Chapter 4. Religion, Ethnicity, and Politics in Trail’S Immigrant Enclave
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The Canadian Department of Peace: History and Potential
The Canadian Department of Peace: History and Potential by Victor David Kliewer A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies of the University of Manitoba in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements of the Degree MASTER OF ARTS Joint Master’s Program in Peace and Conflict Studies University of Manitoba/University of Winnipeg Winnipeg MB Copyright © 2019 by Victor David Kliewer ii ABSTRACT This thesis examines the possibility of establishing a Department of Peace (DOP) as a Department of the Government of Canada. The topic has been introduced in Parliament twice— in 2009 as Bill C-447 and in 2011 as Bill C-373; neither Bill received any further action beyond the First Reading. The introduction of the bills could only happen on the basis of significant support among Canadians. At present, in 2019, efforts to reintroduce the DOP into the Government, although somewhat muted, continue; and the concern for peace—including all of its diverse aspects, both within Canada and around the world—remains as urgent as ever. The thesis, based on relevant literature and oral interviews, evaluates the establishment of a DOP in the context of the Canadian peace tradition as well as other global peace developments. It concludes that a DOP has great potential to move the peace agenda in Canada forward but that, in view of the priorities of the current government and the general mood in Canadian society, it is not realistic to expect a DOP to be implemented at present. The recent appointment of the Women, Peace and Security Ambassador in December 2018 represents a step in this direction, but a fully structured DOP would provide a more significant framework for the advancement of peace, defined in the preamble of Bill C-373 as “not simply the absence of active hostilities but rather a state of non-violence, harmony, and amity.” iii Someday, after harnessing the ether, the winds, the tides, and gravitation, we shall harness for God the energies of love; and then, for the second time in the history of the world, [we] will have discovered fire. -
Francis Andrew Brewin, “He Who Would Valiant Be”: the Makings of a Canadian Anglican Christian Socialist
Francis Andrew Brewin, “He Who Would Valiant Be”: The Makings of a Canadian Anglican Christian Socialist JOHN BREWIN1 Francis Andrew Brewin (1907-1983) was a formative figure in the Cooperative Commonwealth Federation (CCF) and later in the New Democratic Party. He helped to shape a party that shaped Canada. FAB, as I shall refer to him, was a lifelong “practising” Anglican. He represented a significant Anglican contribution to the Canadian polity. His religious sensibilities led to his decision to join the CCF in 1935 and determined the nature of his participation. This paper focuses on FAB’s decision to join the CCF, and examines the cultures that interacted to produce that decision. It will be argued that his religion and his politics were completely integrated. In his context it made sense for FAB to become a democratic socialist of the Canadian variety. The paper’s methodology is influenced by the approach of Clifford Geertz, as described by Aletta Biersack.2 The decision by FAB to join and to become active in the CCF is best understood as a cultural event, the convergence of cultures that gave FAB his world-view and informed his actions. I will, therefore, look at each of the main sources of FAB’s cultural perspective. In revisiting the way in which one Christian of a particular tradition responded to the problems of his day, one might glimpse how we might respond to the almost overwhelming social, economic and environmental challenges of our own day. Historical Papers 2000: Canadian Society of Church History 74 The Makings of a Canadian Anglican Christian Socialist Family FAB’s family background was very English and very Canadian. -
Winning Women for Socialism: the Ontario CCF and Women, 1947-1961 Dan Azoulay
Document généré le 26 sept. 2021 23:49 Labour/Le Travailleur Winning Women for Socialism: The Ontario CCF and Women, 1947-1961 Dan Azoulay Volume 36, 1995 Résumé de l'article Cet article examine le rôle des femmes engagées dans l'aile ontarienne du URI : https://id.erudit.org/iderudit/llt36art03 Co-operative Commonwealth Federation au cours de la période 1947 à 1961. Selon une nouvelle approche, la recherche soutient que la principale Aller au sommaire du numéro préoccupation des femmes du CCF ontarien, telle que vue à travers le Provincial Women's Committee,était l'accroissement du membership du parti et l'attraction d'autres femmes à l'organisation, et non pas l'avancement de Éditeur(s) l'égalité des femmes, comme l'historiographie existante l'affirme. L'étude affirme aussi que les femmes n'étaient pas significativement sous-représentées Canadian Committee on Labour History dans les positions de pouvoir à l'intérieur du CCF. De plus, la division sexuelle du travail dans le parti était largement provoquée par la timidité des membres ISSN féminins. Bref, les méthodes employées pour gagner les femmes à la cause du socialisme étaient pratiques et adaptées aux circonstances. 0700-3862 (imprimé) 1911-4842 (numérique) Découvrir la revue Citer cet article Azoulay, D. (1995). Winning Women for Socialism: The Ontario CCF and Women, 1947-1961. Labour/Le Travailleur, 36, 59–90. All rights reserved © Canadian Committee on Labour History, 1995 Ce document est protégé par la loi sur le droit d’auteur. L’utilisation des services d’Érudit (y compris la reproduction) est assujettie à sa politique d’utilisation que vous pouvez consulter en ligne. -
Unit V 1. India As a Champion of World Peace and Justice A
UNIT V 1. INDIA AS A CHAMPION OF WORLD PEACE AND JUSTICE A peace movement is a social movement that seeks to achieve ideals such as the ending of a particular war (or all wars), minimize inter-human violence in a particular place or type of situation, and is often linked to the goal of achieving world peace. Means to achieve these ends include advocacy of pacifism, non-violent resistance, diplomacy, boycotts, peace camps, moral purchasing, supporting anti-war political candidates, legislation to remove the profit from government contracts to the Military–industrial complex, banning guns, creating open government and transparency tools, direct democracy, supporting Whistleblowers who expose War-Crimes or conspiracies to create wars, demonstrations, and national political lobbying groups to create legislation. The political cooperative is an example of an organization that seeks to merge all peace movement organizations and green organizations, which may have some diverse goals, but all of whom have the common goal of peace and humane sustainability. A concern of some peace activists is the challenge of attaining peace when those that oppose it often use violence as their means of communication and empowerment. Some people refer to the global loose affiliation of activists and political interests as having a shared purpose and this constituting a single movement, "the peace movement", an all encompassing "anti-war movement". Seen this way, the two are often indistinguishable and constitute a loose, responsive, event-driven collaboration between groups with motivations as diverse as humanism, environmentalism, veganism, anti- racism, feminism, decentralization, hospitality, ideology, theology, and faith. There are different ideas over what "peace" is (or should be), which results in a plurality of movements seeking diverse ideals of peace. -
Status of House Business État Des Travaux De La Chambre
No 9 HOUSE OF COMMONS CHAMBRE DES COMMUNES SECOND SESSION DEUXIÈME SESSION 35th PARLIAMENT 35e LÉGISLATURE Status of House État des travaux Business de la Chambre At dissolution À la dissolution Sunday, April 27, 1997 le dimanche 27 avril 1997 For further information, contact the Journals Branch–– S’adresser à la Direction des Journaux pour toute demande 992–2038. de renseignements––992–2038. 1 April 27, 1997 Le 27 avril 1997 3 PART I —Bills PARTIE I —Projets de loi GOVERNMENT BILLS PROJETS DE LOI ÉMANANT DU GOUVERNEMENT COMMONS COMMUNES This section contains all public bills sponsored by the government Cette section contient tous les projets de loi d’intérêt public which originated in the House of Commons. Bills in this émanant du gouvernement qui ont été présentés à la Chambre section are numbered from C–1 to C–200. des communes. Les projets de loi contenus dans cette section sont numérotés de C–1 à C–200. C–1—The Prime Minister—An Act respecting the Administra- C–1—Le Premier ministre—Loi concernant la prestation des tion of Oaths of Office—(Pro–forma Bill) serments d’office—(projet de loi pro forma) Introduced and read the first time—February 27, 1996 Dépôt et première lecture—27 février 1996 C–2—The Minister of Justice—An Act to amend the Judges Act C–2—Le ministre de la Justice—Loi modifiant la Loi sur les juges Introduced and read the first time—February 29, 1996 Dépôt et première lecture—29 février 1996 Debated at second reading; read the second time and referred Débat en deuxième lecture; deuxième lecture et renvoi à un to a Committee of the Whole; considered in Committee of Comité plénier; étude en Comité plénier; a fait l’objet d’un the Whole; reported without amendment; concurred in at rapport sans amendement; adoption à l’étape du rapport; report stage; read the third time and passed—March 6, 1996 troisième lecture et adoption—6 mars 1996 Passed by the Senate—March 26, 1996 Adoption par le Sénat—26 mars 1996 Royal Assent (Chapter No. -
The Rise and Decline of the Cooperative Commonwealth
THE RISE AND DECLINE OF THE COOPERATIVE COMMONWEALTH FEDERATION IN ONTARIO AND QUEBEC DURING WORLD WAR II, 1939 – 1945 By Charles A. Deshaies B. A. State University of New York at Potsdam, 1987 M. A. State University of New York at Empire State, 2005 A THESIS Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy (in History) The Graduate School The University of Maine December 2019 Advisory Committee: Scott W. See, Professor Emeritus of History, Co-advisor Jacques Ferland, Associate Professor of History, Co-advisor Nathan Godfried, Professor of History Stephen Miller, Professor of History Howard Cody, Professor Emeritus of Political Science Copyright 2019 Charles A. Deshaies All Rights Reserved ii THE RISE AND DECLINE OF THE COOPERATIVE COMMONWEALTH FEDERATION IN ONTARIO AND QUEBEC DURING WORLD WAR II, 1939 – 1945 By Charles A. Deshaies Dissertation Advisor: Dr. Scott See and Dr. Jacques Ferland An Abstract of the Thesis Presented In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy (in History) December 2019 The Cooperative Commonwealth Federation (CCF) was one of the most influential political parties in Canadian history. Without doubt, from a social welfare perspective, the CCF helped build and develop an extensive social welfare system across Canada. It has been justly credited with being one of the major influences over Canadian social welfare policy during the critical years following the Great Depression. This was especially true of the period of the Second World War when the federal Liberal government of Mackenzie King adroitly borrowed CCF policy planks to remove the harsh edges of capitalism and put Canada on the path to a modern Welfare State. -
Wednesday, April 24, 1996
CANADA VOLUME 134 S NUMBER 032 S 2nd SESSION S 35th PARLIAMENT OFFICIAL REPORT (HANSARD) Wednesday, April 24, 1996 Speaker: The Honourable Gilbert Parent CONTENTS (Table of Contents appears at back of this issue.) The House of Commons Debates are also available on the Parliamentary Internet Parlementaire at the following address: http://www.parl.gc.ca 1883 HOUSE OF COMMONS Wednesday, April 24, 1996 The House met at 2 p.m. [English] _______________ LIBERAL PARTY OF CANADA Prayers Mr. Ken Epp (Elk Island, Ref.): Mr. Speaker, voters need accurate information to make wise decisions at election time. With _______________ one vote they are asked to choose their member of Parliament, select the government for the term, indirectly choose the Prime The Speaker: As is our practice on Wednesdays, we will now Minister and give their approval to a complete all or nothing list of sing O Canada, which will be led by the hon. member for agenda items. Vancouver East. During an election campaign it is not acceptable to say that the [Editor’s Note: Whereupon members sang the national anthem.] GST will be axed with pledges to resign if it is not, to write in small print that it will be harmonized, but to keep it and hide it once the _____________________________________________ election has been won. It is not acceptable to promise more free votes if all this means is that the status quo of free votes on private members’ bills will be maintained. It is not acceptable to say that STATEMENTS BY MEMBERS MPs will be given more authority to represent their constituents if it means nothing and that MPs will still be whipped into submis- [English] sion by threats and actions of expulsion. -
Coping with Transboundary Air Pollution
Fordham International Law Journal Volume 9, Issue 1 1985 Article 5 Our Neighbor’s Keeper? The United States and Canada: Coping with Transboundary Air Pollution Elizabeth Knapp∗ ∗ Copyright c 1985 by the authors. Fordham International Law Journal is produced by The Berke- ley Electronic Press (bepress). http://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/ilj Our Neighbor’s Keeper? The United States and Canada: Coping with Transboundary Air Pollution Elizabeth Knapp Abstract This Note will review the scientific research and evidence that support the existence of an acid rain phenomenon, and discuss the principles of international law that apply to a transboundary air pollution problem. The recognition and application of these legal principles to cases of interstate pollution and resource sharing in the United States will then be discussed. This Note will examine recent attempts to seek a solution to the North American acid rain problem through the negotiation of a bilateral treaty, and through Canadian resort to the courts of the United States. This Note will conclude that the only viable solution to this problem of transboundary acid deposition is for the United States to enact legislation in compliance with international standards. OUR NEIGHBOR'S KEEPER? THE UNITED STATES AND CANADA: COPING WITH TRANSBOUNDARY AIR POLLUTION Ruin is the destination toward which all men rush, each pursuing his own best interest in a society that believes in the freedom of the com- mons. Freedom in a commons brings ruin to all. INTRODUCTION Acid deposition or acid rain, as it is popularly known,2 and its environmental impacts3 provide an example of the ruin that the earth can suffer when nations pursue only their own short term interests and ignore the damage that their actions may inflict on neighboring States.4 The problem of acid deposition on the North American continent is one with economic, envi- 5 ronmental, and legal significance. -
The Waffle, the New Democratic Party, and Canada's New Left During the Long Sixties
Western University Scholarship@Western Electronic Thesis and Dissertation Repository 8-13-2019 1:00 PM 'To Waffleo t the Left:' The Waffle, the New Democratic Party, and Canada's New Left during the Long Sixties David G. Blocker The University of Western Ontario Supervisor Fleming, Keith The University of Western Ontario Graduate Program in History A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the equirr ements for the degree in Doctor of Philosophy © David G. Blocker 2019 Follow this and additional works at: https://ir.lib.uwo.ca/etd Part of the Canadian History Commons Recommended Citation Blocker, David G., "'To Waffleo t the Left:' The Waffle, the New Democratic Party, and Canada's New Left during the Long Sixties" (2019). Electronic Thesis and Dissertation Repository. 6554. https://ir.lib.uwo.ca/etd/6554 This Dissertation/Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarship@Western. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Thesis and Dissertation Repository by an authorized administrator of Scholarship@Western. For more information, please contact [email protected]. i Abstract The Sixties were time of conflict and change in Canada and beyond. Radical social movements and countercultures challenged the conservatism of the preceding decade, rejected traditional forms of politics, and demanded an alternative based on the principles of social justice, individual freedom and an end to oppression on all fronts. Yet in Canada a unique political movement emerged which embraced these principles but proposed that New Left social movements – the student and anti-war movements, the women’s liberation movement and Canadian nationalists – could bring about radical political change not only through street protests and sit-ins, but also through participation in electoral politics. -
A HISTORY of the VOTE in CANADA for Information, Please Contact
Third edition A HISTORY OF THE VOTE IN CANADA For information, please contact: Public Enquiries Unit Elections Canada 30 Victoria Street Gatineau, Quebec K1A 0M6 Tel.: 1-800-463-6868 Fax: 1-888-524-1444 (toll-free) TTY: 1-800-361-8935 elections.ca ISBN: 978-0-660-37056-9 Cat. No.: SE3-36/2021E-PDF © Chief Electoral Officer of Canada, 2021 All rights reserved Printed and bound in Canada EC 91135 (12/2020) Cover design: Elections Canada. Images and credits appear throughout the book. TABLE OF CONTENTS 7 PREFACE 11 INTRODUCTION CHAPTER 1 CHAPTER 2 17 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA, 1758–1866 57 UNEVEN PROGRESS, 1867–1919 20 Legislative Assemblies and Responsible Government 58 A Federal or a Provincial Matter? 22 The Great Britain of George III 61 Questionable Election Practices 25 Nova Scotia: Cradle of Canadian Parliamentary 66 The Electoral Mosaic, 1867–1885 Government 70 Macdonald Centralizes the Franchise Prince Edward Island: A “Landless” Colony 28 74 Laurier Decentralizes the Franchise Cape Breton: A Colony Without Voters 31 78 Boundary Redistribution New Brunswick: A Fragmented Colony 32 79 Borden’s Strategic Measures Lower Canada: A British Colony Unlike the Others 35 83 Women and the Vote 40 Upper Canada: The Era of the Family Compact 43 A Right in Jeopardy 47 The Province of Canada: Changing Rules Reflect Instability 51 British Columbia: The Importance of Being British 54 Voters and Confederation CHAPTER 3 CHAPTER 4 93 MODERNIZATION, 1920–1981 125 ADVANCING FAIRNESS, TRANSPARENCY 98 The Dominion Elections Act of 1920 AND INTEGRITY, 1982–2020 -
Political Involvement
POLITICAL INVOLVEMENT: A CASE STUDY OF URBAN PARTY ACTIVISTS POLITICAL INVOLVEtvlENT: A CASE STUDY OF URBAN PARTY ACTIVISTS By PATRICK JOSEPH SMITH, B.A. (Hans.) A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts McMaster University July, ] 970 ~ASTP,R OF ARTS (1970) McMJ'l_STER UN IVERS ITY (Political Science) Hamiltqn, Ontario TITLE: Political Involvement: A Case Study of Urban Party Activists AUTHOR: Patrick Joseph Smith, B.A. Hons. (McMaster) SUPF.R'ilISOR: Dr. R. R. Harch NUMBER OF PAGES: vi, 174 - ii - ABSTRACT - Political involvement is the process of becoming active in the particular political system. One of the most important areas of involvement is the political party. Differences exist among the major Canadian parties that allow them to be placed on a left-right continuum. In this study, the focus is resiricted to activity in local party structures. Four variables of the party involvement process -- political socialization, recruitment, motivation and socio-economic background -- are examined here to see if there are significant differences among the three major political parties in Canada and the personnel that makes up the local executives of their organizations. An analysis of these differences is undertaken to see if they can be explained by the ideological divisions that separate the party associations. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS My special thanks must go to my supervisor, Dr. R. R. March, for his assistance and guidance during the preparation of this thesis. I wish to express my gratitude to Dr. H. J. Jacek and Professor T. Truman, for their kind help, and for acting as readers of this thesis. -
Petition for Cert
No. IN THE Supreme Court of the United States _______________ TECK COMINCO METALS, LTD., Petitioner, v. JOSEPH A. PAKOOTAS, DONALD R. MICHEL, AND STATE OF WASHINGTON, Respondents. _______________ On Petition For A Writ Of Certiorari To The United States Court Of Appeals For The Ninth Circuit _______________ PETITION FOR A WRIT OF CERTIORARI _______________ THOMAS A. CAMPBELL THEODORE B. OLSON KEVIN M. FONG Counsel of Record GERALD F. GEORGE RAYMOND B. LUDWISZEWSKI PILLSBURY WINTHROP MARK A. PERRY SHAW PITTMAN LLP MATTHEW D. MCGILL 50 Fremont Street GIBSON, DUNN & CRUTCHER LLP San Francisco, CA 94105 1050 Connecticut Avenue, N.W. (415) 983-1000 Washington, D.C. 20036 (202) 955-8500 Counsel for Petitioner QUESTIONS PRESENTED The Comprehensive Environmental Response, Compensation, and Liability Act (CERCLA) makes liable “any person who . arrange[s] for disposal . of hazardous substances . by any other party or entity, at any facility . from which there is a release . of a hazardous substance.” 42 U.S.C. § 9607(a)(3)-(4). Petitioner, a Canadian company, disposed of hazardous substances at its facility in Canada in accordance with that country’s laws, and without the assistance of any “other person or entity.” Some of those substances were carried to the United States by the flow of surface water. The questions presented are: 1. Whether the Ninth Circuit erred in concluding, in derogation of numerous treaties and established diplomatic practice, that CERCLA (and, by extension, other American environmental laws) can be applied unilaterally to penalize the actions of a foreign company in a foreign country undertaken in accordance with that country’s laws; and 2.