclinium (Tomba del Triclinio), right wall, Dionysian ritual dancers (470 BCE /tomb fresco/ Tarquinia, Italy) Image Source: Stephan Steingräber, Etruscan Painting: Catalogue Raisonné of Etruscan Wall Paintings, trans. David Ridgway and Francesca R. Ridgway (New York: Johnson Reprint Corporation, 1986), Color Plate 168.
Figure 67. Tomb of the Triclinium (Tomba del Triclinio), right wall, Dionysian ritual female dancer (470 BCE /tomb fresco/ Tarquinia, Italy) Image Source: Stephan Steingräber, Etruscan Painting: Catalogue Raisonné of Etruscan Wall Paintings, trans. David Ridgway and Francesca R. Ridgway (New York: Johnson Reprint Corporation, 1986), Color Plate 170.
Figure 68. Tomb of the Triclinium (Tomba del Triclinio), right wall, Dionysian ritual female dancer with male double flute player (470 BCE /tomb fresco/ Tarquinia, Italy) Image Source: Stephan Steingräber, Etruscan Painting: Catalogue Raisonné of Etruscan Wall Paintings, trans. David Ridgway and Francesca R. Ridgway (New York: Johnson Reprint Corporation, 1986), Color Plate 169.
Figure 69. Tomb of the Lionesses (Tomba delle Leonesse), rear wall, Dionysian ritual scene with volute krater (510 BCE /tomb fresco/ Tarquinia, Italy) Image Source: Stephan Steingräber, Etruscan Painting: Catalogue Raisonné of Etruscan Wall Paintings, trans. David Ridgway and Francesca R. Ridgway (New York: Johnson Reprint Corporation, 1986), Color Plate 97.
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Figure 70. Tomb of the Lionesses (Tomba delle Leonesse), detail of palmette, dolphin, bird and sea design around lower wall of tomb (510 BCE /tomb fresco/ Tarquinia, Italy) Image Source: Stephan Steingräber, Etruscan Painting: Catalogue Raisonné of Etruscan Wall Paintings, trans. David Ridgway and Francesca R. Ridgway (New York: Johnson Reprint Corporation, 1986), Color Plate 104.
Figure 71. Tomb of the Lionesses (Tomba delle Leonesse), right wall, oversized reclined males (510 BCE /tomb fresco/ Tarquinia, Italy) Image Source: Stephan Steingräber, Etruscan Painting: Catalogue Raisonné of Etruscan Wall Paintings, trans. David Ridgway and Francesca R. Ridgway (New York: Johnson Reprint Corporation, 1986), Color Plate 101.
Figure 72. Tomb of the Lionesses (Tomba delle Leonesse), left wall, oversized reclined males (510 BCE /tomb fresco/ Tarquinia, Italy) Image Source: Stephan Steingräber, Etruscan Painting: Catalogue Raisonné of Etruscan Wall Paintings, trans. David Ridgway and Francesca R. Ridgway (New York: Johnson Reprint Corporation, 1986), Color Plate 102.
Figure 73. Tomb of the Lionesses (Tomba delle Leonesse), rear wall, Dionysian ritual scene, detail of volute krater (510 BCE /tomb fresco/ Tarquinia, Italy) Image Source: Stephan Steingräber, Etruscan Painting: Catalogue Raisonné of Etruscan Wall Paintings, trans. David Ridgway and Francesca R. Ridgway (New York: Johnson Reprint Corporation, 1986), Color Plate 97.
Figure 74. Tomb of the Lionesses (Tomba delle Leonesse), rear wall, Dionysian ritual scene, detail of jeweled dancer (510 BCE /tomb fresco/ Tarquinia, Italy) Image Source: Stephan Steingräber, Etruscan Painting: Catalogue Raisonné of Etruscan Wall Paintings, trans. David Ridgway and Francesca R. Ridgway (New York: Johnson Reprint Corporation, 1986), Color Plate 98.
Figure 75. Tomb of the Lionesses (Tomba delle Leonesse), rear wall, Dionysian ritual scene, detail of dancing couple (510 BCE /tomb fresco/ Tarquinia, Italy) Image Source: Stephan Steingräber, Etruscan Painting: Catalogue Raisonné of Etruscan Wall Paintings, trans. David Ridgway and Francesca R. Ridgway (New York: Johnson Reprint Corporation, 1986), Color Plate 100.
13
The Etruscan Thalassocracy: An Introduction
The word mysterious would be an excellent start, yet at the same time a massive understatement to describe the Etruscans, an ancient civilization once based in central
Italy. Of all the peoples who flourished in the ancient Mediterranean, the Etruscans remain one of the least understood and most enigmatic cultures. Both in antiquity and today, the history, religion, and traditions of the Etruscans have sparked vigorous debates. However, one aspect of Etruscan history that has been universally accepted by modern scholars and ancient writers alike is the existence of an Etruscan thalassocracy, a navy so powerful that it once dominated the ancient western Mediterranean.1 We would expect the Etruscans to celebrate their maritime power in poetry or through letters and historical records. However, unlike many ancient civilizations, the Etruscans left no original literary accounts, and those Etruscan words that do survive as inscriptions were written in a language we still do not completely understand. We might also expect celebration of their thalassocracy in art, but surprisingly few easily recognizable representations of ships and sailing can be found in the archaeological record.
Our best information about the Etruscans’ powerful navy has been preserved in the treatises of ancient Greek and Roman authors, most of whom lived centuries after the decline of the Etruscans as an independent Mediterranean culture. In order to find information about the Etruscans, several of these classical writers depended on now lost
1 A thalassocracy is a state that demonstrates maritime supremacy. In ancient Greek, θαλασσοκρατέω (thalassokratéō) meaning “to be master of the sea,” derives from θάλασσα (thálassa) “sea” + κράτος (krátos) “rule”. Edward A. Alpers, The Indian Ocean in World History: New Oxford World History (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013), 80.
14 references preserved in even older sources. Over time this historical evidence likely evolved due to various reasons, including deliberate socio-political biases and accidental misrepresentations. When examining the ancient texts that mention an Etruscan thalassocracy, one must consider these possible biases and misrepresentations, and how such views have impacted how we view the Etruscans today.
It would seem that one of the most fruitful methods for understanding how the
Etruscans celebrated their mastery of the sea would be an in-depth examination of the iconography preserved on objects exported to Etruria to be placed as funerary offerings in their tombs. Also important are the contemporary painted frescoes wealthy Etruscans commissioned for the walls of these tombs. However, my examination of tomb deposits and decoration reveals that there are very few images of full-scale sailing vessels in
Etruscan tomb fresco painting or art created outside of Etruria for Etruscan clients. One noteworthy but unique exception is the Tomb of the Ship discussed in detail below.
Other than this one anomalous tomb, there are no other tombs or even pieces of art that preserve images of Etruscan sailing vessels. The lack of seafaring representation in their art is quite puzzling due to their historically attested control of the sea. For such a renowned maritime power, one would expect to see the Etruscans embrace naval iconography. Perhaps we must ask a different question.
In addition to my search for naval imagery in Etruscan art, I have also explored the archaeological evidence for Etruscan shipwrecks discovered in the western
Mediterranean. As we should expect, several Etruscan shipwrecks have been found on the bottom of the Mediterranean Sea. Unfortunately, many of these shipwrecks were located
15 in easily accessible waters and, as a result, have been looted by treasure hunters.
Fortunately, some of the wrecks are relatively inaccessible to the extreme depths of the wreck sites. Due to advances in maritime archaeological techniques and equipment, several of these deeper sunken ship sites can now be investigated and analyzed. Many of these shipwreck sites, such as the Grand Ribaud F discussed in detail below, have provided valuable insight into the vessels of the infamous Etruscan navy.
With few representations of ships and seafaring in Etruscan art, I examined other images that might have served as Etruscan references to their thalassocracy. Like all ancient cultures, the Etruscans were notably religious and participated in many rituals.
One motif that reoccurs in Etruscan artwork, as well as art purchased by the Etruscans, is imagery related to the Homeric myth of Dionysius and the Etruscan pirates. In this thesis,
I argue that images of Dionysus in Etruscan art and on objects commissioned by Etruscan patrons, especially the story of Dionysus’ capture of Etruscan pirates, might symbolically refer to Etruscan sea faring and maritime power. Moreover, connections between images of Dionysus and an Etruscan celebration of their thalassocracy could explain the lack of artistic representation of large sailing vessels in Etruscan art that one might expect from a dominant sea power. In this thesis, I explore the possibility of the use of Dionysian imagery related to the Homeric myth of Dionysus and the Etruscan pirates as potential visual signifiers of the Etruscan thalassocracy.
16
The Etruscan Thalassocracy: The Evidence
Ancient Sources
The Etruscans were a highly enigmatic group of people whose history is controversial in both contemporary and ancient scholarship. From their origins to their language, many aspects of the Etruscan culture are highly debated. While it might be argued that some modern controversies regarding the origins of the Etruscans are deeply rooted in European nativist biases, ancient authors were also conflicted and confused.
The Greek historians, Herodotus (5th century BCE) and Dionysius of Halicarnassus (1st century BCE), presented opposing views: Herodotus claimed the Etruscans had immigrated from the East, while Dionysius later declared the Etruscans were indigenous to Italy. Despite new archaeological and genetic evidence, the conflicting versions found in the treatises of Herodotus and Dionysius have persisted. In fact, the Etruscan origin debate still generates lively discourse amongst scholars of the ancient Mediterranean as well as the inhabitants of Tuscany in Italy today.2
Etruria was a region in central Italy that spanned areas now referred to as Tuscany as well as parts of Lazio and Umbria (fig. 1). Situated beneath the western slopes of the
Apennines, Etruria was nestled between the Arno River to the north and the Tiber River, which served as its natural southern border. During their territorial expansion (750-500 c.
BCE), Etruscan political and military control extended from the northeastern regions of the Po valley to the southern reaches of Campania on the Italian peninsula (fig. 2). Similar to the Greeks, the Etruscans did not have a centralized government, but were instead
2 Alessandro Naso, Etruscology (Boston: De Gruyter, Inc., 2017), 1.
17 organized as independent city-states ruled by autonomous kings. Although they did not share a centralized government, the cities of Etruria did participate in many communal activities, such as festivals, funeral celebrations, and trade, and they seem to have shared a language as well as a set of common religious beliefs. Many aspects of Etruscan culture, especially religion, architecture, engineering, gladiatorial combat, and chariot racing were imposed upon their southern neighbors, the Romans. In fact, Etruscan kings ruled the city of Rome for approximately a century and commissioned significant monuments such as the great temple of Jupiter Optimus Maximus on the Capitoline Hill.3 Etruscan civilization lasted for approximately 900 years, with the height of their influence and power most often considered to be the 7th and 6th centuries BCE. Eventually, Etruscan
3 The last rulers of the Roman Regal Period were of Etruscan origin. The first Etruscan king, Lucius Tarquinius Priscus, was the fifth king to rule over the Roman populous from 616–579 BCE. Lucius Tarquinius Priscus' most significant contributions to Rome were the construction the Circus Maximus and the Jupiter Optimus Maximus on the Capitoline Hill. At the end of his reign, Lucius Tarquinius Priscus was assassinated by his predecessor's sons. After the assassination of Lucius Tarquinius Priscus, Servius Tullius (son-in-law) inherited the throne and reigned from 578 to 535 BCE. Servius Tullius had a significant impact on the Roman civilization with his implementation of the first census, the formation of Rome's centuries, and Rome's first true coinage. Servius Tullius was assassinated by his daughter Tullia and her husband, Lucius Tarquinius Superbus. Lucius Tarquinius Superbus was the son or grandson of Lucius Tarquinius Priscus and the last Roman king, ruling from 534 to 509 BCE. Lucius Tarquinius Superbus was the only Etruscan king to survive his rule. Instead of assassination, Lucius Tarquinius Superbus was driven out of Rome by the citizens in revolt. Modern archaeological evidence reveals that during the rebellious and violent uprising, numerous areas throughout Rome had been burned and destroyed. Following Lucius Tarquinius Superbus' rule, the Roman Republic was formed in 509 BCE, signaling the end of the Etruscan expansion. Brian Campbell, The Romans and their World: A Short Introduction (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2012), 4-6.
18 civilization was defeated and absorbed by Rome, having been completely integrated into the Roman system around 27 BCE.4
Many ancient treatises that recorded the history, language, and traditions of the
Etruscans, such as the twenty books composed by the Roman emperor Claudius (41-54
CE) known as the Tyrrhenika, have not survived. Almost all the ancient writings on the
Etruscans during antiquity were lost because they were not translated by Christian monks and scribes whose primary interest was focused on Greek and Latin texts. It was not until the Renaissance that renewed interest in newly discovered Etruscan art and artifacts brought fresh light and renewed curiosity to this mysterious ancient civilization.5
The Etruscans left behind virtually no literature, only often fragmentary funerary and religious inscriptions in a language we still do not fully understand today.6 The
Etruscan language was non-Indo-European and unlike any other in the world.7 Several ancient authors wrote about the Etruscans, but the overall corpus of information on their civilization, especially their purported skills at seafaring, is still somewhat limited. Given
4 Jean MacIntosh Turfa, and Ashwini Tambe, The Etruscan World (London: Routledge, 2013). 5 Naso, 1. 6 Many artifacts found in ancient cities and tombs contain inscriptions that scholars have studied and have determined crucial to understanding Etruscan identity and religion. Overall there are less than 10,000 known inscriptions found on Etruscan artifacts. Out of the 10,000 inscriptions, 9,000 of them are simple short phrases such as names of the gods, the creator of the objects or other names of people or places. The inscriptions were primarily broken into four categories: legal, funerary, ritual, or votive. Most of the inscriptions can be legibly read, it is “deciphering” them that is the issue. The Etruscan language is extremely difficult to understand due to the nature of the language, being a non-Indo-European. Many of the inscriptions are also fragmented to cause further difficulties in gathering useful information. Nancy Thomson de Grummond and Erika Simon, ed. Religion of the Etruscans (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2006) 9. 7 Massimo Pallottino, “Oriundi forestieri nella onomastica e nella società etrusca,” Studi di antichità in onore di Guglielmo Maetzke (Rome: Giorgio Bretschneider, 1984), 57– 69.
19 the maritime developments and contributions of the Etruscans, from the anchor and foresail to the bronze ram and low prow-ships, ancient Greek and Roman writers offer vital but limited details.8 Most of our knowledge about Etruscan history survives in only a handful of sources written centuries after the height of the Etruscan power. Etruscan history and traditions may have been passed down orally within their civilization; this creates an immense predicament in finding concrete textual evidence of their culture and lifestyle. 9 Of the many aspects of the Etruscans that were, and still are debated, is the question of their geographic and ethnic origin. The debate over the origins of the
Etruscans has been a lively discussion for over two thousand years, and there still is no consensus as to whether they emigrated to Italy or descended from an indigenous Italian population. However, one aspect that nearly every ancient comment on the Etruscans agrees regards their thalassocracy and mastering of the sea. In almost every instance where the Etruscans are mentioned in ancient texts, aspects of their seafaring or naval dominance are mentioned. Yet, although many ancient authors have written on the subject of the Etruscan naval supremacy, the credibility of the information can be problematic.
Before stories were written down, most cultures of the ancient Mediterranean had strong oral traditions. One of our first encounters with the Etruscans occurs in Greek mythology, a series of everchanging tales passed from one generation to the next, and
8Elizabeth Caroline Johnstone Gray, The History of Etruria to B.C. 348: Tarchum and his times. From the Foundation of Tarquinia to the Foundation of Rome (London: J. Hatchard and Son, 1843), 416. 9 L.B. van der Meer, The Bronze Liver of Piacenza (Amsterdam: J. C. Gieben, 1987).
20 from one society to another. Before they were recorded in written documents, these stories were passed by word of mouth and through artwork. Most stories concerned the myths of gods, heroes, and the origins of the Mediterranean civilizations. Once the ancient Greeks adopted the Phoenician alphabet and developed their written language, these stories and myths became literary objects. It was sometime during the 7th century
BCE that modern scholars believe the first accounts of the Homeric Hymns appeared.10
One of the Homeric Hymns, in particular, preserves one of the first accounts of the
Etruscan thalassocracy.
In the 7th Homeric Hymn to Dionysus, the anonymous author describes the fantastic tale of how Etruscan pirates captured Dionysus. According to the text, Dionysus had been wandering along the shores of the Aegean island of Naxos when Etruscan sailors abducted him. Dionysus then ordered the sailors to release him at once and threatened they would bear the consequences of his wrath if they did not. The Etruscan pirates, being naïve and haughty, thought Dionysus was a prince of a nearby kingdom and therefore would fetch a sizeable ransom. As the sailors attempted to bind the god to the mast, the rope fell to the deck and Dionysus simply grinned at his abductors. After the ship's helmsman recognized the captive as a god, he immediately shouted at the crew that they should release the stranger at once and warned that their ship could not contain a god for the duration of their voyage. However, the crew disregarded the helmsman's plea and continued to try to bind Dionysus to the mast. As the sailors set sail, Dionysus
10 Gregory Nagy, Homer the Preclassic (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2012), 70.
21 revealed himself through a series of divine actions. First, the ship began to flow with wine, and vines sprang up out of the mast with flowers blooming out of the sails.
Dionysus suddenly transformed into a lion and roared at the crew before he snatched up the captain. He also created a bear to torment the crew, causing the sailors to leap into the sea as the last refuge. As the crew hit the water, they immediately transformed into dolphins. When the helmsman was about to leap into the sea, Dionysus called out to him that he would be spared due to his attempted warning and so that he might live to tell the miraculous tale that had occurred on that very day.11
The tale of the Etruscans capturing Dionysus, first written down sometime during the 7th century BCE, may relate directly to Etruscan naval dominance. In the original
Hymn, the Greeks referred to the Etruscans as the Tyrrhenians.12 In the ancient Greek world, the appellation, “Tyrrhenian,” was associated with the most powerful pirates from the West. Greek explorers were extremely cautious about venturing west due to a fear that the Tyrrhenian pirates would attack and plunder their vessels.13 The notion of referring to the Etruscans as pirates is somewhat problematic due to the ambiguity of the
11 Anonymous, The Homeric Hymns and Homerica, trans. Hugh G. Evelyn-White (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1914), 428-433. 12 In antiquity, Etruscans were referred to by several various names. Etruscans called themselves Rasenna that was syncopated to Raśna. The Romans called the Etruscans the Tuscī or Etruscī, whereas the Attic Greeks referred to them as the Tyrrhenians (Τυρρηνοί, Turrhēnoi). The modern term Etruscan derives from the Latin Etruscī. Giuliano Bonfante and Larissa Bonfante, The Etruscan Language: An Introduction, Revised Edition (Manchester: Manchester University Press), 51. 13 Strabo stated, according to Ephorus, that before the Greeks ventured to the regions of Sicily, they were terrified of sailing near Italy due to the bands of Etruscan pirates. The Greeks would not imagine venturing any farther west until around the 8th century BCE. Strabo, The Geography of Strabo, ed. H. L. Jones (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1924), 6.2.2.
22 ancient definition of piracy in early periods of seafaring, and the cultural background of writers who made these assumptions.14 Many of the Etruscans very well could have been pirates, while at the same time, they could have been an extremely territorial seafaring community. While the existence of Etruscan piracy throughout the Mediterranean is vague and difficult to understand fully, the dominance the Etruscans held in the western
Mediterranean Sea is quite clear and well understood. The western Mediterranean was named the Tyrrhenian Sea by the ancient Greeks; pirates or not, these waterways were under the Etruscan control.15 Their reputation for a powerful, dangerous navy would be attached to the Etruscans for the remainder of the written history of their civilization.
Most of the stories that have been passed down regarding the Etruscan thalassocracy have connections with the details and events recorded by Herodotus.
Herodotus, a Greek historian born in 485 c. BCE, wrote until 425 c. BCE, approximately the same time as the final gasps of Etruscan territorial and naval dominance in Italy.
Herodotus began his discussion of the Etruscans with the most controversial series of stories and statements in all of Etruscology, their origins. Herodotus is the earliest recorded historian to place the origins of the Etruscan in Lydia on the western coast of
Asia Minor. While the debate over whether Herodotus’ Lydian origins theory is accurate
14 Strabo mentioned his accounts how the Etruscans developed as a civilization. They took to the seas as pirates to deter conflict with each other. As Strabo stated, they acted in concert with each other, which gave them the advantage to defend themselves as well as act as the aggressors while on long excursions. Strabo, The Geography, 5.2.2. 15 According to Virgil, the Etruscans imposed their thalassocracy's might around 700 BCE, in Caere by controlling the seaways toward the Gulf of Lion and the mining regions in Italy. Virgil, The Aeneid, trans. Robert Fitzgerald (New York: Random House, 1983), 8.479.
23 is an entirely different discussion, the written history of an Etruscan thalassocracy starts with Herodotus. Herodotus claimed they traveled west due to famine, and that they did so by ship. No doubt, the sea journey from Anatolia to Italy would have been long and dangerous. For a group of people to relocate for such a distance by sailing vessels, we might safely assume that these early peoples later called the Etruscans were competent if not excellent seafarers.16
Later in The Histories, Herodotus discussed the sea battle of Alalia that occurred around 540 BCE off the coast of Corsica. The battle was between the Carthaginians, a state of the famed seafaring Phoenicians, in alliance with the Etruscans, and their shared rivals, the Phocaeans, an Ionian Greek civilization settled on the island at the time.
Herodotus declared the victors of Alalia to be the Phocaeans, and while the Etruscans and their allies lost the battle, Herodotus noted the Etruscans claimed most of the surviving
Phocaean ships. The other ships were destroyed or seized by the Carthaginians. The
Phocaean prisoners were either stoned to death or sold into slavery, and Corsica remained under the control of the Etruscans until the decline of Etruscan civilization beginning in the fourth century BCE. The curious outcome of this battle recorded in
Herodotus has puzzled scholars for centuries due to the inconsistencies and confusion between the victors and the vanquished.17
16 Herodotus, The Persian Wars, Volume I: Books 1-2, trans. A. D. Godley, Loeb Classical Library 117 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1920), 1.94. 17 Herodotus, The Persian Wars, 1.166-67.
24
Many ancient historians writing after Herodotus used the famed Greek historian as their source. Moreover, most accounts of the Etruscan thalassocracy after Herodotus were primarily from authors living in Roman ruled territories, especially during the first century BCE to the first century CE. For example, Diodorus of Sicily, writing during the mid 1st century BCE, mentioned the Etruscans and discussed their conquests throughout the islands surrounding Italy, specifically Corsica. The Etruscans, according to Diodorus, were sea people who excelled at seafaring. They seized numerous islands around the regions of Italy to build their supply and trade network.18 Diodorus spoke of the Etruscans as having such a powerful naval force that they "mastered the sea" for several centuries.
He also reiterated Herodotus’ claim that the Etruscans’ prolonged duration of dominance caused the western Italian coastal waters to be named the Tyrrhenian Sea.19 In his discussion of the Battle of Cumae in 474 BCE, Diodorus again refers to the Etruscans as the controllers of the ocean. Although the Greeks defeated the Etruscan fleet at Cumae, the Etruscans were not described by Diodorus as underdogs in the naval battle. This labeling of the Etruscans as the dominant naval force over the well-established Greek navies indicates a level of Etruscan thalassocracy. After the defeat at Cumae, the Etruscan naval forces apparently never recovered, and this loss signaled the beginning of the end of the Etruscan hegemony of the Mediterranean.20
18 Diodorus Siculus, Library of History, Volume I: Books 1-2.34. trans. C. H. Oldfather, Loeb Classical Library 279 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1933), 5.13.3-5, 5.14.1. 19 Diodorus Siculus, Library of History, 5.40.1. 20 Diodorus Siculus, Library of History, 11.51.1.
25
Of the many historians who mention the Etruscans and their navy, Dionysius of
Halicarnassus, writing in the late 1st century BCE, provides further information. Dionysius' discussion of the Etruscans revived the debate over the origins of the Etruscans. In stark contrast to Herodotus, Dionysius claimed the Etruscans were native to Italy. Yet, despite this difference in opinion, his views on an Etruscan thalassocracy are quite similar to
Herodotus.
Dionysius mentioned different terms for the coastline of Italy. The western Italian sea was not always referred to as the Tyrrhenian Sea; Dionysius recorded that it was once called the Ausonian Sea.21 The name was changed to the Tyrrhenian Sea after the
Etruscans rose to power to become masters of the seas sometime between the 8th to 7th centuries BCE.22 Dionysius also discussed the Etruscans' warfare with the Pelasgians, the indigenous forerunners of the mainland, central Greeks. He stated that the Pelasgians rose to the highest proficiency in seamanship due to their competitive shipbuilding with the Etruscans.23 According to Dionysius, the legendary status of Etruscans as the rulers the seas influenced contemporary populations and ancient names for Mediterranean geography.
Many ancient writers disagreed on the influence and the origins of the Etruscans; however, they did not disagree on the existence of an Etruscan thalassocracy. Etruscans
21 Many scholars believe, based on numerous ancient sources, primarily Aristotle, the Ausonian civilization is the same as the Oscans, an Italic culture from southern Italy. Aristotle, Politics, trans. H. Rackham (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1944), 7.10. 22 Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Roman Antiquities, Volume I: Books 1-2, trans. Earnest Cary, Loeb Classical Library 319 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1937), 1.11.4. 23 Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 1.25.1.
26 naval prowess prompted the Greeks to rename the sea of western Italy, and their fierce reputation seems to have intimidated their neighbors in the eastern Mediterranean from venturing westward. The Etruscans quite literally were written into history due to their mastery of the sea. Evidence for their seafaring is not restricted to ancient texts; their naval heritage and maritime traditions can also be observed, albeit in a limited way, in their funerary assemblages: their tombs, grave offerings, and funerary art.
Etruscan Naval Art and Artifacts: Tomb of the Ship
By examining the surviving artwork and artifacts in Etruscan tombs, we can try to better understand aspects of Etruscan seafaring and the art they created or commissioned. While much of Etruscan art and architecture is severely damaged or nonexistent due to time, looting, and the perishability of commonly used materials such as wood, some objects with potential visual clues to their thalassocracy have survived.
However, although the Etruscans were one of the most famous seafaring civilizations of the ancient Mediterranean, images related directly to seafaring in Etruscan art are surprisingly few. There is only one major work of Etruscan art that depicts a full-fledged ship scene. This unique painted image survives on the walls of an Etruscan tomb in
Tarquinia (Tarchna), Italy appropriately called the Tomb of Ship.
The Tomb of the Ship (Tomba della Nave) is in the Monerozzi necropolis of
Tarquinia, a major Etruscan city on the western coast of central Italy, notable for its well- preserved Etruscan-period tumuli burials. The tomb in question dates to the mid 5th century BCE and is a single-chambered tomb with a gabled roof and a stepped dromos.
27
Discovered in 1831, the burial chamber measures 4.22m by 3.54m with a ceiling height of
2.21m.24 Found inside the tomb was an undecorated nenfro (a type of local volcanic rock) sarcophagus with a gabled lid that had been broken into three segments. 25 The ceiling in the Tomb of the Ship has a checkerboard design painted in red, brown, and neutral unpainted squares with seven similarly colored bands running the entire chamber that serve as borders for the various friezes (fig. 3). On the rear wall, the painted pediment shows remnants of a curved red midpost framed and accented by volutes (fig. 4). In the central scene in the pediment zone, to the left of the midpost, a male figure dressed in a red costume reclines on a kline (a banqueting couch), while stretching a wreath with his hands. The other side of the pediment design (extensively damaged) appears to be a similar mirrored scene of a reclining figure.
On the left wall of the chamber, there are large gaps where no frescoes remain due to damage (fig. 5-7). The first well-preserved painted image on the right side of this wall in the main frieze zone depicts the exceptionally rare ship that gave the tomb its name
(fig. 8-9). The vessel is an immense cargo ship represented against a bluish-black seascape with rock formations. The ship's design shows a high prow and stern section. There are two masts with ropes connecting the sails to the deck, and a large observation deck on one of the masts. Two oars are acting as a forward rudder near the prow. On the bridge, some deckhands are working on the rigging. Behind the ship appears to be several other
24 Moretti Mario, Tarquinia: La Tomba della Nave (Lerici, 1961), 18. 25 Stephan Steingräber, Etruscan Painting: Catalogue Raisonné of Etruscan Wall Paintings, trans. David Ridgway and Francesca R. Ridgway (New York: Johnson Reprint Corporation, 1986), 327.
28 ships of similar size and construction, although painted smaller due to scaled perspective.
Near the prow of the main ship, there is a stylized reef.
The left wall painting containing the famed ship is divided into two different segments with individual scenes juxtaposed in the frieze zone. The first scene is the namesake ship and the second is the start of a crowded, large-scale banqueting scene wrapping from the left wall to the back and finishing on the right wall (fig. 3). The banquet group begins on the rear end of the left wall, extending onto the rear wall, with four couples of men and women accompanied by a pair of naked male servants (fig. 4).
Unfortunately, the right wall has extensive damage spanning the entire length of the painted surface due to humidity and vandalism (fig. 11).26 However, sections of the frieze connected with the central banqueting scene have survived. In the lower-left corner, the remnants of a stool are seen below an extensive section of the destroyed wall. Elements of three figures, possibly dancers and musicians, remain in between several small stylized trees. Although the scene is hard to decipher given the extensive damage, it appears to represent a ritual within a sacred grove, a familiar subject found in other Etruscan tombs, such as the Tomb of the Leopards (Tomba dei Leopardi).27
While the Tomb of the Ship contains a great example of a magnificently detailed painting of an Etruscan vessel, the lack of further visual celebration of their infamous
26 Mario Moretti, New Monuments of Etruscan Painting, trans. Dawson Kiang (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1970), 196-203. 27 A wall painting on the right wall of Tomb of the Leopards has several Dionysian dancers in a sacred grove setting. In between the dancers are small tree with garlands and ivy. The ritual has several instrument players along with the dancers. This scene likely represents a Dionysian ritual preformed in a sacred grove. Steingräber, 319.
29 thalassocracy through depictions of ships is quite puzzling. For such a renowned sea power, one would expect more frequent and consistent expression of an Etruscan thalassocracy through obvious nautical iconography such as images of ships. One might ask did the Etruscans refer to their seafaring prowess through different types of images other than the obvious subjects of ships and sailors?
Etruscan Naval Art and Artifacts: Etruscan Shipwrecks
Before examining this question, it seems worthwhile to ask what remains do we have of actual Etruscan ships? Fortunately, the saltwater of the Mediterranean has preserved many sunken ancient vessels, including Etruscan ships. During the 20th century,
Etruscan shipwrecks have been discovered due in large part to breakthroughs in underwater archaeology. While new technology can be a blessing for research and preservation, it can also lead to devastation and malicious intent. With advancements in equipment for recreational diving, many ancient shipwrecks in the shallower regions of the Mediterranean have been looted and damaged. Thankfully, the deeper ocean beds, too deep for recreational divers to explore, have preserved remarkable remains of
Etruscan vessels and their cargo.
Several Etruscan shipwrecks have been discovered off the coasts of southern
France and western Italy. Many of the vessels are in deplorable condition while some survive in significantly better shape. Most of the surviving ships are merchant vessels that
30
contain shipments of Etruscan amphorae and bucchero pottery (fig. 12).28 Other items, such as metal containers, ingots, and stone items, are rarer but also survive.
Although many of the recovered sunken ships appear to be rather small merchant vessels, one shipwreck in particular is noteworthy due to its contents, size, and condition.
The Grand Ribaud F, found in 1999 near the island of Grand Ribaud off the coast of southwest France, is remarkably well preserved and therefore highly informative (fig. 13).
29 The site remained undisturbed due to its depth of 60m, far too deep for the diving equipment used by most recreational looters. The ship measures over 25m long and carried approximately one thousand Etruscan amphorae, most of which are similar in size and construction (fig. 14). While the original corks sealing the ceramic vessels were found intact, none of the containers’ contents appear to have survived. While difficult to prove, the homogenous ceramic cargo appears to have contained exclusively Etruscan goods.
These amphorae give insight into the immense commercial interactions and impact
Etruscan merchants had on trade in the western Mediterranean. Through the examination of various artifacts on this and other shipwrecks, especially the remains of bucchero pottery, scholars have come to appreciate the extensive trade routes of the
28 Bucchero pottery is a style of ceramic vessels that was produced in central Italy by the Etruscans, predominately during the 7th to 4th century BCE. The vessels’ iconic appearance is derived from their signature black, glossy, polished exterior achieved from a carbon monoxide rich atmosphere when fired. Shapes of the ware are originated from the imitation of metal vessels with bold “welds” and minimal designs and incisions. The word Bucchero stems from the Spanish word búcaro, meaning the odorous clay. It is argued that Etruscan women created the pottery. Nicola Zingarelli, Vocabolario della Lingua Italiana, (Bologna: Zanichelli Publishing House, 1970). 29 André Malraux, “Département des Recherches Archéologiques Subaquatiques et Sous- Marines,” UNESCO, The Department of Underwater Archaeological Research (Marseille, 2019) http://www.unesco.org/culture/pdf/NR-France-Drassm-en.pdf.
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Etruscans. Etruscan bucchero pottery and their famed elaborate bronze mirrors have been found from the Straits of Gibraltar to the regions of the Levant. There are no doubts in ancient texts concerning the Etruscans’ strong maritime trading network, and the
Grand Ribaud’s remains are tangible archaeological evidence of Etruscan sea trade. Since no other vessels of this size have been discovered in these waters, the Grand Ribaud shipwreck provides a glimpse into the highly advanced shipbuilding methods used by
Etruscans to create such large vessels for the movement of goods throughout the western
Mediterranean.
Although they are few in number, images of Etruscan ships painted on tomb walls as well as actual vessels discovered beneath the waves of the Mediterranean Sea appear to support numerous ancient claims for an Etruscan thalassocracy. Surprisingly there seems to be more underwater archaeological evidence for Etruscan sea power than images of ships in Etruscan art.
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Etruscan Thalassocracy: A Dionysian Relationship
Dionysus
For having been a sea power once so dominant that they were remembered by
Greek and Roman writers for capturing a god, the Etruscans do not seem to have used images of ships to reference their thalassocracy. Yet, the stories of Dionysus' capture by
Etruscan pirates remained a prevalent theme in classical art, including art purchased by
Etruscan customers. Ironically, it seems to be one of the few reoccurring images that may refer to an Etruscan thalassocracy. The Etruscan mastery at sea was told through oral stories, was described in historical texts, and was preserved in its physical form through sunken ships at the bottom of the Mediterranean, but overt references to Etruscan naval power seem to only reoccur in a popular Homeric myth about Dionysus, the god of wine.
One particular scene of this mythological episode was quite popular. The Homeric myth of Dionysus and the pirates he turned into dolphins was depicted in black-figure on the famed Exekias Cup, one of the most famous works of ancient Greek pottery. The vessel itself will be further analyzed below, but it is worth emphasizing the connection between this artistic representation and the relationship of the Etruscans to Dionysus. As stated in the introduction to this thesis, I suggest that the Homeric myth of Dionysius and the
Etruscan pirates and its representations in art purchased by Etruscans might offer the best clues as to how the Etruscans chose to celebrate their identity as masters of the sea.
Before analyzing the iconography on ceramics and in wall frescos, a brief review of the story and mythological origins of Dionysus is necessary. One of the most enduring and influential gods in the Greco-Roman pantheon, Dionysus was the god of wine,
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ecstasy, fertility, and death/afterlife.30 Dionysus is also arguably one of the most controversial gods in Greek myth and religion. Dionysus was adopted by many non-Greek cultures and was known by various names: in Italy, the Romans called him Bacchus while the Etruscans named him Fufluns. The mystery cults associated with Dionysus emphasized his death and rebirth and his often-foreign origins. Moreover, many
Mediterranean peoples had a god of wine, who over time was conflated with Dionysus and his mythical biography. From his divine duties to his origin stories, he was, and still is, a highly debated character in Greek religion and mythology.31
Dionysus is a complex deity with two remarkably different versions of his miraculous birth. In the first birth story, he was born an older horned, agricultural deity who would later be called Liber by the Romans. Dionysus’ second birth tale is more widely known. In this version, he was the son of the Olympian god, Zeus, and Semele, a woman who may have been a human mortal or a goddess syncretized with the ancient
Thraco-Phrygian earth-goddess Zemelo.32 Regardless of the identity of Semele, it is commonly believed in most accounts that she was a Theban who aroused the sexual interest of Zeus. Hera, Zeus’ divine wife, grew jealous and tricked Semele into asking Zeus to show her his full godhood by wielding lightning bolts. Zeus complied, and when
30 Nancy Thomson de Grummond and Erika Simon, Religion of the Etruscans (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2006). 31 The origins and the name of Dionysus have been argued for thousands of years and are still highly debated today. It was once believed that he was not native to Greece but hailed from the east and ventured west. Modern archaeological evidence points towards a different theory that he is a Greek native. His name appears on the ancient Linear B tablets from Pylos. K.A. Raymoure, Khania Linear B Transliterations (Dāmos: University of Oslo, 2012). 32 Robin Hard, The Routledge Handbook of Greek Mythology (London: Routledge, 2019), 164.
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Semele touched Zeus’ bolt, she immediately burst into flames. In her ashes, Zeus found a fetus he saved by sewing the child into his thigh. Far removed from Hera’s wrath,
Dionysus grew to term and was born without Hera’s knowledge; shortly thereafter, the infant Dionysus was carried by the god Hermes to distant lands to be raised by various individuals. Dionysus was first raised by the sea nymphs of the Lamides, but when Hera discovered this deceit, he was moved and given to Ino, a mortal sea queen, to be raised by her attendant Mystis, who educated Dionysus on the rites of the mysteries.33 Once again, wrathful Hera discovered the location of Dionysus, and Hermes relocated the child to the mountains of Lydia to be raised until adolescence by the goddess Rhea.34 Other accounts state that Dionysus was raised by the rain-nymphs of Nysa, and was later a pupil to the famous centaur, Chiron. Ptolemy Chennus, a 2nd century CE Greek grammarian, states that “Dionysus was loved by Chiron, from whom he learned chants and dances, the
Bacchic rites and initiations.”35
In the early iconography of Dionysus in Greek art, he is often depicted as a mature male, usually bearded and cloaked, typically holding a fennel staff with a pinecone top known as a thyrsus. As his cult grew and developed through the centuries, his images became more youthful. These later images of Dionysus are more sensuous and frequently androgynous.36 Scenes with Dionysus usually contain images of his common attributes—
33 Nonnus, Dionysiaca, trans. W. H. D. Rouse, Loeb Classical Library Volumes 344, 354, 356 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1940), 9.1. 34 Nonnus, Dionysiaca IX, 9.132. 35 Photius, The Library of Photius: Ptolemy Chennus, New History, trans. J.H. Freese (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1920), 190. 36 Walter F. Otto, Dionysus Myth and Cult (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1995).
35 grapes, grape leaves, ivy, maenads, satyrs, large felines (especially leopards), and dining celebrations. In Greek art, Dionysus is more often painted on glazed ceramic vessels rather than depicted in statuary; this may be due to his close connections with the rituals and festivals of wine. No other god in the Greek pantheon, including Zeus or Athena, appears so frequently in Greek vase painting.37
In the art of the Etruscans, on the other hand, Dionysus and his attributes (ivy vines, grape clusters, drinking vessels, etc.) are frequently combined with nautical imagery. In art commissioned or collected by Etruscan patrons, there are scenes of
Dionysian imagery paired with dolphins and seascapes, which seems unusual due to
Dionysus' lack of associations with sea imagery in Greek art. I argue that by examining these unusual combinations of Dionysian iconography and marine scenes found on imported Greek vessels found in Etruria as well as in Etruscan tomb paintings, we might better understand how the Etruscans visually celebrated their thalassocracy and expressed their unique connection to the powerful Greek god they mistakenly captured as pirates in Greek mythology.
Greek Pottery
As a melting pot of artistic trends, traditions, and stories, the ancient
Mediterranean was home to many centers of trade. Greek pottery, especially ceramics produced in the region of Attica, were some of the most commonly exported objects in
37 Cornelia Isler-Kerényi, Dionysos in Classical Athens: An Understanding Through Images (Netherlands: BRILL, 2014), 17.
36 the ancient world. Attic vessels were transported to Sudan and to Southern Russia, as well as to Persia and to Spain.38 Most of the Attic vessels exported in the ancient world were produced for dining activities known in the Greek world as symposia.39 While the Greek symposium or ritual dining feast was profoundly established and well regulated, the vessels were not "wholly free of foreign associations," and as a result Greek artists made modifications to please their foreign customers.40 Many disparate cultures purchased these exquisite vessels, and either deliberately commissioned or sought out specific imagery relevant to their own cultural and religion traditions.
Surprisingly, the vast majority of surviving painted vases potted and signed by
Greek Attic artists have been found in Etruria, strongly suggesting that the Etruscans were some of the most influential and voracious customers of Attic wares. Clearly
Etruscan patrons valued finely crafted and decorated Attic pottery for their own ritual use. Since feasting and drinking were associated with Dionysus, many vessels found in
Etruria, most often in Etruscan tombs, display Dionysian imagery. In examining several
Attic vases found in Etruscan contexts, several motifs can be found relating to the god of wine. Most interesting, the fusion of Dionysian imagery with nautical themes exist on many vessels found in Etruria. While there is no way to be certain, the possibility that
Etruscans used Dionysian imagery to express their thalassocracy in their artwork is both
38 Richard T. Neer, “Style and Politics in Athenian Vase-Painting: The Craft of Democracy, circa 530-470 BCE,” Cambridge Studies in Classical Art and Iconography (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), 9. 39 Neer, 9. 40 Neer, 26.
37 exciting and compelling. For example, the myth of Dionysus and the Etruscan pirates discussed above, dominates one of the most famous vessels of all Attic pottery found in
Etruria, the Exekias Cup.41
The Exekias Cup, a ceramic kylix signed by the prolific Greek potter (and possibly also painter), Exekias, who worked in the mid 6th century BCE, is one of the most complete Greek vessels ever found in Etruria (fig. 15). The vessel is an Attic black-figure cup (kylix type A) found in Vulci (Velch), and dated to approximately 575-525 BCE, the time period when Etruscan civilization flourished.42 The vessel is famous in part due to the survival of its creator’s signature. Around the bottom of the cup’s foot, the inscription reads EΞΣΕΚΙΑΣ ΕΠΟΕΣΕ - "Exekias made this/me" (fig. 16). Originally found during a poorly documented, undisclosed excavation by Lucien Bonaparte, the Exekias Cup has had numerous owners until it finally landed in the permanent collections of the Staatliche
Antikensammlungen in Munich.43
41 Beazley Vessel 310403 (Exekias/Dionysus Cup): https://www.beazley.ox.ac.uk/XDB/ASP/browse.asp?tableName=qryData&newwindow=true&id={ 90E58738-4638-4190-82C9-C5A0E3CB1A93} 42 Type A Cup: Developed in the third quarter of the sixth century, Type A cups do not have an offset lip, and their profile runs smoothly from the rim to a fillet at the junction between the bowl and the short flaring foot. Examples are decorated in both black- and red-figure, and some are 'bilingual', but production ceases by the early fifth century. https://www.beazley.ox.ac.uk/tools/pottery/shapes/komast.htm 43Lucien Bonaparte created a devastating impact on the study of ancient vessels. The younger brother to Napoleon Bonaparte collected over 3,000 vessels in a little over a year. He personally is responsible for increasing the popularity of the collection of artifacts from antiquity throughout Europe. His actions still have damaging effects on the study of classic archaeology today, in terms of where objects were found and in what context they were in. Lise Hannestad, Cornelia Isler- Kerényi , Sian Lewis, and Vinnie Nørskov, “The World of Greek Vases” Analecta Romana Instituti Danici, vol. 41 (Aarhus, Demark: Antikmuseet, 2009), 63-76.
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The designs on the exterior of the vessel's body depict a painted nose between two painted eyes. (fig. 17-18). Many scholars claim that Exekias was the first to utilize this curious arrangement of anatomical motifs. There are two similar scenes near the handles of this cup. Surrounding one of the handles is a group of warriors preparing to fight with a supine, nude male corpse on the ground between them, presumably the dead Greek hero, Patroclus (fig. 19). 44 The decoration on the opposite handle complements this scene with a similar group of armed warriors battling over the prone corpse of Achilles (fig. 20).
The lower portion of the cup’s body is decorated with a simple black and red band along with a triangular pattern at the foot. The foot itself is entirely black other than the lower rim where Exekias’ signature is located.
The most intriguing aspect of the Exekias Cup is its unique tondo design, a circular composition painted on the interior concave surface of the curved cup (fig. 15). Most decoration in the tondo areas of Greek cups is rather simplistic and follows a similar style or pattern; figural images, if there are any, are usually contained within a circular border of various bands of patterns with simple designs such as palmettes and lotuses or geometric patterns. In stark contrast to standard cup tondo decoration, the painting of the Exekias Cup's tondo is instead a narrative scene of the Homeric myth of Dionysus. In the center of the tondo is an image of a ship with Dionysus shown reclining at the amidships, the position between the bow and stern, near the mast. Decorating the ship’s
Nancy Thomson de Grummond, An Encyclopedia of the History of Classical Archaeology (London and New York: Routledge Taylor and Francis Group, 2011), 232. 44 Patroclus was a great friend and war companion to Achilles, the legendary Greek hero in the Battle of Troy.
39 stern and bow is a dolphin motif. The figure of Dionysus is in much larger in scale when compared to the size of the ship. Grape vines twist around the mast and sprout up to the sky bearing clusters of grapes. Surrounding the ship are seven dolphins swimming in the red area meant to depict the sea. The scene is an unambiguous representation of
Dionysus and his Etruscan captors. The Exekias Cup foreshadows several other examples of the unique Dionysian iconography that is found in Etruria and may illustrate an alternative representation of the Etruscan thalassocracy preferred by the Etruscan patrons who once own this Greek-manufactured cup.
Many imported Greek vessels have been found in Etruria with unique Dionysian motifs. Most important, several of the compositions and individual designs appear to be exclusive to ceramic exports found in Etruria and are not found on Greek-manufactured pots discovered in Greece or elsewhere. The decoration on another vessel clearly illustrates a connection between Dionysus and aquatic iconography. This vase, numbered in the Beazley archive as 4824, is an Attic black-figure kylix (type A Cup) that would have been used for ritual wine drinking (fig. 21). 45 Found in Vulci, the cup dates around 525-
475 BCE. Like many other ceramics discovered prior to the invent of modern archaeological practices, we have limited information for its discovery. It was said to have been found in Vulci and was likely looted from a tomb. The cup's primary exterior decoration is a symposium scene with numerous Dionysian motifs throughout. The vessel’s sides A and B are nearly identical, although side B has been significantly damaged
45Beazley Vessel 4824: https://www.beazley.ox.ac.uk/XDB/ASP/browse.asp?tableName=qryData&newwindow=true&id={ 080A4218-1969-4887-AF1B-29C62EA5F39D}
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(fig. 22-23). The central scene consists of a male figure raising a cup (like the kylix on which the scene is painted) while reclining on a kline (fig. 24). To his left, also on the kline, sits another male figure playing a double flute. On either side of the kline, there are two servants: to the left of the couch, the first servant figure holds a kithara, and to the right a female figure raises an oinochoe, a round handled pouring vessel frequently found in symposia scenes. Underneath the couch is a dog and possibly ceremonial food draped over a cooking grate. In the background are a series of vines spread throughout the scene.
The areas of the vessel that contain no images of figures are filled with another vine motif with thicker stalks, much larger leaves, and several clusters of grapes (fig. 25). Below the primary zone, the vessel’s body is decorated with several alternating bands of checkered patterns, curvilinear zig-zag patterns, and alternating colored Corinthian rays. The foot of the cup is solid black in the center with a neutral toned base. Inside the concave of the vessel, the tondo decoration depicts a gorgoneion motif surrounded by four ships (fig. 26-
27). The gorgon image framed within a relatively small circle is a traditional Attic design; however, the ships are quite different and unique. Outside of the Gorgon’s circular frame is a very dark glaze in which four larges sailing vessels have been painted in an oceanic scene. The circular nature of the cup’s inside creates a never-ending seascape of the four evenly placed ships. The ships appear to be unmanned and with minimum rigging and depicts all the sails stored. Very few Greek vases have additional motifs outside of the smaller, circular design in the center of the tondo, let along any ship motifs. This vessel, along with the Exekias Cup, are quite special in that respect for Attic kylix cups. Both vessels share imagery of Dionysus connected with the Etruscan fascination for the ocean
41 and seafaring. Each of these rare cups was also found in the same region of ancient
Etruria.
Other pottery found in Etruria preserves very subtle but likewise fascinating motifs. Many of these vessels were decorated with Dionysian imagery alongside depictions of warriors and sea life, primarily dolphins. The 9031520 cup is an excellent example of this bizarre fusion of images (fig. 28). 46 Attic in its manufacture, this vessel dates to 550-500 BCE. The cup, found in Vulci, is a black-figure kylix (type A cup). This cup would have been used in either a ceremonial drinking ritual or in a funerary burial setting, possible both.
The central frieze of the vessel contains the iconic eye motif, with the usual nose design replaced by a warrior figure on both sides (fig. 29). Two large gazing eyes dominate the scene, much like the ones in the Exekias Cup. One of the warrior figures stands tall with a Corinthian helmet atop his head (fig. 30). Blonde hair is depicted by the lighter toned paint over the deep, black-figure skin tone. The inscriptions EONOR (a name or a nonsense Greek word) and KALOS (beautiful young boy) appear above the warrior. The inscriptions seem odd since the warrior wears a beard, and beards in Greek art usually indicate a mature male. His upward-thrusting hand grasps a damaged sword or scabbard, while his other hand is holding a shield with an illegible, slightly damaged emblem (fig. 31). Behind the figure is a spear attached to the figure’s back. The opposite side of the vase has a similar warrior, but with subtle changes (fig. 32). This figure is
46 Beazley Vessel 9031520: https://www.beazley.ox.ac.uk/XDB/ASP/browse.asp?tableName=qryData&newwindow=true&id={ 545B0A05-CE86-4041-A262-E41AE2E63FFC}
42 depicted standing and holding his helmet high the air. In his other hand, he holds a shield with a dolphin emblem. The warrior's hair is dark and curly with a clean-shaven face, indicating he is a young warrior. Above his head is the inscription EONO (a name or a nonsense Greek word), while a spear is depicted behind his back.
Between the eye motifs with the warriors are black painted handles (fig. 33). Under and surrounding the handles are vines with leaves and conspicuous grape clusters. Below is a band of concentric circles encasing a colorless Corinthian ray motif. The foot's designs consist of thick black bands with single incised lines dividing them. Inside the cup, the tondo design is a plain dot with two concentric circles on a light-colored circle
(fig. 34).
As mentioned above, the motifs on this vessel are quite subtle but interesting, especially if considered alongside the Homeric myth of Dionysus and the Etruscan pirates. At first, the dolphin found on the vessel paired with the ivy and grape motif, may seem unrelated. But when analyzing more vessels with more specific and similar motifs
(Dionysian iconography with dolphin imagery), new possibilities arise in the search for finding the Etruscan visual representation of a thalassocracy.
As seen on the vase described above, dolphins are depicted on various items, such as on shields. When we expand the search for vessels with any dolphin imagery within a
Dionysian scene, we find numerous vessels. Many of these vases contain easily identifiable scenes of Dionysus or Dionysian content while at the same time have randomly placed dolphins. Dolphins, not sharing an obvious mythical connection to
Dionysus aside from the Etruscan pirate story, appear to be out of place. One particularly
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perplexing vessel is vase 768.47 This vase illustrates the "random" dolphin motif paired with more traditional Dionysian imagery.
The vase is an Attic black-figure kylix (fig. 35). The cup, dated 525-475 BCE, was said to have been found in a tomb in Vulci. The primary frieze on its exterior shows a ceremonial scene of Dionysus with a satyr surrounded by two more satyrs riding mules
(fig. 36). In the background are flowing vines with leaves and grape clusters. Both sides A and B contain identical scenes with Dionysus and satyrs, both off and on mules. The handles, painted in deep black, have the "random dolphin" motif painted beneath them
(fig. 37). With no other visual references to sea life and an aquatic environment, the creature does not seem a logical addition to these figural compositions. The lower section of the body, beneath the primary friezes, is a thick black band with a circle leading to the foot. The foot is plain black and unpainted at the bottom. Inside the cup, the tondo design is extraordinary (fig. 38). The design features a caricature-like figure of a nude, possibly African young slave, holding a bucket and unknown object, with his ankles bound together by shackles. The reoccurring motif, of the "random dolphin" can be found on many of the Dionysian themed vessels. As dolphin imagery is not typically related to
Dionysus, these vases create questions that require further examination. Why would an artist pair a traditional Dionysian scene with a "random dolphin," especially in the absence of a seascape or nautical reference? Although several vessels found in Etruria were decorated with Dionysian imagery that contained nautical motifs, not all of them
47Beazley Vessel 768: https://www.beazley.ox.ac.uk/XDB/ASP/browse.asp?tableName=qryData&newwindow=true&id={ 0AC6BE0F-0421-428C-8031-8189065F8C32}
44 are the same. Several unique variations can be spotted on Greek-manufactured vessels found in Etruria. Vase 505 contains some of the more exotic and mysterious figures. 48
Vessel 505 is an early Attic black-figure cup dated c. 600-550 BCE (fig. 39). Found in Vulci, presumably in a tomb, its shape is known as a Siana cup.49 Like the other vessels examined thus far, this cup was used in relation to ceremonial drinking. The fact that this vessel dates much earlier than the others examined so far might explain why the iconography appears significantly different. This cup contains motifs that many scholars would attribute to the Orientalizing Period, with artists employing designs inspired from the East. The cup has a simple main panel on both exterior sides between the handles, each of which contain a single sphinx. The lip of the cup, decorated with a pattern of lotuses and palmettes, takes up half of the cup's exterior body zone. The cup's black painted handles have palmettes painted near the base (fig. 40). Beneath the main zone, a solid black lower body is connected to the plain black foot.
The decoration of this vessel's tondo contains an obscure but fascinating set of images. In the center we find a dolphin, another younger dolphin or perhaps fish, and a dolphin-man hybrid creature (fig. 41-42). The hybrid dolphin figure is depicted with a
48Beazley Vessel 505: https://www.beazley.ox.ac.uk/XDB/ASP/browse.asp?tableName=qryData&newwindow=true&id={ 45FE397E-F21B-4C9A-B706-2C5C8ACCBF84} 49 Named after a site on Rhodes where examples were found, Siana cups can be distinguished from Komast cups by their taller feet and lips. They are decorated on the interior (the tondo), another difference from Komast cups, and there are two schemes for decorating the exterior. The 'double-decker' type involves two friezes on each side, one on the lip (usually floral), and a figured scene on the body. The 'overlap' type uses a single frieze on each side to cover the total height of the body and lip. Aspects of the form and decoration of Siana cups appear to be indebted to East Greek models. https://www.beazley.ox.ac.uk/tools/pottery/shapes/komast.htm
45 dolphin-like body, human arms extending from the head with hands playing a double flute. The circular tondo design is bordered by bands of concentric circles, dots, and a
Dionysian vine with grape leaves. Although it is impossible to say for certain, this striking image of a flute-playing dolphin-man might relate to the moment in the Homeric myth when Dionysus turned the Etruscan pirates into dolphins. The double flute the dolphin- man plays appears in many Dionysian revelry scenes in both Etruscan and Greek art.
While the images on the Greek pots described above seem to combine common
Dionysian attributes with Etruscan sea motifs, such as dolphins, the fact that these painted vessels were not made by Etruscan artists might seem problematic; however, the market often drives the subjects and content of art. If the Etruscans did not want
Dionysian imagery on their commissioned vessels, the Attic potters would not have included them. The other issue that rises is the intended purpose of these vessels. They were created for ritual drinking, the realm of Dionysus; it makes sense to include
Dionysian imagery for vessels used for wine consumption. The imagery found on the vessels in Etruria, however, is not the same as the images found in Athens or other regions throughout Greece. If it were customary for standard Dionysian imagery to be included on all symposiac vessels, then all the vessels would be similar, which the vessels found on Etruscan soil are not. The Etruscan patrons' desires could explain this uniqueness of the vessels' imagery; they may have requested images of Dionysus to honor the god they once captured along with images or motifs connected with the sea. But how were Dionysian symbols and nautical imagery used in art more closely connected with
Etruscan manufacture?
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Etruscan Tombs
Since Dionysus is connected to both ritual feasting and to the promise of an afterlife, images of the god and his attributes are commonly found in Etruscan tombs.
Many of the fresco programs preserved on the walls of Etruscan tombs combine
Dionysian imagery with references to sea life and may be useful for further exploring the possible expression of the Etruscan thalassocracy in Etruria.
The various aquatic scenes found in tomb wall paintings have usually been understood as expressions of Etruscan interest in the sea and shoreline life. Since many
Etruscan cities (and cemeteries) were located near the western coast of Italy and since it is clear the Etruscans traded extensively by means of ships, images of coastal and aquatic life are to be expected. However, the curious combination of distinct Dionysian iconography with aquatic imagery have not yet been noticed or discussed in the scholarship on Etruscan art. Several tombs have aquatic motifs blended with Dionysian images, some subtle, some more blatant. As was the case for the imported Greek vessels, more close and detailed examination of painted tomb interiors reveals several exciting connections that could together illuminate how the Etruscans visualized and celebrated their thalassocracy.
Located in Tarquinia, the Tomb of the Baron (Tomba del Barone) was discovered by its namesake Baron Kestner in 1827 and is dated c. 500 BCE. It is a simple, small, single-chambered tomb with a gabled roof. The tombs measure 2.43m in length, 2.40m in width, and 2.15m in height. The painted ceiling ridgepole, decorated with ivy and circular patterns, is bordered by a red, dark, and light band (fig. 43). The ceiling is decorated with
47 a repeating pattern of red rosettes, a common design for ceiling decoration in Etruscan tombs. On the back wall, the center of the triangular pediment zone is dominated by a curved midpost with volutes. On either side of this post, painted fantastic hybrid sea creatures known as hippocamps are accompanied by two dolphins. While the lower dado area of the wall has been left unpainted, the upper portion of the wall contains a frieze above a double-banded red and black stripe. The frieze on the back wall contains five figures, three standing with another two figures on horseback. Near the center of this composition, a tall, mature male embraces a blonde young flute player (fig. 44). The mature male is lifting a kylix drinking cup. To the right of this group stands a heavily draped woman who raises her hands as a gesture of greeting (fig. 45). On either side of these three central figures are youth figures riding horses. In between the various figures are small, stylized trees and hanging red garlands that create a strong sense of visual balance throughout the frieze (fig. 43).
The left and right walls of this tomb were painted with scenes of figures standing near their horses greeting or speaking amongst themselves. Painted on the right wall are two blond men, each holding a wreath in their hands (fig. 46). Standing on the left, the man is wearing red and black robe with characteristic Etruscan pointed shoes; he holds a black horse by the reigns. To the right, the other man wears a green and black robe, also with pointed shoes holding a red horse by the reigns. The opposite left wall contains a similar motif (fig. 47). In the center of the scene appears to be a woman in a tutulus, an
Etruscan conical headdress, flanked by two similarly styled men as the scene discussed above. The woman wears a green, red and pale robe, while the men wear black and green
48 robes, and all three figures are wearing Etruscan pointed shoes. The two men are holding a black and red horse by the reigns respectively with their opposite hands raised towards the central woman.
The scenes in the Tomb of the Baron have been interpreted to represent various subjects, such as farewell scenes with the diseased, a ritual scene with a goddess, or the most compelling interpretation, the introduction of Semele to the gods by her son
Dionysus.50 Unlike most Etruscan fresco paintings in this time period, the artist here painted directly on the carved volcanic rock from which the tomb was carved, and only used a grey wash for some of the figural outlines. Although subtle, the motifs depicted throughout this tomb could be linked to a Dionysian ritual or the introduction of
Dionysus’ mother Semele. The elusive references of in the pediment, including the youth flutist, and the male holding the ceremonial kylix to the woman, seem to hint towards a
Dionysian connection. If the tomb’s motifs are displaying representations of Dionysus or one of his rituals, the addition of the “random dolphins” and hippocamps appears compelling to the argument for an Etruscan visual celebration of their thalassocracy.
While the Dionysian and nautical imagery in the Tomb of the Baron is understated, the imagery found in other tombs throughout Etruria is much more overt. Tombs such as the
Tomb of Hunting and Fishing, one of the more elaborate instances of tomb fresco painting in Etruscan art, displays several motifs that offer further evidence of the unique connections in Etruscan fresco painting between Dionysus and the Etruscan maritime traditions.
50 Steingräber, 285.
49
The Tomb of Hunting and Fishing (Tomba della Caccia e Pesca) is one of the most famous tombs in Etruria. Stephan Steingräber refers to this tomb as "unquestionably one of the most beautiful and original of the Tarquinian tombs from the Late Archaic period."51 Discovered in 1873, the frescoes that decorate the walls of this tomb represent a significant development in ancient Italian wall painting.52 The painted frescos wrap around the tomb in a panoramic style, flowing from one wall to the next (fig. 48). The overall composition of a landscape populated by small-scale humans and vibrant sea life is unique.53 This approach to the painted walls of this underground, double-chambered tomb created an open and expansive visual space.
The outer chamber, which is approximately 4x5m, connects to a slightly smaller inner chamber.54 The ceilings of both chambers are gabled and thus slope upward to meet at a false ridgepole painted red, a common ceiling design and decoration pattern for late
Archaic Etruscan tombs. The tops of the walls are bordered with alternating horizontal colored bands of red, brown, blue, and white (fig. 49). In the smaller inner chamber, garlands hang from these bands, while in the large outer chamber, interlaced leaves and fruit hang from the colored bands (fig. 50). The decoration of the ceiling in the outer
51 Stephan Steingräber, Abundance of Life: Etruscan Wall Painting, trans. Russell Stockman (Los Angles: Getty Publications, 2006), 95. 52 Robert Ross Holloway, “Conventions of Etruscan Painting in the Tomb of Hunting and Fishing at Tarquinii," American Journal of Archaeology 69, no. 4 (Boston: Archaeological Institute of America, 1965), 341. 53 Holloway, 341. 54 Holloway, 341.
50 chamber is poorly preserved, but the surface of the gabled ceiling of the inner chamber preserves a painted pattern of alternating four-leafed flowers and crosshatched squares.
The outer chamber's murals consist of two main sections: the central frieze, and the triangular pediment compositions. The pediment above the doorway leading to the inner chamber shows a scene of a return from the hunt with numerous trees and flowers that create a grove-like atmosphere (fig. 51). The main frieze spans both sidewalls of the larger, outer chamber. This frieze highlights several dancers frolicking between trees decorated with garlands while a flute player sits on the ground performing (fig. 52).
According to Steingräber, these dancing figures, thought to have been maenads (devoted female followers of Dionysus) and revelers (followers of Dionysus), appear to be performing a ritual dance of Dionysian character in a sacred grove.55 Other ritual objects in this dancing scene include wreaths, ribbons, mirrors, a cistae, an ancient box used in religious ceremonies, pyxides (a cylindrical trinket box), necklaces, and a single amphora.
The walls of the inner chamber contain one continuous nautical scene that spans all four walls (fig. 48). The frescoes on the left wall depict two youths on a small, rocky island (fig. 53). Here, a naked boy dives into the water while the other dressed youth observes his companion from atop the cliff (fig. 54). To the right of the island, a rowboat carries four male figures who appear to be watching the diving youth (fig. 55). Several birds fly above the scene, and large dolphins are leaping out of the water to the right of the rowboat and to the left of the island.
55 Steingräber, Abundance of Life, 95.
51
The rear and right walls contain scenes of fishing and fowling (fig. 48). Both walls contain similar motifs, although the back wall has a niche (a loculus) likely used for the placement of a cinerary urn. In the center of the seascape on the back wall, four male fishermen sit in a small boat (fig. 56). To the right of this fishing scene is a male fowler with a sling hunting different colored birds flying in the sky from his position on a rock
(fig. 57). On the right wall, the scene continues seamlessly around the corner of the rear wall to reveal another fishing scene (fig. 58). The left side of the wall maintains the repeated bird and dolphin seascape with the boat in the lower right corner. In the boat is a man steering and a male spearman fishing in the sea (fig. 59). All of the inner walls contain a painted sky is filled with birds, while the sea is teeming with large diving dolphins.
On the rear wall, the pediment depicts a Dionysian banqueting scene, framed in red pigment (fig. 60). The scene begins from the center, with a richly robed and jeweled male and female couple reclining (fig. 61). The woman is wearing a double-wreathed tutulus, an Etruscan headdress, and holds a wreath while lounging on a mattress. The male figure reclines and embraces the female figure. The bearded figure is wearing a pectoral ornament while holding a flat drinking cup (a phiale or patera) in his right hand.
On the left side of the couple, a wicker basket hangs in the background, and a wreathed female flute player faces right. Left of the flute player sits a green-robed female figure holding a wreath next to a crouching woman in a pale robe weaving wreaths. The left side of the pediments ends with two birds and three wreaths hanging above a woven basket.
To the right of the bearded man, two nude servants stand. The servant closest to the man,
52 facing left, is holding a utensil, while the second servant is holding a jug and faces to the right. Above the figures hangs a lyre. To the right of the nude servants are three symposiac vessels. The closest vessel to the figures is a large, ceremonial volute krater, a vessel used to mix wine with water and often associated with Dionysiac rituals. Next to the krater are two smaller amphorae with lids, and two small bowls, all of which are typical vessels used in Dionysian drinking festivals.
The small but impactful scene of the rear wall’s pediment ties together the various seascapes and Dionysian rituals throughout the tomb. Located in the burial section of the tomb, the banqueting scene provides a stark contrast with the rest of the chamber. The intention of the artist and the patron for the juxtaposition of Dionysian iconography with dolphins and seascapes is quite interesting. Overall, compositions like the frescos within the Tomb of Hunting and Fishing shed new light on how the Etruscan’s celebrated their identity through unique, abstracted motifs related to their maritime heritage.
With all the complexities of the tomb, the multi-chambered Tomb of Hunting and
Fishing can be quite overwhelming to analyze. With two similar but separate programs for the two chambers, the subjects are distinct and yet connected. The Dionysian ritual in the outer chamber complements the watery seascape on the walls of the inner chamber.
Perhaps the anonymous patron requested this iconographical juxtaposition; he at least approved it. It is important to note that not all the Dionysian themed Etruscan tombs incorporated obvious references to sea life and maritime activities. For example, the
Tomb of the Triclinium, another famous Tarquinian Tomb, contains some of the most explicit Dionysian imagery on its frescoed walls.
53
The Tomb of the Triclinium (Tomba del Triclinio located in Tarquinia, is dated around 470 BCE. It is a single chamber tomb with a gabled roof and painted false ridgepole (fig. 62). There are four cavities in the floor in the left rear corner for burials and a stepped entrance dromos facing southwest. The size of the tomb is 4.30m long,
3.50m wide, and 2.52m tall. The detail on the ridgepole consists of a dark red ivy tendril with green and blue leaves with berries (fig. 63). The ceiling has a checkered pattern with alternating squares of red, light red, black, and neutral. On the tomb's pediment, there is a curved, red-framed midpost with two volutes at the top covered in ivy tendrils similar to the design on the painted ridgepole. In each of the pediment’s corners reclines a nude man reaching into the ivy. Across the chamber's walls, the repeated ivy tendril pattern creates a double-strand border above the main frieze. On the tomb's dado, a nine-banded frieze of red and blacked interspaced; below these bands are stylized images of sea waves
(fig. 64). A banquet scene dominates the rear wall (fig. 62). Two couples of men and women wearing pale robes recline on couches (klinai). To the left, a flute player entertains a reclining woman wearing a blue robe, while nearby stands a young nude cupbearer with a jug. Similar to the design in the rear chamber of the Tomb of Hunting and Fishing, wreaths hang suspended from the top frieze throughout the scene. On the wall left of the entrance is a rider with a whip dismounting from a horse. Painted on the right wall is a female dancer with castanets, wearing a pale red chiton next to a flute player wearing a sheer drapery. Another female dancer in a pale chiton is with a male dancer in a blue cloak and another female dancer (fig. 65). In between, all these dancing figures are small trees that elegantly fill the space with hanging berries and birds flying in
54 the sky (fig. 66). The chamber's left wall contains three more exhilarated and likely intoxicated female dancers with a dancing barbiton, a Greco-Roman string instrument, player in a blue cloak and another male dancer in a blue cloak (fig. 67). As in the right wall, the dancing figures are interspaced between small trees draped in berries, ribbons, and small flying birds, with the addition of a male flute player, in a small pale robe (fig.
68). On the floor near the end of the wall is a painted amphora vessel in outline and a small cat walks beside the legs of the dramatic female bacchant.
The Tomb of the Triclinium, by the nature of its content, best represents an
Etruscan depiction of a ritual Dionysian banquet. Curiously, the wave design of the dado seems out of place and illogical. The deliberate inclusion of the wave motif brings forward questions of why include nautical imagery with a typical Dionysian banquet scene? While the tomb does not possess strong marine iconography other than the stylized wave pattern in the dado, it does serve to illustrate yet another conscious combination of
Dionysian revelry scenes and marine motifs.
After having examined several tombs for Dionysian and nautical imagery, it seems worthwhile to reexamine the Tomb of the Ship discussed earlier in this thesis. To the right of the seascape containing the ship is the start of the large, panoramic banquet scene (fig. 3). The other section of the scene starts with a male figure in pale dress facing left, towards the ship (fig. 5). Next to this figure is a small red tree, and a servant holding a jug facing right (fig. 6). Following the servant is a red kylikeion (a table to display the vessels) with a column krater (a wine mixing vessel) decorated with depictions of fighting centaurs. To the right are an amphora (a wine storage vessel with a geometric design), a
55 lebes (a bronze cauldron on a bronze tripod), a beaked jug, and a vase under two bucchero kylikes, two-handled drinking vessels shown hanging on the wall. In the background are several painted, small red trees. Near the end of the left wall is a kithara player in blue dress facing to the right. The banquet scene continues from the rear left wall onto the rear wall.
On the rear wall is a banquet scene depicting three klinai with red checkered mattresses (fig. 4). Reclining atop each kline is a male and female couple, all with bound hair. The male on the far left holds a drinking cup in his hand and the male in the middle is holding food. In between the klinai are a pair of nude cupbearers; one holds a jug and the other carries alabastra (ritual oil containers). Under each kline is a red stool with sandals and numerous small leafless red trees. The entrance wall of the tomb is in terrible condition. Very little can be examined, but what remains appears to be a dancer. The right side of the wall depicts a flute player next to a small red tree. Moving to the right wall, there is another banqueting couple reclined in a kline with a servant (fig. 3). Near the couple stands a musician in a pale robe next to a female dancer in red, a male dancer in blue, another female dancer in red, and a flute player facing to the right. In between all of the figures and behind the kline are several small leafless red trees.
Upon the first examination of the tomb, there appeared to be two non-related scenes, a ship and a banquet, with no direct connection to each other. With the imagery being segmented, it is more challenging to make a connection. Perhaps the scenes represent different aspects of the patron's life. However, it’s noteworthy the tomb's famed ship mural is juxtaposed by significant banqueting scenes filled with Dionysian revelry.
56
The best tomb to examine the Dionysian connection to seafaring is Tomb of the
Lionesses (Tomba delle Leonesse), one of the earliest Tarquinian chamber tombs with large-format scenes.56 In the case of the Tomb of the Lioness, the content of the frescoes offers a strong visual narrative that connects the seafaring life of Etruria and their devotion to Dionysus. Like the Tomb of Hunting and Fishing, the decoration of this tomb creates an imagined tent-like atmosphere. Dated to c. 510 BCE, the Tomb of the
Lionesses is a small trapezoidal chamber approached by a rather steep dromos.57 The tomb’s sloped ceilings meet at a painted ridgepole, the ends of which are depicted in the pediments (fig. 69). The ceilings are decorated with a checkered pattern in alternating red and white squares. In each of the chamber's corners and in the middle of the side walls, are painted Tuscan columns that support the represented pitched ceiling.
The tomb's wall painting is broken up into two zones, an upper frieze and lower dado. The dado has the same painted scene on all three walls. This maritime composition includes dark blue and green waves with bright blue dolphins jumping in and out of the water (fig. 70). Above the ocean are several birds flying in the sky. Between the main upper zone and the dado is a colorfully banded lotus-palmette frieze. On both the left and right chamber walls in the upper zone recline four massive figures of clean-shaven male banqueters dressed in greens and blue outfits; one of these men wears robes with stylized wave designs along the hem of his costume (fig. 71-72).
56 Steingräber, Abundance of Life, 96. 57 Holloway, 343.
57
The upper frieze on the back wall is dominated visually by a large, pale-ground volute krater draped with an ivy or grape leaf garland, both symbols of Dionysus.
Immediately left of the krater is a lyre player, while to the right of the krater stands a double flute player (fig. 73). On the left side of the pediment, a richly robed woman dances to the left; she is often identified as a priestess based on her elaborate tutulus headdress, her prominent position in the scene, and her unusually voluminous costume
(fig. 74). On the right side of this scene is a dancing couple (fig. 75). The female figure wears a translucent garment that reveals her female forms, while the dark-skinned male figure appears to be nude and holds a drinking jug. These two younger figures have been interpreted as a maenad and a male bacchant or Dionysian reveler, both common in
Dionysian scenes in classical art. In the far-right corner of this scene sits a black-glazed bucchero oinochoe, another common ritual wine serving vessel (fig. 69). Above the frieze in the pediment are the two eponymous spotted lionesses or leopards with swollen teats.58
The Tomb of the Lionesses creates one of the most potent visual narratives illustrating the connection between the nautical seascape and devotion to the wine god,
Dionysus. Like many of the other artifacts and tomb paintings examined in this thesis, the frescoes combine elements that relate to Etruscan thalassocracy in ways that have never identified before.
58 While not the most prominent of traits, Leopard motifs do possess connections to Dionysus and have been featured in various works of art throughout Mediterranean. Nancy Thomson de Grummond and Erika Simon, Religion of the Etruscans (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2006).
58
Etruscan tomb painting and tomb deposits such as the Exekias cup were expensive. It seems unlikely that combinations of sea life imagery and Dionysian motifs were random. I argue that these deliberately combined images must have had relevance for them to have reoccurred over and over in Etruria across time and not to have existed elsewhere in Mediterranean art. Perhaps the visual language of the Etruscan thalassocracy has eluded scholars for so long because our expectations were incorrect from the start.
Obvious images of ships do not equal Etruscan maritime power in Etruscan art. Instead, the creative combination of marine iconography, especially dolphins, and Dionysian elements symbolized, in more abstract terms, the dominance of the Etruscans and their powerful navy in the western Mediterranean.
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The Etruscan Thalassocracy: The Conclusion
A review of the ancient literary sources that discuss the Etruscans shows us that certain information about Etruscan history and culture are generally consistent across the board. While many aspects such as the origins of the Etruscans were and continue to be debated, there is unanimous consensus on the dominance of the Etruscans as a sea-faring culture. From the western Italian seas renamed “Tyrrhenian” after the feared Etruscan maritime force, to the countless seafaring tales recorded in Greek and Roman texts, the literary evidence for an Etruscan thalassocracy is overwhelming and conclusive. While literary evidence can be problematic due to biases and narrative inconsistencies, an examination of physical artifacts has proven to be valuable for identifying new potential visual references to this well-attested Etruscan thalassocracy.
While the lack of artistic representation of ships in Etruscan artwork may be puzzling at first, a careful and critical review of the surviving iconography on imported objects and in funerary art might shed new clues as to how the Etruscans chose to celebrate their sea power. By analyzing less obvious motifs in Etruscan art, new connections might give a glimpse into how the Etruscans expressed and celebrated their maritime identity.
The reoccurrence of Dionysian imagery throughout Etruria is not by any means unexpected. Dionysus, or one of his many cultural equivalents, was one of the most frequent deities to appear in artwork throughout the ancient Mediterranean. With his profound ties to ritual drinking and viticulture festivals, it is no surprise that Dionysus and his many attributes appear on numerous vessels. However, several Greek-made
60 vessels found in Etruria display scenes and objects of Dionysus that only appear in regions occupied by the Etruscans. The motifs related to the Homeric myth of Dionysius and the
Etruscan pirates appear both in Etruscan art and on foreign-made objects they consciously imported from the east. For example, images of dolphins and ship motifs appear on numerous vases found in Etruria with Dionysian content. The dolphin or ship does not appear to be connected to the god of wine's iconographical repertoire in any other context in any other culture. This unique connection between Dionysian imagery with dolphins and ships bring further questions forward. Why these particular motifs, and why do they only seem to appear in Etruria? After examining the ancient Homeric myth, the famed Exekias Cup, and the imagery in Etruscan tomb painting, new answers may be found.
In the myth, the Etruscans captured Dionysus and were immediately punished, except for the helmsman. The remaining helmsman was permitted to survive to tell the story, and ultimately was admitted to the cult of the Dionysian mysteries. Could the repeated and varied use of imagery related to the Homeric myth of Dionysus, such as dolphins and ships, often mixed with additional Dionysian imagery, be an Etruscan expression of honor for the captured god, Dionysus? Could visual references to Dionysus and the Etruscan pirate myth have been how the Etruscan acknowledged their mastery and control of the western Mediterranean? Could iconographical references to Dionysus in Etruscan art be understood as symbolic celebrations of the universally recognized
Etruscan thalassocracy?
61
Some of the best-preserved art of the Etruscan civilization with mythological and cultural narratives are the surviving frescos painted on the tomb walls. These frescos are direct communication with the Etruscans themselves. They created or commissioned artists to paint these wall frescoes for funerary rituals meant to ensure a peaceful and fruitful transition to the afterlife, but also to celebrate the life and achievements of the tombs’ occupants.
Several Etruscan tombs were painted with scenes containing nautical elements and
Dionysian motifs. Some tombs contain more indirect references, such as the Tomb of
Hunting and Fishing with its scene of a Dionysian ritual dance and its a massive seascape with dolphins, fisherman, and swimmers. At first, these connections seem rather random, but given the proposal stated earlier, the possibility of there being an impactful connection between Dionysian imagery and the well-recorded Etruscan thalassocracy is intriguing. The decorated walls in the Tomb of the Lionesses provide stronger links. The lower seascape frieze on the walls, filled with dolphins and stylized waves, complements and perhaps reinforces the blatant Dionysian motifs in the ritualistic dancing scene decorating the tomb chamber’s upper frieze.
In conclusion, these interconnected concepts of naval dominance and Dionysian iconography utilized by both the Etruscans painters and the Greek potters, may shed new light on how the Etruscans celebrated their thalassocracy through art. The Etruscan people may have embraced the Homeric myth as an essential element of their powerful maritime identity. In this thesis, I have presented an exciting new theory of how the
Etruscan thalassocracy may have been visually celebrated through Dionysian and nautical
62 motifs borrowed from Greek art, imagery designed to celebrate Dionysus, the god
Etruscan sailors had mistakenly captured. As more Etruscan artifacts, including imported objects, are recovered and analyzed, we may be able to draw even closer connections between Etruscan maritime supremacy and the complex iconography of
Dionysus/Bacchus/Fufluns, the god not only of viticulture and dining, but also the god of a joyous, wine-filled afterlife.
63
Figures
Figure 76. Map of Etruria with indication of expansion and cities (2001)
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Figure 77. Map of Europe with indication of the directions of the traffic of Etruscan and Greek products (2019)
Figure 78. Tomb of the Ship, rear wall, with corners and ceiling (5th c. BCE/tomb/Tarquinia, Italy)
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Figure 79. Tomb of the Ship, rear wall, with pediment (5th c. BCE/tomb/Tarquinia, Italy)
Figure 80. Tomb of the Ship, left wall (5th c. BCE/tomb/Tarquinia, Italy)
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Figure 81. Tomb of the Ship, left wall, right detail (5th c. BCE/tomb/Tarquinia, Italy)
Figure 82. Tomb of the Ship left wall drawing (5th c. BCE/tomb/Tarquinia, Italy)
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Figure 83. Tomb of the Ship, left wall, detail of ship (5th c. BCE/tomb/Tarquinia, Italy)
Figure 84. Tomb of the Ship, left wall, ship overlay (5th c. BCE/tomb/Tarquinia, Italy)
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Figure 85. Figure 10. Tomb of the Ship, right wall drawing (5th c. BCE/tomb/Tarquinia, Italy)
Figure 86. Tomb of the Ship, right wall (5th c. BCE/tomb/Tarquinia, Italy)
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Figure 87. Group of heavy bucchero pots (550-530 BCE/bucchero/Chiusi, Italy)
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Figure 88. Underwater submersible machine in the process of preserving an Etruscan amphora at Grand Ribaud F site (2006/Photo/DRASSM)
Figure 89. Recreation of the Grand Ribaud F ship, loaded with Etruscan amphora (2006/Photo/DRASSM)
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Figure 90. Exekias/ Dionysus Cup, tondo (inside) detail (575-525 BCE/attic-ceramic/ Vulci, Italy)
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Figure 91. Exekias/ Dionysus Cup, foot and signature detail (575-525 BCE/attic- ceramic/ Vulci, Italy)
Figure 92. Exekias/ Dionysus Cup, side eye detail (575-525 BCE/attic-ceramic/ Vulci, Italy)
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Figure 93. Exekias/ Dionysus Cup, bottom view (575-525 BCE/attic-ceramic/ Vulci, Italy)
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Figure 94. Exekias/ Dionysus Cup, under handle detail of Patroclus (575-525 BCE/attic-ceramic/ Vulci, Italy)
Figure 95. Exekias/ Dionysus Cup, under handle detail of Achilles (575-525 BCE/attic-ceramic/ Vulci, Italy)
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Figure 96. Vase 4824, bottom view (525-475 BCE /attic-ceramic/Vulci, Italy)
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Figure 97. Vase 4824, damaged side B (525-475 BCE /attic-ceramic/Vulci, Italy)
Figure 98. Vase 4824, side A (525-475 BCE /attic-ceramic/Vulci, Italy)
Figure 99. Vase 4824, detail of side A (525-475 BCE /attic-ceramic/Vulci, Italy)
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Figure 100. Vase 4824, bottom view (525-475 BCE /attic-ceramic/Vulci, Italy)
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Figure 101. Vase 4824, detail of tondo (reconstructed) (525-475 BCE /attic- ceramic/Vulci, Italy)
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Figure 102. Vase 4824, detail of tondo (525-475 BCE /attic-ceramic/Vulci, Italy)
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Figure 103. Vase 9031520, side with Corinthian helmet warrior (550-500 BCE/attic- ceramic/Vulci, Italy)
Figure 104. Vase 9031520, bottom view (550-500 BCE/attic-ceramic/Vulci, Italy)
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Figure 105. Vase 9031520, side with Corinthian helmet warrior detail (550-500 BCE/attic-ceramic/Vulci, Italy)
Figure 106. Vase 9031520, side with Corinthian helmet warrior shield detail (550-500 BCE/attic-ceramic/Vulci, Italy)
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Figure 107. Vase 9031520, side with dolphin shield warrior (550-500 BCE/attic- ceramic/Vulci, Italy)
Figure 108. Vase 9031520, under hand detail of grapes and vines (550-500 BCE/attic- ceramic/Vulci, Italy)
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Figure 109. Vase 9031520, tondo detail (550-500 BCE/attic-ceramic/Vulci, Italy)
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Figure 110. Vase 768, side of cup, Dionysus and satyrs (525-475 BCE/attic- ceramic/Vulci, Italy)
Figure 111. Vase 768, side of cup, detail with hip (bottom) design (525-475 BCE/attic- ceramic/Vulci, Italy)
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Figure 112. Vase 768, under handles detail of dolphin (525-475 BCE/attic- ceramic/Vulci, Italy)
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Figure 113. Vase 768, tondo detail (525-475 BCE/attic-ceramic/Vulci, Italy)
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Figure 114. Vase 505, side of cup, sphinx and palmette band (600-550 BCE /attic- ceramic/Vulci, Italy)
Figure 115. Vase 505, side of cup, with detail of foot (600-550 BCE /attic-ceramic/Vulci, Italy)
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Figure 116. Vase 505, top view (600-550 BCE /attic-ceramic/Vulci, Italy)
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Figure 117. Vase 505, tondo detail (600-550 BCE /attic-ceramic/Vulci, Italy)
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Figure 118. Tomb of the Baron (Tomba del Barone), rear wall, ritual scene (500 BCE /tomb fresco/ Tarquinia, Italy
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Figure 119. Tomb of the Baron (Tomba del Barone), rear wall, detail of male figure holding cup with youth flute player (500 BCE /tomb fresco/ Tarquinia, Italy)
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Figure 120. Tomb of the Baron (Tomba del Barone), rear wall, detail of female figure with raised hands (500 BCE /tomb fresco/ Tarquinia, Italy)
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Figure 121. Tomb of the Baron (Tomba del Barone), right wall, two male figures with horses (500 BCE /tomb fresco/ Tarquinia, Italy)
Figure 122. Tomb of the Baron (Tomba del Barone), right wall, two male figures with horses and female figure in middle (500 BCE /tomb fresco/ Tarquinia, Italy)
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Figure 123. Tomb of Hunting and Fishing (Tomba della Caccia e Pesca), rear wall with corners and ceiling (510 BCE /tomb fresco/ Tarquinia, Italy)
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Figure 124. Tomb of Hunting and Fishing (Tomba della Caccia e Pesca), outer chamber looking into inner chamber (510 BCE /tomb fresco/ Tarquinia, Italy)
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Figure 125. Tomb of Hunting and Fishing (Tomba della Caccia e Pesca), inner chamber detail of colored bands, garland, and birds in seascape (510 BCE /tomb fresco/ Tarquinia, Italy)
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Figure 126. Tomb of Hunting and Fishing (Tomba della Caccia e Pesca), inner chamber pediment, above doorway to inner chamber, returning from hunt scene (510 BCE /tomb fresco/ Tarquinia, Italy)
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Figure 127. Tomb of Hunting and Fishing (Tomba della Caccia e Pesca), detail of outer chamber wall, Dionysian ritual dancers (510 BCE /tomb fresco/ Tarquinia, Italy)
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Figure 128. Tomb of Hunting and Fishing (Tomba della Caccia e Pesca), painting of inner chamber, left wall, seascape with diving youths and rowboat (510 BCE /tomb fresco/ Tarquinia, Italy)
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Figure 129. Tomb of Hunting and Fishing (Tomba della Caccia e Pesca), inner chamber, left wall, detail of youth divers (510 BCE /tomb fresco/ Tarquinia, Italy)
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Figure 130. Tomb of Hunting and Fishing (Tomba della Caccia e Pesca), painting of inner chamber, left wall, detail of rowboat (510 BCE /tomb fresco/ Tarquinia, Italy)
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Figure 131. Tomb of Hunting and Fishing (Tomba della Caccia e Pesca), inner chamber, rear wall, detail of fishermen in boat (510 BCE /tomb fresco/ Tarquinia, Italy)
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Figure 132. Tomb of Hunting and Fishing (Tomba della Caccia e Pesca), inner chamber, rear wall, detail of fowler with sling (510 BCE /tomb fresco/ Tarquinia, Italy)
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Figure 133. Tomb of Hunting and Fishing (Tomba della Caccia e Pesca), inner chamber, right wall, seascape with spearman (510 BCE /tomb fresco/ Tarquinia, Italy)
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Figure 134. Tomb of Hunting and Fishing (Tomba della Caccia e Pesca), inner chamber, right wall, detail of spearman (510 BCE /tomb fresco/ Tarquinia, Italy)
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Figure 135. Tomb of Hunting and Fishing (Tomba della Caccia e Pesca), inner rear wall, detail of pediment, Dionysian banquet scene (510 BCE /tomb fresco/ Tarquinia, Italy)
Figure 136. Tomb of Hunting and Fishing (Tomba della Caccia e Pesca), inner rear wall, detail of couple in pediment scene (510 BCE /tomb fresco/ Tarquinia, Italy)
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Figure 137. Tomb of the Triclinium (Tomba del Triclinio), rear wall, Dionysian banquet scene (470 BCE /tomb fresco/ Tarquinia, Italy)
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Figure 138. Tomb of the Triclinium (Tomba del Triclinio), rear wall, Dionysian banquet scene, detail of ivy and grape pattern (470 BCE /tomb fresco/ Tarquinia, Italy)
Figure 139. Tomb of the Triclinium (Tomba del Triclinio), right wall, detail of wave pattern (470 BCE /tomb fresco/ Tarquinia, Italy)
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Figure 140. Tomb of the Triclinium (Tomba del Triclinio), right wall, detail Dionysian ritual dancers (470 BCE /tomb fresco/ Tarquinia, Italy)
Figure 141. Tomb of the Triclinium (Tomba del Triclinio), right wall, Dionysian ritual dancers (470 BCE /tomb fresco/ Tarquinia, Italy)
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Figure 142. Tomb of the Triclinium (Tomba del Triclinio), right wall, Dionysian ritual female dancer (470 BCE /tomb fresco/ Tarquinia, Italy)
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Figure 143. Tomb of the Triclinium (Tomba del Triclinio), right wall, Dionysian ritual female dancer with male double flute player (470 BCE /tomb fresco/ Tarquinia, Italy)
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Figure 144. Tomb of the Lionesses (Tomba delle Leonesse), rear wall, Dionysian ritual scene with volute krater (510 BCE /tomb fresco/ Tarquinia, Italy)
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Figure 145. Tomb of the Lionesses (Tomba delle Leonesse), detail of palmette, dolphin, bird and sea design around lower wall of tomb (510 BCE /tomb fresco/ Tarquinia, Italy)
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Figure 146. Tomb of the Lionesses (Tomba delle Leonesse), right wall, oversized reclined males (510 BCE /tomb fresco/ Tarquinia, Italy)
Figure 147. Tomb of the Lionesses (Tomba delle Leonesse), left wall, oversized reclined males (510 BCE /tomb fresco/ Tarquinia, Italy)
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Figure 148. Tomb of the Lionesses (Tomba delle Leonesse), rear wall, Dionysian ritual scene, detail of volute krater (510 BCE /tomb fresco/ Tarquinia, Italy)
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Figure 149. Tomb of the Lionesses (Tomba delle Leonesse), rear wall, Dionysian ritual scene, detail of jeweled dancer (510 BCE /tomb fresco/ Tarquinia, Italy)
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Figure 150. Tomb of the Lionesses (Tomba delle Leonesse), rear wall, Dionysian ritual scene, detail of dancing couple (510 BCE /tomb fresco/ Tarquinia, Italy)
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