PDF Download
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
“I Go for Independence”: Stephen Austin and Two Wars for Texan Independence
“I go for Independence”: Stephen Austin and Two Wars for Texan Independence A thesis submitted To Kent State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts by James Robert Griffin August 2021 ©Copyright All rights reserved Except for previously published materials Thesis written by James Robert Griffin B.S., Kent State University, 2019 M.A., Kent State University, 2021 Approved by Kim M. Gruenwald , Advisor Kevin Adams , Chair, Department of History Mandy Munro-Stasiuk , Interim Dean, College of Arts and Sciences TABLE OF CONTENTS TABLE OF CONTENTS…………………………………………………………………...……iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS………………………………………………………………………v INTRODUCTION………………………………………………………………………………..1 CHAPTERS I. Building a Colony: Austin leads the Texans Through the Difficulty of Settling Texas….9 Early Colony……………………………………………………………………………..11 The Fredonian Rebellion…………………………………………………………………19 The Law of April 6, 1830………………………………………………………………..25 Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………….32 II. Time of Struggle: Austin Negotiates with the Conventions of 1832 and 1833………….35 Civil War of 1832………………………………………………………………………..37 The Convention of 1833…………………………………………………………………47 Austin’s Arrest…………………………………………………………………………...52 Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………….59 III. Two Wars: Austin Guides the Texans from Rebellion to Independence………………..61 Imprisonment During a Rebellion……………………………………………………….63 War is our Only Resource……………………………………………………………….70 The Second War…………………………………………………………………………78 Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………….85 -
Class Struggles in France 1848-1850
Karl Marx The Class Struggles in France, 1848-1850 Written: December January-October 1850; Published: as a booklet by Engels in 1895; Source: Selected Works, Volume 1, Progress Publishers, Moscow 1969; Proofed: and corrected by Matthew Carmody, 2009, Mark Harris 2010; Transcribed: by Louis Proyect. Table of Contents Introduction (Engels, 1895) ......................................................................................................... 1 Part I: The Defeat of June 1848 ................................................................................................. 15 Part II: From June 1848 to June 13, 1849 .................................................................................. 31 Part III: Consequences of June 13, 1849 ................................................................................... 50 Part IV: The Abolition of Universal Suffrage in 1850 .............................................................. 70 Introduction (Engels, 1895)1 The work republished here was Marx’s first attempt to explain a piece of contemporary history by means of his materialist conception, on the basis of the prevailing economic situation. In the Communist Manifesto, the theory was applied in broad outline to the whole of modern history; in the articles by Marx and myself in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung, it was constantly used to interpret political events of the day. Here, on the other hand, the question was to demonstrate the inner causal connection in the course of a development which extended over some years, a development -
Liberal Catholicism in France, 1845-1670 Dissertation
LIBERAL CATHOLICISM IN FRANCE, 1845-1670 DISSERTATION Presented Is fbrtial Ftalfillaent of the Requlreaents for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By JOHN KEITH HUOKABY, A. £., M. A, ****** The Ohio State University 1957 Approved by: CONTENTS Chapter Page I INTRODUCTION......................... 1 The Beginnings of Liberal Catholicism in F r a n c e ....................... 5 The Seoond Liberal Catholic Movement . 9 Issues Involved in the Catholic-Liberal Rapprochement . • ......... > . 17 I. The Challenge of Anticierlealism. • 17 II. Ohuroh-State Relatione........ 22 III.Political Liberalism and Liberal Catholic la n .................. 26 IV. Eeoncttlc Liberalism and Liberal Catholiciam ..... ........... 55 Scope and Nature of S t u d y .......... 46 II THE CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE UNIVERSITS.... 55 Lamennais vs. the Unlveralte........ 6l Oniv era it a under the July Monarchy. 66 Catholic and Unlversite Extremism .... 75 The Liberal Catholio Campaign ......... 61 III CHURCH-STATE RELATIONS................ 116 Traditional Attitudes ................. 117 The Program of L*Avaiilr........... 122 The Montalembert Formula* Mutual Independence but not Separation .... 129 Freedom of Conscience and Religion . 155 Syllabus of Errors ........... 165 17 GALL ICANISM AND ULTRAMONTANISM........... 177 Ultramontanism: de Maistre and Lamennais 160 The Second Liberal Catholic Movement. 165 The Vatican Council............. 202 V PAPAL SOVEREIGNTY AND ITALIAN UNITY. .... 222 71 POLITICAL OUTLOOK OF LIBERAL CATHOLICS . 249 Democracy and Political Equality .... 257 ii The Revolution of 1848 and Napoleon . 275 Quarantiem and Ant 1-etatlaae.............. 291 VII CONCLUSIONS.............................. 510 SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY............................ 525 ill Chapter X INTRODUCTION In the aftermath of the French Revolution the Roman Catholic Church placed itself in opposition to the dynamic historical forces in nineteenth-century France. -
The Fan Affair and the Conquest of Algeria1
The Fan Affair and the conquest of Algeria1 Michael Dudzik2 ABSTRACT The study analyses the domestic political background of the conflict that resulted in the French conquest of Algeria. The author begins at the turn of the 18th and 19th centuries when the Paris gov- ernment bought grain from Algerian merchants. Subsequent economic cooperation, including the provision and collection of loans, negatively affected mutual relations. Deteriorating relations were negatively affected by the appointment of Hussein Pasha as governor of Algeria in 1818, and they further worsened after a diplomatic insult against the French ambassador in April 1827. The article analyses developments in both countries, the gradual escalation of conflicts and their response in the European powers and presents the reasons that prompted the French government to intervene. KEYWORDS France, the conquest of Algeria, Charles X, Jules Prince de Polignac, 1830 INTRODUCTION The tense political and social climate in France at the end of the second decade of the 19th century reflected the citizens’ dissatisfaction with the regime of the re- turned Bourbons. King Charles X (1757–1836) promoted absolutism and restrictions on the press and relied primarily on the Catholic Church and the pre-revolution- ary nobility. Together with the Prime Minister, Prince Jules Auguste Marie de Poli- gnac (1780–1847), he tried to divert public attention from the negative response of extremely conservative domestic policy measures to foreign policy, and use the age- old dispute with Algeria, a vassal of the Ottoman Empire, to achieve easy victory and thus raise the prestige of the army and the regime. The study analyses Franco-Algerian economic and political relations after 1818 when Hussein Pasha became Algerian governor. -
French Romantic Socialism and the Critique of Liberal Slave Emancipation Naomi J
Santa Clara University Scholar Commons History College of Arts & Sciences 9-2013 Breaking the Ties: French Romantic Socialism and the Critique of Liberal Slave Emancipation Naomi J. Andrews Santa Clara University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarcommons.scu.edu/history Part of the European History Commons, and the Feminist, Gender, and Sexuality Studies Commons Recommended Citation Andrews, Naomi J. (2013). Breaking the Ties: French Romantic Socialism and the Critique of Liberal Slave Emancipation. The ourJ nal of Modern History, Vol. 85, No. 3 (September 2013) , pp. 489-527. Published by: The nivU ersity of Chicago Press. Article DOI: 10.1086/668500. Article Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1086/668500 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the College of Arts & Sciences at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in History by an authorized administrator of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Breaking the Ties: French Romantic Socialism and the Critique of Liberal Slave Emancipation* Naomi J. Andrews Santa Clara University What we especially call slavery is only the culminating and pivotal point where all of the suffering of society comes together. (Charles Dain, 1836) The principle of abolition is incontestable, but its application is difficult. (Louis Blanc, 1840) In 1846, the romantic socialist Désiré Laverdant observed that although Great Britain had rightly broken the ties binding masters and slaves, “in delivering the slave from the yoke, it has thrown him, poor brute, into isolation and abandonment. Liberal Europe thinks it has finished its work because it has divided everyone.”1 Freeing the slaves, he thus suggested, was only the beginning of emancipation. -
Making Autocrats Accountable: Interests, Priorities, and Cooperation for Regime Change
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2016 Making Autocrats Accountable: Interests, Priorities, and Cooperation for Regime Change Başak Taraktaş University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Taraktaş, Başak, "Making Autocrats Accountable: Interests, Priorities, and Cooperation for Regime Change" (2016). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 2050. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/2050 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/2050 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Making Autocrats Accountable: Interests, Priorities, and Cooperation for Regime Change Abstract In nearly all authoritarian regimes, democratization finds significant societal support and a number of organized opposition groups struggle for regime change. In some cases—such as in Iran in 1979— opposition groups are able to cooperate with one another and bring down authoritarianism. In others—such as the Assad regime in Syria—groups are not able to cooperate, and the ruler remains in place. Studies that apply cooperation theory on regimes predict that shared grievances about the current government and common interests in changing the existing regime foster cooperation among challengers. Yet, evidence suggests the contrary. This study examines the conditions under which diverse challengers, despite persistent divergence in their ideological preferences, are able to achieve a level of long-term cooperation that can transform the status quo. It uses the case studies of the Ottoman transition to constitutional monarchy (1876–1908) and the French transition to constitutional monarchy (1814–1830), paired according to the least similar systems design, in combination with network theory. -
E Modern World-System IV Centrist Liberalism Triumphant, 1789–1914
e Modern World-System IV Centrist Liberalism Triumphant, 1789–1914 Immanuel Wallerstein UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS Berkeley Los Angeles London 1 Centrist Liberalism as Ideology e French Revolution . is the shadow under which the whole nineteenth century lived. —George Watson (1973, 45) In 1815, the most important new political reality for Great Britain, France, and the world-system was the fact that, in the spirit of the times, political change had become normal. “With the French Revolution, parliamentary reform became a doctrine as distinct from an expedient” (White, 1973, 73). Furthermore, the locus of sovereignty had shiE ed in the minds of more and more persons from the mon- arch or even the legislature to something much more elusive, the “people” (Billing- ton, 1980, 160–166; also 57–71). ese were undoubtedly the principal geocultural legacies of the revolutionary-Napoleonic period. Consequently, the fundamental political problem that Great Britain, France, and the world-system had to face in 1815, and from then on, was how to reconcile the demands of those who would insist on implementing the concept of popular sovereignty exercising the normal- ity of change with the desire of the notables, both within each state and in the world-system as a whole, to maintain themselves in power and to ensure their continuing ability to accumulate capital endlessly. e name we give to these attempts at resolving what prima facie seems a deep and possibly unbridgeable gap of conI icting interests is ideology. Ideologies are not simply ways of viewing the world. ey are more than mere prejudices and presuppositions. -
Under the July Monarchy (1830-1848)
REPRESENTATIONS OF “LE TRAVAIL” UNDER THE JULY MONARCHY (1830-1848) by Rebecca Terese Powers A dissertation submitted to Johns Hopkins University in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Baltimore, Maryland July, 2015 Representations of le travail under the July Monarchy ABSTRACT This project traces the definition of a social reality of labor under the July Monarchy. More specifically, it investigates how the ubiquitous but elusive term travail – understood as manual, non-agricultural work – operates at different levels of discourse in the 1830s and 1840s. To underline this specific cultural context, I employ the French travail rather than the English “work” or “labor.” French workers expected improved social conditions after their contribution to the 1830 Revolution, but were promptly denied this by the new Constitutional Monarchy. Their frustration came to a head in 1848, when they again revolted, demanding the right to work – le droit au travail. This moment is often considered the dawn of the French labor movement, but I contend that it is in the years leading up to 1848 that travail undergoes its most dramatic definition and consecration as a modern value. In order to better understand how the term took on such significance, I examine a variety of cultural documents, both literary and what we would today consider paraliterary. The corpus includes novels by Honoré de Balzac and George Sand; moralist inquiries by René Villermé and Honoré-Antoine Frégier; Jules Michelet’s historiography of the French people; and writings by the workers themselves, whose first-hand accounts of physical labor were becoming increasingly influential. -
CENTRAL AMERICA and TEXAS, 1821-1836 By
MEXICO’S BREAK UP: MEXICO CITY'S MISCONCEPTIONS AND MISMANAGEMENT OF ITS PERIPEHERIES: CENTRAL AMERICA AND TEXAS, 1821-1836 by KYLE CARPENTER Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of The University of Texas at Arlington in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS IN HISTORY THE UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS AT ARLINGTON MAY 2013 Copyright © by Kyle Carpenter 2013 All Rights Reserved ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I cannot thank my committee enough. Dr. Sam Haynes, the committee chair, remained unflinchingly supportive from the very beginning. He took on this project in its infant stages and allowed it to change and evolve as necessary. His support and trust in me were unbelievable. Dr. David Narrett read every draft so carefully and responded with such detailed commentary. Dr. John Garrigus kept this project alive through his advice and guidance at a critical time in its development. The entire committee was indispensable to this thesis and I cannot thank them enough. While working on this project, I relied on the support of so many people. The person who deserves the most gratitude is my wife, Mickey. She patiently supported me through all the research, all the writing, and all the editing that went into this thesis. I could not have done it without her. I also extend my thanks to everyone who helped me in the massive research campaign this thesis required. The staff at the University of Texas at Arlington Library Special Collections deserves special thanks. Additionally, I received great assistance from the staffs at the Nettie Lee Benson Library and the Bancroft Library. -
The Work of Jorge González Camarena, the History Of
University of New Mexico UNM Digital Repository Art & Art History ETDs Electronic Theses and Dissertations 12-1-2015 Narratives of Violence and Tales of Power: The Work of Jorge González Camarena, the History of the Castillo de Chapultepec, and the Establishment of the National Museums in the Project of Mexican Nationalism Rebekah Bellum Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/arth_etds Part of the History of Art, Architecture, and Archaeology Commons Recommended Citation Bellum, Rebekah. "Narratives of Violence and Tales of Power: The orkW of Jorge González Camarena, the History of the Castillo de Chapultepec, and the Establishment of the National Museums in the Project of Mexican Nationalism." (2015). https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/arth_etds/28 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Electronic Theses and Dissertations at UNM Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Art & Art History ETDs by an authorized administrator of UNM Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Narratives of Violence and Tales of Power: The Work of Jorge González Camarena, the History of the Castillo de Chapultepec, and the Establishment of the National Museums in the Project of Mexican Nationalism Rebekah C. Bellum December 2015 Jorge González Camarena, La Fusión de Dos Culturas, 1963, National Museum of History, Mexico City Rebekah Carmen Bellum Candidate Art and Art History Department This thesis is approved, and it is acceptable in quality and form for publication: -
The French Revolution
The French Revolution ‘This is more than a history of the French Revolution. It covers all Europe during the revolutionary period, though events in France naturally take first place. It is particularly good on the social and intellectual back- ground. Surprisingly enough, considering that Lefebvre was primarily an economic historian, it also breaks new ground in its account of international relations, and sets the wars of intervention in their true light. The French have a taste for what they call works of synthesis, great general summaries of received knowledge. We might call them textbooks, though of the highest level. At any rate, in its class, whether synthesis or textbook, this is one of the best ever produced.’ A. J. P. Taylor Georges Lefebvre The French Revolution From its origins to 1793 Translated by Elizabeth Moss Evanson With a foreword by Paul H. Beik London and New York La Révolution française was first published in 1930 by Presses Universitaires de France. A new, entirely rewritten, version was published in 1951. The present work is a translation of the first three parts of the revised edition of 1957. First published in the United Kingdom 1962 by Routledge and Kegan Paul First published in Routledge Classics 2001 by Routledge 11 New Fetter Lane, London EC4P 4EE Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group This edition published in the Taylor & Francis e-Library, 2005. “To purchase your own copy of this or any of Taylor & Francis or Routledge’s collection of thousands of eBooks please go to www.eBookstore.tandf.co.uk.” © 1962 Columbia University Press All rights reserved. -
A Voice of Moderation in the Age of Revolutions: Jacques Necker's
1 A Voice of Moderation in the Age of Revolutions: Jacques Necker’s Reflections on Executive Power in Modern Society Aurelian Craiutu Indiana University, Bloomington ABSTRACT. When Auguste de Staël edited Jacques Necker’s complete works in fifteen volumes in 1821, the public was surprised to discover how prolific the former minister of Louis XVI had been. For Necker, the wealthy banker originally from Geneva, was the author not only of a monumental two-volume history of the French Revolution (De la Révolution française, 1796), but also of one of the most important books ever written on the role of the executive power in modern society (Du Pouvoir exécutif dans les grands états, 1792) as well as two important books on religion and politics, De l’importance des opinions religieuses (1788) and Cours de morale religieuse (1800). His final book, Dernières vues de politique et de finance (1802), was the swan’s song of a friend of liberty worried about the prospects for freedom in France and Europe, as Napoleon was getting closer to his dream of exercising absolute power. This paper examines Necker’s work on the executive power in modern society which, I argue, should be mandatory reading for anyone interested in the French Revolution, executive power, balance of powers, and constitutionalism. In Du Pouvoir exécutif dans les grands états Necker restated the fundamental principles of his political moderation and made a strong case for an energetic and limited executive power. He challenged the Rousseauian view according to which the supreme power in a state is the legislative power as an expression of the general will of the people.